time to explore the island. We had some good cider which he had made
out of the fruit from the remains of an old orchard planted by the
Swedish governor. The persons of whom we have before spoken having
left for Upland, Ephraim did not wish to go there because he thought
they would preach; and it being rainy, and no fit boat at hand, we
remained here the whole day. We saw an ox as large as they have in
Friesland or Denmark, and also quite fat--a species of which we have
observed more among the Swedes, and which thrive well. It clearing up
towards evening, we took a canoe and came after dark to Upland. This
is a small village of Swedes, although it is now overrun by English.
We went to the house of the Quaker who had brought us down, and
carried the other persons from Tinakonk. His name was Robert Willemsen
or Weert.[212] We found here the prophetess or _apostle-ess_, with her
company. Among others, there were two widows, who were at variance,
and whom the prophetess with all her authority and spiritual power
could not reconcile, or had not endeavored to do so. They would have
been compelled to have gone before the court, had not Ephraim striven
his best to make them adjust the matter, and brought them to a
settlement. One of these widows, named Anna Salters, lived at Takany,
and was one of those who, when ----[213] gave himself out as the Lord
Jesus, and allowed himself to be carried around on an ass, shouted
Hosanna as he rode over their garments, for which conduct he was
arrested, his tongue bored through with a red-hot iron, and his
forehead branded with a B, for blasphemer. She was not only one of
those, but she anointed his head and feet, and wiped them with her
hair. The other widow, named Lysbeth, was also one of the principal
persons. She lived a little lower down than Takoney, on the same side
of the river. The state of the difference between them was this. They
had agreed between themselves to exchange or barter their
plantations, and each made a writing and each kept her own. Anna
Salters afterwards repented her bargain, and went to Elizabeth, and
desired that each should take back the writing subscribed by her; but
it so happened that Anna Salters went away, having given up hers, and
the other not being then to be found. She had given hers to Elizabeth,
supposing she would afterwards obtain the other; but when she went
again to demand it, Elizabeth said the paper had become wet, and in
her attempting to dry it, was burnt up. It was believed that Elizabeth
had the two writings in her possession, and consequently both
plantations, which, they said, she wanted to sell privately. Whereupon
Anna called upon her to restore either the deed or the plantation.
Elizabeth charged that Anna was indebted to her for a certain amount
of tobacco, which she had taken to England for her, and of which she
had never been able to obtain a correct account. It was really
confusion and rascality. Elizabeth, who was a bad person, appealed
always to some papers which she said she had not with her. Ephraim who
was clerk of both the courts, namely, of Upland and Nieu Castel
[Newcastle],[214] wrote down separately from the beginning the claims
which they set up against each other, and decided that the plantations
should be mutually restored, and the debts balanced, and he made them
agree to it, although Elizabeth was very unwilling. Robbert Weert, who
is the best Quaker we have yet seen, and his wife, who is a good
woman, were both troubled, as they said, as also was the prophetess,
that such things should take place among their people before
strangers, and be settled through them, and when there were other
strangers present. Whereupon Ephraim said, "Who do you suppose we are?
Possibly we are as good Christians as you are." And certainly he
exhibited something more christianly in reconciling and pacifying them
than they who brewed this work had done, or those who would be so very
devout that they would neither speak to them authoritatively nor
admonish them with kindness to any effect. The Lord has caused us to
see this example that we might know that these people are still
covetous, and that almost all of them are attached to the world and to
themselves--that is, they are worldly people, which shows the
holiness of the spirit by which they are actuated! As regards Anna
Salters, it was said she was mundane, carnal, covetous, and artful,
although she appeared to be the most pious. Her sayings and
discussions were continually mixed up with protestations of the
presence and omniscience of God, and upon the salvation of her soul,
so truly gross that if the ordinary boors had talked so, they would
have been punished and expelled. But what are not those people capable
of, who present themselves to be carried away as we have mentioned
above; as well as others in this country, who publish and declare,
one, that she is Mary the mother of the Lord; another, that she is
Mary Magdalen, and others that they are Martha, John, etc.,
scandalizers, as we heard them in a tavern, who not only so called
themselves, but claimed to be really such. For this reason, Mr. Weert
would no longer have them in his house, making them leave, although it
was well in the evening; for the Weerts said they could not endure it.
