Ephraim would not ride over the fall, on account of the current of
water, which made it dangerous. He, therefore, determined after
breakfast we should be set across in a canoe, and the horses should
swim across, as they did. We reached the other side about nine
o'clock, and proceeded on horseback. The road from here to the falls
of the South River, runs for the most part W.S.W., and then W. It is
nothing but a foot-path for men and horses, between the trees and
through the small shrubs, although we came to places where there were
large plains, beset with a few trees, and grown over with long grass,
which was not the worst. When you have ridden a piece of the way, you
can see over the lands of the Nevesink, far off on the left hand, into
the ocean, affording a fine view. The land we rode over was neither
the best, nor the worst. The woods consist of reasonably straight oak
and hickory, with some chestnut, but they are not very close. They
would, therefore, afford tolerably good tillable land; but we observed
the best pieces lay here and there, along the creeks. We saw many deer
running before us, out of the road, sometimes five or six together,
starting off at the sound of the horses. When about half way, you come
to a high, but very rocky hill, which is very difficult for man or
beast to walk upon. After crossing it, you come to a large valley, the
descent to which, from this hill, is very steep, by a very shrubby
road; and you must dismount, in order to lead your horses down
carefully, as well as to descend carefully yourselves. We were in the
middle of this valley, when a company met us on horseback, from the
South River. They were acquaintances of Ephraim, and some of them were
his relations. They wished each other welcome, and mutually inquired
after various matters, after which we separated, exchanging one of our
horses, which Ephraim's brother rode, and was to be sent back to the
Manathans, for one of theirs, which must return to the South River. We
rode on a little further, and came to Millstone River again, which
runs so crookedly, that you cross it at three different places. After
we crossed it now, we took the bridles from the horses, in order that
they might eat something, while we sat down and dined together, upon
what we had in our travelling bags. We remounted in about an hour, and
rode on, continuing our way and course as before. About three o'clock
we came again to Millstone River, which we again waded over, but it
had gradually become smaller. Resuming our route, we arrived at the
falls of the South River about sundown, passing a creek where a new
grist-mill was erected by the Quakers, who live hereabouts in great
numbers, and daily increase.[193] But it seemed to us as if this mill
could not stand long, especially if the flow of water were heavy,
because the work was not well arranged. We rode over here, and went
directly to the house of the person who had constructed it, who was a
Quaker, where we dismounted, and willingly dismissed our horses. The
house was very small, and from the incivility of the inmates and the
unfitness of the place, we expected poor lodgings. As it was still
daylight, and we had heard so much of the falls of the South River,
or, at least, we ourselves had imagined it, we went back to the river,
in order to look at them; but we discovered we had deceived ourselves
in our ideas. We had supposed it was a place, where the water came
tumbling down in great quantity and force from a great height above,
over a rock into an abyss, as the word _falls_ would seem to imply,
and as we had heard and read of the falls of the North River, and
other rivers. But these falls of the South River are nothing more than
a place of about two English miles in length, or not so much, where
the river is full of stones, almost across it, which are not very
large, but in consequence of the shallowness, the water runs rapidly
and breaks against them, causing some noise, but not very much, which
place, if it were necessary, could be made navigable on one side. As
no Europeans live above the falls, they may so remain. This miller's
house is the highest up the river, hitherto inhabited. Here we had to
lodge; and although we were too tired to eat, we had to remain sitting
upright the whole night, not being able to find room enough to lie
upon the ground. We had a fire, however, but the dwellings are so
wretchedly constructed, that if you are not so close to the fire as
almost to burn yourself, you cannot keep warm, for the wind blows
through them everywhere. Most of the English, and many others, have
their houses made of nothing but clapboards, as they call them there,
in this manner: they first make a wooden frame, the same as they do in
Westphalia, and at Altena,[194] but not so strong; they then split the
boards of clapwood, so that they are like cooper's pipe staves, except
they are not bent. These are made very thin, with a large knife, so
that the thickest end is about as thick as a little finger, and the
other is made sharp, like the edge of a knife. They are about five or
six feet long, and are nailed on the outside of the frame, with the
ends lapped over each other. They are not usually laid so close
together, as to prevent you from sticking a finger between them, in
consequence either of their not being well joined, or the boards being
crooked. When it is cold and windy the best people plaster them with
clay. Such are almost all the English houses in the country, except
those they have which were built by people of other nations. Now this
house was new and airy; and as the night was very windy from the
north, and extremely cold with clear moonshine, I shall not readily
forget it. Ephraim and his wife obtained a bed; but we passed through
the night without sleeping much.
