CHAPTER II

SELKIRK, THE COLONIZER

From the north and west of Scotland have come two types of men with

whom every schoolboy is now familiar. One of these has been on many a

battlefield. He is the brawny Highland warrior, with buckled tartan

flung across his shoulder, gay in pointed plume and filibeg. The other

is seen in many a famous picture of the hill-country--the Highland

shepherd, wrapped in his plaid, with staff in hand and long-haired dog

by his side, guarding his flock in silent glen, by still-running burn,

or out upon the lonely brae.

But in Thomas Douglas's day such types of Highland life were very

recent factors in Scottish history. They did not appear, indeed, until

after the battle of Culloden and the failure of the Rebellion of 1745.

Loyalty, firm and unbending, has always been a characteristic of the

mountaineer. The {10} Highlanders held to the ancient house of Stuart

which had been dethroned. George II of England was repudiated by most

of them as a 'wee, wee German Lairdie.' More than thirty thousand

claymores flashed at the beck of Charles Edward, the Stuart prince,

acclaimed as 'King o' the Highland hearts.' When the uprising had been

quelled and Charles Edward had become a fugitive with a price on his

head, little consideration could be expected from the house of Hanover.

The British government decided that, once and for all, the power of the

clans should be broken.

For centuries the chief strength of the Highland race had lain in the

clan. By right of birth every Highlander belonged to a sept or clan.

His overlord was an elected chief, whom he was expected to obey under

all circumstances. This chief led in war and exercised a wide

authority over his people. Just below him were the tacksmen, who were

more nearly related to him than were the ordinary clansmen. Every

member of the clan had some land; indeed, each clansman had the same

rights to the soil as the chief himself enjoyed. The Highlander dwelt

in a humble shealing; but, however poor, he {11} gloried in his

independence. He grew his own corn and took it to the common mill; he

raised fodder for his black, shaggy cattle which roamed upon the rugged

hillsides or in the misty valleys; his women-folk carded wool sheared

from his own flock, spun it, and wove the cloth for bonnet, kilt, and

plaid. When his chief had need of him, the summons was vivid and

picturesque. The Fiery Cross was carried over the district by swift

messengers who shouted a slogan known to all; and soon from every

quarter the clansmen would gather at the appointed meeting-place.

The clans of the Highlands had led a wild, free life, but their dogged

love for the Stuart cause brought to them desolation and ruin. By one

stroke the British government destroyed the social fabric of centuries.

From the farthest rock of the storm-wasted Orkneys to the narrow home

of Clan Donald in Argyllshire, the ban of the government was laid on

the clan organization. Worst of all, possession of the soil was given,

not to the many clansmen, but to the chiefs alone.

While the old chiefs remained alive, little real hardship was

inflicted. They were {12} wedded to the old order of things, and left

it unchanged. With their successors, however, began a new era. These

men had come under the influence of the south, whither they had gone

for education, to correct the rudeness of their Highland manners. On

their return to their native country they too often held themselves

aloof from the uncouth dwellers in the hills. The mysterious love of

the Gael for his kith and kin had left them; they were no longer to

their dependants as fathers to children. More especially had these

Saxon-bred lordlings fallen a prey to the commercial ideas of the

south. It was trying for them to possess the nominal dignity of

landlords without the money needed to maintain their rank. They were

bare of retinue, shabby in equipage, and light of purse. They saw but

one solution of their difficulty. Like their English and Lowland

brethren, they must increase the rents upon their Highland estates. So

it came about that the one-time clansmen, reduced to mere tenants,

groaned for the upkeep of their overlords.

Nor did this end the misfortunes of the clansmen. An attractive lure

was held out to the new generation of chieftains, and greed and avarice

were to triumph. Southern {13} speculators had been rambling over the

Highlands, eager to exploit the country. These men had seen a land of

grass and heather, steep crag, and winter snow. Observing that the

country was specially adapted to the raising of sheep, they sought by

offering high rents to acquire land for sheep-walks. Thus, through the

length and breadth of the Highlands, great enclosures were formed for

the breeding of sheep. Where many crofters had once tilled the soil,

only a lone shepherd was now found, meditating on scenes of desolation.