Indeed, God the Lord will not let that pass by, for it is not far from
blasphemy. He will bring them to justice, if they be of His elect.
[Footnote 212: Robert Wade, who had come out with Fenwick in 1675, and
settled at Salem, N.J., but presently removed to Upland (Chester). He
and his wife were probably the first Quakers in Pennsylvania. Penn
occupied this house when he first landed in 1682, and here the first
assembly of Pennsylvania met.]
[Footnote 213: James Naylor. The episode occurred at Bristol, England,
in 1656. Anna Salters was at that time Anna or Hannah Strayer, whose
conduct in that episode was as here described.]
[Footnote 214: So appointed by Governor Andros in 1676.]
It was very late in the evening, in consequence of this dispute,
before we supped and went to sleep. We were taken to a place to sleep
directly before an open window, to which there was no shutter, so that
it could not be closed, and as the night was very cold, and it froze
hard, we could scarcely keep ourselves warm.
_23d, Thursday._ It was late before we left here, and we therefore had
time to look around a little, and see the remains of the residence of
Madame Papegay, who had had her dwelling here when she left Tinakonk.
We had nowhere seen so many vines together as we saw here, which had
been planted for the purpose of shading the walks on the river side,
in between the trees. The dinner being ready, I was placed at the
table next to the beforenamed prophetess, who while they all sat at
the table, began to groan and quake gradually until at length the
whole bench shook. Then rising up she began to pray, shrieking so that
she could be heard as far as the river. This done, she was quickly in
the dish, and her mouth began immediately to prate worldly and common
talk in which she was not the least ready. When the meal was finished,
Ephraim obtained a horse for himself and his wife, and we followed
him on foot, carrying our travelling bags. Our host took us to the
path, and Ephraim's servant was to act as our guide. In travelling
along we observed the difference between the soil on the North River
and this, and also that this difference was not so great as is usually
asserted. After we had proceeded about three hours, our guide missed
the way, and we had gone a good distance before he became aware of it,
and would have gone on still further if we had not told him that we
thought the course we were going was wrong. We therefore left one
road, and went straight back in search of the other which we at length
found. A man overtook us who was going the same way, and we followed
him. We crossed the Schiltpads Kill,[215] where there was a fall of
water over the rocks, affording a site for a grist-mill which was
erected there. This Schilpads Kil is nothing but a branch or arm of
Christine Kill into which it discharges itself, and is so named on
account of the quantities of tortoises which are found there. Having
crossed it we came to the house of the miller who was a Swede or
Holsteiner whom they usually call Tapoesie. He was short in person,
but a very friendly fellow. Ephraim had told us we would find him such
as we did, for he had ridden there before us. He had, as it appeared,
several well-behaved children, among whom was a little girl who
resembled very much our little Judith in her whole countenance and
figure, and was about the same age, and had she met us by our house, I
should have considered her Judith. Her name was Anne Mary. We were
welcome here, and were entertained according to the man's
circumstances.
[Footnote 215: Turtle Creek, now Shelpot Creek. At its falls the
Swedes had built a mill in 1662.]
_24th, Friday._ Ephraim having some business here, we did not leave
very speedily. This miller had shot an animal they call a muskrat, the
skin of which we saw hanging up to dry. He told us they were numerous
in the creeks. We asked them why they gave them that name, and he said
because they smelt so, especially their testicles, which he had
preserved of this one, and gave my comrade, remarking that they were
intended for some amateur or other, and he could do little with them.
The muskrat is not larger than the common rat. It has gray hair, and
the fleece is sometimes sold with other peltries, but it is not worth
much, although it has some odor. It was about noon when we were set
across the creek in a canoe. We proceeded thence a small distance over
land to a place where the fortress of Christine[216] had stood which
had been constructed and possessed by the Swedes, but taken by the
Dutch governor, Stuvesant, and afterwards, I believe, demolished by
the English. We went into a house here belonging to some Swedes, with
whom Ephraim had some business. We were then taken over Christine
Creek in a canoe, and landed at the spot where Stuyvesant threw up his
battery to attack the fort, and compelled them to surrender.[217] At
this spot there are many medlar trees which bear good fruit from which
one Jaquet,[218] who does not live far from there, makes good brandy
or spirits, which we tasted and found even better than French brandy.