[Footnote 193: In 1675 the moiety of Berkeley and Carteret's grant
called West New Jersey came into the hands of three English Friends,
Penn, Lawrie, and Lucas, as trustees. In the four years since that
time more than a thousand Friends had settled in the province. The
owner of the mill was Mablon Stacey, a Yorkshire Quaker, who had just
built it, on Assanpink Creek, in what is now Trenton.]
[Footnote 194: The Labadists had dwelt at Herford in Westphalia from
1670 to 1672, and at Altona in Holstein from 1672 to 1675.]
_18th, Saturday._ About ten o'clock, after we had breakfasted, we
stepped into a boat, in order to proceed on our journey down the
river. The ebb tide was half run out. Although there is not much flood
tide here, as it is stopped by the falls, yet, the water rises and
falls with the ebb or flood, or through the ebb or flood, because the
water, although it runs down, increases through the flood, in
consequence of its being forced up, and is diminished with the ebb,
because the ebb gives it so much the more course to run down. We went
along, then, moving with the tide; but as Ephraim was suffering with
the quartan ague, and it was now its time to come on, we had to go and
lie by the banks of the river, in order to make a fire, as he could
not endure the cold in the boat. This continued for about an hour and
a half. The water was then rising, and we had to row against the
current to Borlinghton [Burlington], leaving the island of
Matinakonk[195] lying on the right hand. This island, formerly,
belonged to the Dutch governor, who had made it a pleasure ground or
garden, built good houses upon it, and sowed and planted it. He also
dyked and cultivated a large piece of meadow or marsh, from which he
gathered more grain than from any land which had been made from
woodland into tillable land. The English governor at the Manathans now
held it for himself, and had hired it out to some Quakers, who were
living upon it at present. It is the best and largest island in the
South River; and is about four English miles in length, and two in
breadth. It lies nearest to the east side of the river. At the end of
this island lies the Quakers' village, Borlington, which east side of
the river the Quakers have entirely in their possession, but how they
came into its possession, we will show in another place.[196] Before
arriving at this village, we stopped at the house of one Jacob
Hendrix, from Holstein, living on this side. He was an acquaintance of
Ephraim, who would have gone there to lodge, but he was not at home.
We, therefore, rowed on to the village, in search of lodgings, for it
had been dark all of an hour or more; but proceeding a little further,
we met this Jacob Hendrix, in a canoe with hay. As we were now at the
village, we went up to the tavern, but there were no lodgings to be
obtained there, whereupon we reembarked in the boat, and rowed back to
Jacob Hendrix's, who received us very kindly, and entertained us
according to his ability. The house, although not much larger than
where we were the last night, was somewhat better and tighter, being
made according to the Swedish mode, and as they usually build their
houses here, which are block-houses, being nothing else than entire
trees, split through the middle, or squared out of the rough, and
placed in the form of a square, upon each other, as high as they wish
to have the house; the ends of these timbers are let into each other,
about a foot from the ends, half of one into half of the other. The
whole structure is thus made, without a nail or a spike. The ceiling
and roof do not exhibit much finer work, except among the most careful
people, who have the ceiling planked and a glass window. The doors are
wide enough, but very low, so that you have to stoop in entering.
These houses are quite tight and warm; but the chimney is placed in a
corner. My comrade and myself had some deer skins, spread upon the
floor to lie on, and we were, therefore, quite well off, and could get
some rest. It rained hard during the night, and snowed and froze, and
continued so until the
_19th, Sunday_, and for a considerable part of the day, affording
little prospect of our leaving. At noon the weather improved, and
Ephraim having something to do at Borlinton, we accompanied him there
in the boat. We went into the meeting of the Quakers, who went to work
very unceremoniously and loosely. What they uttered was mostly in one
tone, and the same thing, and so it continued, until we were tired
out, and went away. We tasted here, for the first time, peach brandy,
or spirits, which was very good, but would have been better if it had
been more carefully made. Ephraim remained there for the evening, and
we returned back to our former lodgings, where we slept on a good bed,
the same that Ephraim and his wife had the night before. This gave us
great comfort, and recruited us greatly.