Ruined dwellings and forsaken hamlets remained to tell the tale. Human

beings had been evicted: sheep had become the 'devourers of men.' In

many parts of the Highlands the inhabitants, driven from mountain

homes, were forced to eke out a meagre existence on narrow strips of

land by the seashore, where they pined and where they half-starved on

the fish caught in the dangerous waters.

From such a dilemma there was but one escape. Behind the evicted

tenantry were the sheep-walks; before them was the open sea. Few

herrings came to the net; the bannock meal was low; the tartan

threadbare. In their utter hopelessness they listened to the good news

which came of a land beyond the {14} Atlantic where there was plenty

and to spare. It is small wonder that as the ships moved westward they

carried with them the destitute Highlander, bound for the colonies

planted in North America.

This 'expatriation' was spread over many weary years. It was in full

process in 1797, when Thomas Douglas became Lord Daer. His six elder

brothers had been ailing, and one by one they had died, until he, the

youngest, alone survived. Then, when his father also passed away, on

May 24, 1799, he was left in possession of the ancestral estates and

became the fifth Earl of Selkirk.

As a youngest son, who would have to make his own way in the world,

Thomas Douglas had prepared himself, and this was a distinct advantage

to him when his elevation in rank occurred. He entered into his

fortune and place an educated man, with the broad outlook upon life and

the humanitarian sympathy which study and experience bring to a

generous spirit. Now he was in a position to carry out certain

philanthropic schemes which had begun earlier to engage his attention.

His jaunts in the Highlands amid 'the mountain and the flood' were now

to bear fruit. The dolorous plaint of the hapless clansmen had {15}

struck an answering chord in the depths of his nature. As Thomas

Douglas, he had meant to interest himself in the cause of the

Highlanders; now that he was Earl of Selkirk, he decided, as a servant

of the public, to use his wealth and influence for their social and

economic welfare. With this resolve he took up what was to be the main

task of his life--the providing of homes under other skies for the

homeless in the Highlands.

In the spring of 1802 the young earl addressed a letter to Lord Pelham,

a minister in the British government, in which he dwelt with enthusiasm

upon the subject of emigration. His letter took the form of an appeal,

and was prophetic. There had previously come into Selkirk's hands

Alexander Mackenzie's thrilling story of his journeys to the Arctic and

the Pacific. This book had filled Selkirk's mind with a great

conception. Men had settled, he told Lord Pelham, on the sea-coast of

British America, until no tract there was left uninhabited but--frozen

wastes and arid plains. What of the fruitful regions which lay in the

vast interior? It was thither that the government should turn the

thoughts of the homeless and the improvident. Leading to this

temperate and fertile area was {16} an excellent northern highway--the

waters of Hudson Bay and the Nelson.

Lord Selkirk received a not unfavourable reply to his appeal. The

authorities said that, though for the present they could not undertake

a scheme of emigration such as he had outlined, they would raise no

barrier against any private movement which Lord Selkirk might care to

set on foot. The refusal of the government itself to move the

dispossessed men was dictated by the political exigencies of the

moment. Great Britain had no desire to decrease her male population.

Napoleon had just become first consul in France. His imperial eagles

would soon be carrying their menace across the face of Europe, and

Great Britain saw that, at any moment, she might require all the men

she could bring into the field.

As the government had not discountenanced his plan, the Earl of Selkirk

determined to put his theories at once into practice. He made known in

the Highlands that he proposed to establish a settlement in British

North America. Keen interest was aroused, and soon a large company,

mostly from the isle of Skye, with a scattering from other parts of

Scotland, was prepared to embark. {17} It was intended that these

settlers should sail for Hudson Bay. This and the lands beyond were,

however, by chartered right the hunting preserve of the Hudson's Bay

Company, of which more will be said. Presumably this company

interfered, for unofficial word came from England to Selkirk that the

scheme of colonizing the prairie region west of Hudson Bay and the

Great Lakes would not be pleasing to the government. Selkirk, however,

quickly turned elsewhere. He secured land for his settlers in Prince

Edward Island, in the Gulf of St Lawrence. The prospective colonists,

numbering eight hundred, sailed from Scotland on board three chartered

vessels, and reached their destination in the midsummer of 1803.