Ephraim obtained a horse at this Jaket's, and rode on towards
Santhoek, now Newcastle, and we followed him on foot, his servant
leading the way. We arrived about four o'clock at Ephraim's house,
where we congratulated each other, and were glad, thanking the Lord in
our hearts for His constantly accompanying grace. We found here the
young brother of the wife with the servant, who had come with the
horses from the falls overland, and had been at the house several
days. We also saw here Ephraim's sister, Miss Margaret Hermans,[219]
who showed us much kindness. She was a little volatile, but of a sweet
and good disposition. She had been keeping house during the absence of
Ephraim. Truly the Lord has in all these things been very good to us,
for we knew not where to go, and He has directed us among these
people, who have done out of love what they have shown us. We knew not
where to lodge, and He has provided us lodgings where we were so free
and had, according to the circumstances of the time, what we desired.
We hope and doubt not the Lord will visit that house in grace, and
even gives us some assurances in what we have seen.
[Footnote 216: The creek mentioned was Brandywine Creek. Fort
Christina stood on a part of the present site of Wilmington, Delaware.
For the Dutch conquest of it in 1655, see _Narratives of New
Netherland_, in this series, pp. 379-386, and _Narratives of Early
Pennsylvania_, pp. 167-176.]
[Footnote 217: Fort Christina stood on the north side of Christina
Creek. Stuyvesant's main battery was erected behind the fort, on the
land or north side of it, but he also had works on the opposite or
south side of Christina Creek. Lindstrom's original plan of the siege
may be seen reproduced in Dr. Amandus Johnson's _The Swedish
Settlements on the Delaware_, II. 602.]
[Footnote 218: Jean Paul Jaquet was vice-director on the Delaware
during the initial period of Dutch control, 1655-1657.]
[Footnote 219: Anna Margareta, eldest of the three daughters of
Augustine Herrman of Bohemia Manor. She afterward married Matthias
Vanderheyden.]
_25th, Saturday._ We rested a little to-day. Ephraim and his wife and
we ourselves had several visits from different persons who came to
welcome us, as Mons. Jan Moll,[220] whom we had conversed with in New
York, and who now offered us his house and all things in it, even
pressing them upon us. But we were not only contented with our present
circumstances, but we considered that we should not be doing right to
leave Ephraim's house without reason. We therefore thanked him, but
nevertheless in such a manner, that we took notice of his kindness,
and answered accordingly. Pieter Aldrix also showed us much attention,
as did others, to all of whom we returned our thanks. We went out to
view this little place, which is not of much moment, consisting of
only forty or fifty houses. There is a fine prospect from it, as it
lies upon a point of the river where I took a sketch.[221]
[Footnote 220: Presiding justice of the court at Newcastle. See
_post_, p. 144.]
[Footnote 221: This Newcastle sketch seems not to have survived.]
_26th, Sunday._ We went to the church, but the minister, Tessemaker,
who has to perform service in three places, over the river, at the
Sandhook, and at Apoquemene,[222] was to-day over the river, and there
was, therefore, nothing done, except what was done by a poor limping
clerk, as he was a cripple and poor in body. He read from a book a
sermon, or short explanation, and sang and made a prayer, if it may be
called such, and then the people went home. In the afternoon there was
a prelection again about the catechism.
[Footnote 222: Appoquinimink Creek, in the lower part of Newcastle
County, Delaware.]
_27th, Monday._ The weather was sharp and windy. We had intended to
proceed on our journey but we could not very well do so. My comrade
had also been indisposed in the night. We therefore waited for the
opportunity which the Lord would present. Meanwhile we had another
visit. Ephraim advised us to wait a day or two until his brother,
Kasparus Herman,[223] whom he expected there, should arrive, and who
would conduct us farther into Maryland.
[Footnote 223: Kasparus Herrman, second son of Augustine Herrman of
Bohemia Manor. Andros in 1676 had confirmed him in the possession of
lands on the northeast side of Augustine Creek in Delaware, a part of
St. Augustine Manor (see note 2 on page 112), and here we may assume
that he was living, near Reedy Isle.]