[Footnote 195: Matinnaconk Island lies in the Delaware River between
Bordentown an Burlington.]
[Footnote 196: See _post_, pp. 154-156.]
[Illustration: THE NORTHEAST PORTION OF AUGUSTINE HERRMAN'S MAP OF
MARYLAND, 1673
From Mr. P.L. Phillips's facsimile]
_20th, Monday._ We went again to the village this morning, and entered
the ordinary exhorters' house, where we breakfasted with Quakers, but
the most worldly of men in all their deportment and conversation. We
found lying upon the window a volume of Virgil, as if it were a common
hand-book, and also Helmont's book on _Medicine_,[197] whom, in an
introduction, which they have made to it, they make pass for one of
their sect, although in his life time he did not know anything about
Quakers; and if they had been in the world, or should have come into
it, while he lived, he would quickly have said, no, to them; but it
seems these people will make all those who have had any genius, in any
respect, more than common, pass for theirs; which is certainly great
pride, wishing to place themselves far above all others; whereas, the
most of them, whom I have seen as yet, are miserably self-minded, in
physical and religious knowledge. It was then about ten o'clock, and
it was almost noon before we left. The boat in which we had come as
far as there with its owner, who intended to return in it, was
exchanged for another, belonging to Oplant [Upland],[198] of which a
Quaker was master, who was going down with several others of the same
class; but as it was half ebb tide, and the shallop was lying far up
in the mud, no one of these zealous people was willing to bring her
through it, into the water. Ephraim, in order to get started, and to
shame them, did not hesitate long, and followed by his servant and
both of us, very soon had the boat afloat in the water. Pursuing our
journey, we arrived about two o'clock at the house of another Quaker,
on the west side of the river, where we stopped to eat our dinner and
dry ourselves. We left there in an hour, rowing our best against the
flood tide, until, at dark, we came to Takany,[199] a village of
Swedes and Finns, situated on the west side of the river. Ephraim
being acquainted, and having business here, we were all well received,
and slept upon a parcel of deer skins. We drank very good beer here,
brewed by the Swedes, who, although they have come to America, have
not left behind them their old customs.
[Footnote 197: Jean Baptiste van Helmont (1577-1644), an eminent
Belgian chemist, physiologist, and physician. Of his collected
writings, _Ortus Medicinae_, there were many editions and
translations, and one of the English versions may have been edited
with sympathy by a Quaker, for with much scientific acuteness Van
Helmont combined much mystical philosophy.]
[Footnote 198: Chester, Pennsylvania.]
[Footnote 199: Tacony, Philadelphia County.]
_21st, Tuesday._ The tide falling, we set out with the day, and rowed
during the whole ebb and part of the flood, until two or three
o'clock, when we arrived at the island of Tynakonk,[200] the fifth we
had passed. Matinakonk and this Tinakonk are the principal islands,
and the best and the largest. The others are of little importance, and
some of them, whose names we do not know, are all meadow and marsh,
others are only small bushes. The pleasantest thing about them is,
they afford an agreeable view and a variety to the traveller, and a
little _divertissement_ to those who go up and down the river; also
some conveniences for fishing in the river, and other accommodations
for the planters.
[Footnote 200: Tinicum Island, a few miles below the present site of
Philadelphia (which, it should be remembered, was not founded till
1682). On this island the Swedish governor Johan Printz had in 1643
built his stronghold of Nya Goeteborg, or New Gothenburg, and his
mansion; and here, after his return to Sweden, his daughter Armegot
Printz, wife of his lieutenant and temporary successor Johan Papegoia,
lived from 1654 to 1662, and from 1673 to 1675.]