Lord Selkirk had intended to reach Prince Edward Island in advance of

his colonists, in order to make ready for their arrival. But he was

delayed by his private affairs, and when he came upon the scene of the

intended settlement, after sunset on an August day, the ships had

arrived and one of them had landed its passengers. On the site of a

little French village of former days they had propped poles together in

a circle, matted them with foliage from the trees, and were {18}

living, like a band of Indians, in these improvised wigwams.

There was, of course, much to be done. Trees and undergrowth had to be

cleared away, surveys made, and plots of land meted out to the various

families. Lord Selkirk remained for several weeks supervising the

work. Then, leaving the colony in charge of an agent, he set out to

make a tour of Canada and the United States.

Meanwhile, Selkirk's agents in Scotland were not idle. During the same

summer (1803) a hundred and eleven emigrants were mustered at

Tobermory, a harbour town on the island of Mull. Most of them were

natives of the island. For some reason, said to be danger of attack by

French privateers, they did not put out into the Atlantic that year;

they sailed round to Kirkcaldy and wintered there. In May 1804 the

party went on board the ship _Oughton_ of Greenock, and after a six

weeks' journey landed at Montreal. Thence they travelled in bateaux to

Kingston.

These settlers were on their way to Baldoon Farm, a tract of about nine

hundred and fifty acres which Lord Selkirk had purchased for them in

Upper Canada, near Lake St Clair. Selkirk himself met the party at

Kingston, {19} having journeyed from Albany for that purpose. He

brought with him an Englishman named Lionel Johnson and his family.

The new settlement was to be stocked with a thousand merino sheep,

already on the way to Canada, and Johnson was engaged to take care of

these and distribute them properly among the settlers. The journey

from Kingston to the Niagara was made in a good sailing ship and

occupied only four days. The goods of the settlers were carried above

the Falls. Then the party resumed their journey along the north shore

of Lake Erie in bateaux, and arrived at their destination in September.

Baldoon Farm was an ill-chosen site for a colony. The land,

prairie-like in its appearance, lay in what is now known as the St

Clair Flats in Kent county, Ontario. It proved to be too wet for

successful farming. It was with difficulty, too, that the settlers

became inured to the climate. Within a year forty-two are reported to

have died, chiefly of fever and dysentery. The colony, however,

enjoyed a measure of prosperity until the War of 1812 broke out, when

the Americans under General M'Arthur, moving from Detroit, despoiled it

of stores, cattle, and sheep, and almost obliterated it. In 1818 Lord

Selkirk {20} sold the land to John M'Nab, a trader of the Hudson's Bay

Company. Many descendants of the original settlers are, however, still

living in the neighbourhood.

[Illustration: Place D'Armes, Montreal, in 1807. From a water-colour

sketch after Dillon in M'Gill University Library.]

Before returning to Great Britain, Lord Selkirk rested from his travels

for a time in the city of Montreal, where he was feted by many of the

leading merchants. What the plutocrats of the fur trade had to relate

to Selkirk was of more than passing interest. No doubt he talked with

Joseph Frobisher in his quaint home on Beaver Hall Hill. Simon

M'Tavish, too, was living in a new-built mansion under the brow of

Mount Royal. This 'old lion of Montreal,' who was the founder of the

North-West Company, had for the mere asking a sheaf of tales, as

realistic as they were entertaining. Honour was done Lord Selkirk

during his stay in the city by the Beaver Club, which met once a

fortnight. This was an exclusive organization, which limited its

membership to those who dealt in furs. Every meeting meant a banquet,

and at these meetings each club-man wore a gold medal on which was

engraved the motto, 'Fortitude in Distress.' Dishes were served which

smacked of prairie and forest--venison, bear flesh, and {21} buffalo

tongue. The club's resplendent glass and polished silver were marked

with its crest, a beaver. After the toasts had been drunk, the jovial

party knelt on the floor for a final ceremony. With pokers or tongs or

whatever else was at hand, they imitated paddlers in action, and a

chorus of lusty voices joined in a burst of song. It may be supposed

that Lord Selkirk was impressed by what he saw at this gathering and

that he was a sympathetic guest. He asked many questions, and nothing

escaped his eager observation. Little did he then think that his hosts

would soon be banded together in a struggle to the death against him

and his schemes of western colonization.

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The Red River Colony A Chronicle of the Beginnings of Manitoba · 第 2 / 12 章