_28th, Tuesday._ Little transpired while we were waiting to-day,
except that we spoke to several persons of the way of the Lord, and
particularly to the sister of Ephraim, Miss Margaret, who received
with some favor what was said to her, and also to Ephraim and his
wife, who we hope will bring forth the seed the Lord has sown in them,
in His own time.
_29th, Wednesday._ We were still waiting, although Ephraim had sent
for his brother; but we obtained tidings that he had gone to Maryland,
and was coming back home immediately, as he had gone to visit his
father who lives at the entrance into Maryland and was sick.
_30th, Thursday._ The weather had been cold and windy, but had now
cleared up; so that some of the servants of Kasparus came, who
confirmed the account that their master had gone to Maryland, but they
were expecting him home. Whereupon Mons. Moll, who had to go to one of
his plantations lying on the road leading to Kasparus's house,
requested us to accompany him, so that the servants of Kasparus on
their return home would find us at his place and take us on to the
house of Kasparus. We accordingly started, Mr. Moll riding on
horseback and we following him on foot, carrying our travelling sacks,
but sometimes exchanging with him, and thus also riding a part of the
way. This plantation of his is situated about fifteen miles from the
Sandhook. It was about ten o'clock in the morning when we took leave
of our friends and left. We passed through a tolerably good country,
but the soil was a little sandy, and it was three o'clock in the
afternoon when we reached the plantation. There were no persons there
except some servants and negroes, the commander being a Parisian. The
dwellings were very badly appointed, especially for such a man as
Mons. Moll. There was no place to retire to, nor a chair to sit on, or
a bed to sleep on. For their usual food the servants have nothing but
maize bread to eat, and water to drink, which sometimes is not very
good and scarcely enough for life, yet they are compelled to work
hard. They are brought from England in great numbers into Maryland,
Virginia and the Menades and sold each one according to his condition,
for a certain term of years, four, five, six, seven or more. And thus
they are by hundreds of thousands compelled to spend their lives here
and in Virginia and elsewhere in planting that vile tobacco, which all
vanishes into smoke, and is for the most part miserably abused.[224]
It is the chief article of trade in the country. If they only wished
it they could have everything for the support of life in abundance,
for they have land and opportunity sufficient for that end; but this
insatiable avarice must be fed and sustained by the bloody sweat of
these poor slaves. After we had supped, Mr. Moll, who would be civil,
wished us to lie upon a bed that was there, and he would lie upon a
bench, which we declined; and as this continued some length of time I
lay down on a heap of maize, and he and my comrade afterwards did the
same. This was very uncomfortable and chilly, but it had to go so.
[Footnote 224: Great numbers of indented white servants came into
Maryland, Delaware, and Pennsylvania. See E.I. MacCormac, _White
Servitude in Maryland_, in _Johns Hopkins University Studies_, XXII.]
DECEMBER _1st, Friday._ Mr. Moll wishing to do us every kindness, as
he indeed did do many, wrote addresses which might be serviceable to
us in Maryland, for he was not only very well known there, but had
influence among the people by reason of the trade they had with each
other, and of his being a member of the court, and having some
authority. He also gave us some letters of recommendation and credit
in case we might have any necessity for the latter, in all which he
indeed showed he had an affection for us. After we had breakfasted,
the servants of Kasparus not having arrived, he himself conducted us
to one of the nearest plantations where his cooper was, who had also
something to do for Kasparus, and would conduct us farther on, as took
place; and we arrived about three o'clock at the house of Kasparus.
But he had not yet come home nor had the servants arrived, for whom we
had been waiting.
_2d, Saturday._ We waited here all this day, and had time and
opportunity to explore this place, which they call St. Augustine.[225]
We found that it was well situated, and would not badly suit us.
There are large and good meadows and marshes near it, and the soil is
quite good. It has much good timber and a very fine prospect, for
looking from the strand you can see directly south into the mouth of
the bay, as this place lies on the west side of the river in a bend.
There is much land attached to it, which he purchased from the Indians
for almost nothing, or nothing to signify. Towards evening two
Englishmen and a Quaker stopped here to pass the night who were also
going to Maryland.