This Tinakonk is the island of which M. Arnout de La Grange[201] had
said so much; but we were much disappointed in comparing it with what
he had represented, and what M. La Motte has written about it. The
first mistake is in the name, which is not Matinakonk--the name rather
of the island of which we have spoken before--but Tinakonk. It lies on
the west side of the river, and is separated from the west shore, not
as he said, by a wide running branch of the river, as wide as the
Eemster, near Amsterdam, but by a small creek, as wide as a large
ditch, running through a meadow. It is long and covered with bushes,
and inside somewhat marshy. It is about two miles long, or a little
more, and a mile and a half wide. Although there are not less miles
than he said, he did not say they were English miles, which are only
one-fourth the length of Dutch miles, of fifteen to a degree. The
southwest point, which only has been and is still cultivated, is
barren, scraggy, and sandy, growing plenty of wild onions, a weed not
easily eradicated. On this point three or four houses are standing,
built by the Swedes, a little Lutheran church made of logs,[202] and
the remains of the large block-house, which served them in place of a
fortress, with the ruins of some log huts. This is the whole of the
manor. The best and pleasantest quality it has, is the prospect, which
is very agreeable, and one of the principal things for which Mons. La
Motte recommends it, namely, _belle videre_. I have made a sketch of
it, according to my ability.[203] But as to there being a mine of iron
ore upon it, I have not seen any upon that island, or elsewhere; and
if it were so, it is of no great importance, for such mines are so
common in this country, that little account is made of them. Although
Ephraim had told us every thing in regard to the condition of the
land, as well as the claim which Mons. de La Grange makes to it, yet
we ourselves have observed the former, and have ascertained the
latter, from a person who now resides there, which is as follows: When
the Swedish colony was flourishing under its own government, this
island belonged to a Mr. Papegay [Papegoia], the Swedish governor, who
lived upon it, and cultivated it, the church and the fort still
existing there as monuments to prove the fact. Although the Swedes
have had fortresses, from time to time, in several other places, at
this time, this was called New Gottenburg. This governor died leaving
a widow;[204] and she, Madam Papegay, sold the island, which was then
very flourishing, to the father of de La Grange, for six thousand
guilders, in the money of Holland, though the person who now lives
upon it says it was seven thousand guilders, to be paid in several
installments, here in New Netherland. Some of the first payments were
duly made by de La Grange, but the last two, I think, he was not so
ready to make, as he had to procure the money from Holland, and that,
I know not why, did not come. Thereupon Mons. de La Grange determined
to go to Holland himself, and bring the money with him; but he died on
the voyage, and the payments were not made. It remained so for a long
time, and at length the widow Papegay cited the widow de La Grange
before the court, claiming as her right, payment in full, or
restitution of the land, as de La Grange had been in possession of the
land for some years, and had enjoyed the profits, and the time for the
last payment had also expired some years before. In the mean time
comes one M. La Motte, who it seems was to assist Madam de La Grange,
either by discharging the debt or by defending the suit, and in order
the better to do so, he buys the island from the widow de La Grange,
seeking her also in marriage. But as Madam Papegay persevered, and the
affair of Mons. La Motte and the widow de La Grange came to nothing,
and on the other hand the widow de La Grange could not deliver the
land to La Motte, and La Motte could not pay, the widow de La Grange
was therefore condemned to restore the island to Madam Papegay, and
pay her costs, and also to pay the income which she had received from
the island for the time she had lived upon it, and for the buildings
which she had allowed to go to waste. Madam de La Grange, conceiving
this decree to be unjust, appealed to the high court--the country
having in the mean time been taken by the English--and was again
condemned, and therefore, had to deliver up the land.[205] Now, in
this last war with Sweden,[206] Madam Papegay, who has two brothers in
Sweden, in the service of the crown,[207] was sent for by them to come
home, whereupon, she sold the island to Mr. Otto Kuif[208] a
Holsteiner, who now lives upon it, for fifteen hundred guilders in
_zeewant_, as it was very much decayed and worn out. This is three
hundred guilders in the money of Holland. Hereupon, Madam Papegay
delivered full possession thereof to this Otto. Now, M. Arnout de La
Grange, as heir of his father, when he was here last year laid claim
to the island from Mr. Otto, who told him he did not know him in the
matter, and if M. de La Grange had any lawful claim, he must not apply
to him, but to the court, as his possession was under its judgment;
but if M. de La Grange wished to buy it from him, he would let him
have it for three hundred pounds sterling, or as they might agree.
Whereupon, de La Grange flew into a passion, and threatened to appeal
to London. "That you can do," said Otto, "if you have money enough.