[Footnote 225: This was one of Augustine Herrman's estates. His
possessions included Bohemia Manor and Little Bohemia (acquired in
1662), St. Augustine's Manor (1671), and Misfortune, or the Three
Bohemian Sisters (1682). All lay in the region between Elk River and
the Delaware. Bohemia Manor was the tract in present Maryland between
Bohemia River (and Great Bohemia Creek) and Back Creek, Little Bohemia
that between Great and Little Bohemia Creek, the Three Bohemia Sisters
a tract north of Back Creek, and St. Augustine, the tract in present
Delaware east of Bohemia Manor and extending from St. George's Creek
or the present line of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal southward to
Appoquinnimink or perhaps Blackbird Creek. The tract which the
Labadists afterward purchased lay in the southeast part of Bohemia
Manor, east of the manor-house, and on the north side of Great Bohemia
Creek. Their house was still standing a few years ago. Our travellers
had gone down the Delaware River some fifteen miles from Newcastle,
and were now near the present Port Penn, Delaware.]
_3d, Sunday._ The Englishmen left this morning at daylight, and after
breakfast we determined also to leave, delivering a letter, which
Ephraim had given us for his brother, to his wife. We started at nine
o'clock, and followed a large broad wagon road, which Kasparus had
made through the woods, from his house to his father's, who lived in
the uppermost part of Maryland, that is, as high up as it is yet
inhabited by Christians. This road is about twenty-two miles long, and
runs almost due west, but a little more northerly than southerly.[226]
When we were about half way we met Kasparus on horseback with a cart,
his wife having described him to us. We told him we had been to his
house waiting for him, and had left a letter there for him from his
brother. He regretted, he said, he had not known it and was not at
home, but he hoped, and so did we, that we should be able to converse
together on our return, and with this we pursued our respective roads.
It was very warm to-day, and we were all in a perspiration. We reached
Augustynus Hermans[227] the father of these two brothers, about three
o'clock. This Augustynus Hermans is a Bohemian, and formerly lived on
the Manathans, and had possessed farms or plantations there, but for
some reason, I know not what, disagreeing with the Dutch governor,
Stuyvesant, he repaired to this place, which is laid down upon a
complete map, which he has made of Maryland and Virginia, where he is
very well acquainted, which map he has dedicated to the king. In
consequence of his having done the people of these two countries a
great service, he has been presented with a tract of land of about a
thousand or twelve hundred acres, which he, knowing where the best
land was, has chosen up here, and given it the name of Bohemia.[228]
It is a noble piece of land, indeed the best we have seen in all our
journey south, having large, thick, and high trees, much black walnut
and chestnut, as tall and straight as a reed.
[Footnote 226: In 1671 the New York authorities ordered those at
Newcastle to clear one-half of a road from there to Augustine
Herrman's plantation, the Marylanders having agreed to clear the other
half. In a rare tract, _Copies of some Records and Depositions
Relating to the Great Bohemia Manor_ (1721), Herrman van Barkelo, an
elderly resident, describing the "old Highway Road or Delaware Path
about Thirty eight Years ago," and giving some reminiscences of
Ephraim Herrman about the same time (1683), when the deponent lived
with the Labadists on Bohemia Manor, adds that as he then "travelled
the ... Delaware Road, ... he observed the Trees marked or notched
along the said Delaware Road Sides, that the Notches seemed to him to
be made about Eight or Ten Years before that Time."]
[Footnote 227: See the Introduction, p. xvii. Augustine Herrman, born
in Prague in 1608, seems to have resided at New Amsterdam most of the
time from 1633 to 1659. In the latter year he was sent on an embassy
into Maryland. His journal of that embassy is printed in _Narratives
of Early Maryland_, in this series, pp. 309-333. From 1662 to his
death in 1686 he lived on his estates in Maryland, already described,
and was the great man of northeastern Maryland. His house stood till
1815, when it was destroyed by fire.]
[Footnote 228: Twenty thousand acres, rather, or perhaps twenty-four
thousand. The map, one of the finest ever executed in English America
in the seventeenth century, is entitled _Virginia and Maryland, As it
is Planted and Inhabited this present Year 1670 Surveyed and Exactly
Drawne by the Only Labour and Endeavour of Augustin Herrman
Bohemiensis_. It was engraved by Faithorne. Only one copy is now
known, that in the British Museum. A facsimile was lately published by
Mr. P. Lee Phillips (Washington, 1911).]