All this affects me not, since I have bought and paid for it, and have
been put in possession of it by order of the court." De La Grange has
not proposed to purchase the island again of Mr. Otto, although he
could do it very favorably, notwithstanding Mr. Otto asked so much for
it. Ephraim told me that Mr. Otto had said to him, confidentially,
that in case he could obtain for it what it had cost him, he would let
it go, as he had other land lying elsewhere, and that he had asked so
much for it, merely to hear what he [de La Grange] would say, and in
order to scare him. Should you lay out three hundred guilders in
Holland for merchandise, and sell it here, which usually yields an
hundred per cent. profit, or is so reckoned in barter, you could have
this island almost for nothing, or at least for very little. But there
is better land to be bought cheaper. De La Grange has let this slip
by, and it seems as if he had not much inclination to stir the subject
any more. He has given me to understand that he disregards it, or at
least regards it as little now, as he formerly prized and valued it;
as indeed he shows, for he has now bought land on Christina Creek,
consisting of two or three old plantations, which, perhaps, are not
much better than this island, and cost him enough. He has obtained
another piece from the governor, lying between Burlington and the
falls, on the west side, but will not accomplish much with it. I
forgot to mention that de La Grange, four years ago when he was in
Holland, gave one Mr. Peter Aldrix,[209] who now resides on the South
River, and is one of the members of the court, authority to make this
man deliver the island to him, which Aldrix refused, and advised him
that he was well assured he could not accomplish anything with it. Yet
to satisfy La Grange he laid the matter before Mr. Otto, who gave him
the same answer he had given La Grange. As I understand and have
heard, La Grange bases his claim under the English law, that the son
is the heir of the father's possessions; but the possession of the
father being disputed, and he himself disinherited by two courts, the
claim is null and of no value.[210]
[Footnote 201: Here and in many other places the diarist spells the
name Grangie.]
[Footnote 202: Built by Governor Printz in 1646.]
[Footnote 203: This sketch is not preserved with the manuscript.]
[Footnote 204: Papegoia returned to Sweden in 1656, but did not die
till 1667.]
[Footnote 205: This suit of Madame de La Grange against Madame
Papegoia took place at New York in 1672.]
[Footnote 206: The Scanian War, 1675-1679.]
[Footnote 207: Her only brother, it appears, had died. But she had
three sons in the Swedish military and naval service in 1675.]
[Footnote 208: Otto Ernst Koch or Kock, a justice of the peace of the
court held at Upland during this period when the region on the right
bank of the Delaware River was under the administration of the Duke of
York.]
[Footnote 209: Peter Alrichs, a Dutchman of Nykerk near Groningen, had
been commandant of the region during the brief Dutch reoccupation of
1673-1674, and was now a justice of the Newcastle court. He was a
nephew of Jacob Alrichs, governor of the region 1657-1659, under the
rule of the city of Amsterdam.]
[Footnote 210: In the next year, 1681, Arnoldus de La Grange sued Kock
in the Upland court. The case was postponed "by reason that there's
noe court without Justice Otto, whoe is a party," and, under Penn's
government, was decided in favor of La Grange in 1683.]
When we arrived at this island, we were welcomed by Mr. Otto, late
_medicus_, and entertained at his house according to his condition,
although he lives poorly enough. In the evening there also arrived
three Quakers, of whom one was their greatest prophetess, who travels
through the whole country in order to _quake_. She lives in Maryland,
and forsakes husband and children, plantation and all, and goes off
for this purpose. She had been to Boston, and was there arrested by
the authorities on account of her quakery. This worthy personage came
here in the house where we were, although Ephraim avoided her.[211]
They sat by the fire, and drank a dram of rum with each other, and in
a short time afterwards began to shake and groan so, that we did not
know what had happened, and supposed they were going to preach, but
nothing came out of it. I could not endure them, and went out of
doors. They left for Upland, which is three or four miles from there
on the same side of the river, in the same boat in which we came.
[Footnote 211: Probably this was Alice Gary, formerly Alice Ambrose,
who in 1662 had been whipped at Dover and Hampton, N.H., and
Salisbury, Mass., and in 1665 had been punished at Boston, along with
Wenlock Christison. She now lived on West River, in Maryland.]