During the journey of the great nation, another band separated from

them on the Mississippi, and received the name of _Pa-ho-ja_, or Gray

Snow, which they still retain; but are known to the white people by the

name of Ioways, or Aiaouez. They have, {62} however, been distinguished

by the name of _Pierced-noses_, as this was erroneously believed to

be the meaning of the word Pahoja; and it will be confessed that the

distinction is somewhat nice, when we learn that the true word for

pierced nose is _pa-o-ja_.

Another band seceded from the migrating nation, and established a

village at the mouth of the Missouri river; from which circumstance

they received the name of _Ne-o-ta-cha_ or _Ne-o-ge-he_, signifying

_those who build a town at the entrance of a river_; they have been

known to us only by the name of Missouries.

The Otoes also separated from the nation on the Mississippi; and

pursuing their journey across the country from that river, struck the

Missouri near the confluence of the Great Nemawhaw. Here the Otoes

remained a considerable time for the purpose of hunting; and it seems

probable, from the name of the creek, that they also reared maize, and

cultivated the soil after their rude manner, as the word Nemawhaw, in

their language, signifies _water of cultivation_; _ne_, water, and

_maha_, planting or cultivating. From this locality the Otoes proceeded

up the river to the Platte; and after hunting for some time near its

confluence, they moved still further up the Missouri, and established

a village on its bank, about fourteen miles below Council Bluff. In

this position they remained several years, during which time a band of

the Ioways took up their residence about one year, on the bank of the

river nearly opposite to them, and within about thirty miles of the

present site of the Omawhaw village. The Otoes subsequently removed

to the river Platte, about twenty miles above their present village;

but finding the latter situation to be a more eligible one, they

permanently established themselves there, and have already occupied it

nearly half a century.

The Ioways, after having resided in a village on {63} the lower part

of the Missouri a considerable space of time, were rejoined by the

band above mentioned; when they abandoned their position, and returned

to the waters of the Mississippi and erected a village on the

_Moyene_,[33] where it still remains.

[33] The Moyene River is the present Des Moines. See preceding volume,

note 123.—ED.

The Missouries in process of time abandoned their village near the

mouth of the river Missouri, and gradually moving up the river, at

length constructed a town on the left bank, near the entrance of Grand

river. In this position they were found by the French, who built a fort

on an island of the Missouri, in their immediate vicinity, about the

beginning of the last century. The garrison of this fort was entirely

destroyed, according to Du Pratz, soon after its commander, the

enterprizing Bourgmont, left it.[34]

[34] This was Fort Orleans, referred to _ante_, note 29. For further

details, see Bradbury's _Travels_, in our volume v, note 26. Notice

of Du Pratz will be found in Nuttall's _Journal_, volume xiii of our

series, note 89.—ED.

The author whom we have just mentioned further informs us respecting

this nation, that "the Spaniards, as well as our other neighbours,

being continually jealous of our superiority over them, formed a

design of establishing themselves among the Missouries, about forty

leagues from the Illinois, in order to limit our boundaries westward.

They judged it necessary for the security of their colony, entirely

to cut off the Missouries; and for that purpose they courted the

friendship of the Osages, whose assistance they thought would be of

service to them in the enterprise, and who were generally at enmity

with the Missouries. A company of Spaniards, men, women, and soldiers,

accordingly set out from Santa Fe, having a Dominican for their

chaplain, and an engineer for their guide and commander. The caravan

was furnished with horses, and all other kinds of beasts necessary;

for it is one of their prudent maxims, to send off all those things

together. By a fatal mistake the Spaniards arrived first amongst

the Missouries, whom they mistook for the Osages; and imprudently

discovering their hostile intentions, they were themselves surprised

and cut off by those whom they intended for destruction. {64} The

Missouries some time afterwards dressed themselves with the ornaments

of the chapel; and carried them in a kind of triumphant procession to

the French commandant among the Illinois."[35] A terrible but just

revenge! The Missouries continued to dwell in the same locality,

until, about twenty years since, they were conquered and dispersed, by

a combination of the Sauks, Foxes, and some other Indians; when they

united their destiny with other friendly nations. Five or six lodges

joined the Osages; two or three took refuge with the Konzas; and the

chief part of the remainder amalgamated with the Oto nation, with whom

they still reside. Thus connected, their manners, habits, and language

being very closely allied, the Otoes and Missouries may be considered

as one nation. They are probably the bravest of the native inhabitants

of the Missouri; and there are but few males who have arrived at

the age of maturity, that have not fleshed their arms in battle.

Indeed, many of them can _strike_ upon individuals of almost all the

neighbouring nations, not excepting the distant Indians of Mexico, and

the Spaniards themselves.

[35] The reference is to the English edition of Du Pratz, _History of

Louisiana_ (London, 1763), ii, p. 157. See Charlevoix's account in

_Wisconsin Historical Collections_, xvi, pp. 413, 414.—ED.

In vain should we seek among the nations of the Missouri for an

individual whose daring deeds have been more numerous than those of

the Little Soldier, or for more brave and generous combatants than

Shaumonekusse, Hashea, Nahojeningya, and Wasacaruja. It is not fear,

but probably a generous forbearance, that has restrained them from

killing more than two white men within the memory of the present

generation. Of these, one, a Frenchman, was killed by A-kira-ba during

the Spanish government; and the other, a Spaniard, by Shaumonekusse,

more recently, at the sources of the Arkansa; an act, which, although

attended by an extraordinary display of bravery, was declared by this

young warrior to be the only martial act of his life that he was

ashamed of.

{65} The hunting grounds of the Oto nation extend from the Little

Platte up to the Boyer creek, on the north side of the Missouri, and

from Independence creek to about forty miles above the Platte, on the

south side of that river. They hunt the bison between the Platte and

the sources of the Konza rivers.

A few years since, their numbers were very much diminished by the

small-pox.

The language of the Otoes, Missouries, and Ioways, although the same,

is somewhat differently pronounced by these respective nations or

tribes. The dialect of the Ioways is more closely allied to that of the

Oto than to the Missouri dialect; the former differs chiefly in being

pronounced more sharply, as in the word In-ta-ra, _friend_, which in

the Oto is In-ta-ro. The Missouri dialect differs in being more nasal;

the children, however, of this nation being, from their residence among

the Otoes, in constant habits of association with the Oto children, are

gradually assuming the pronunciation of that nation.

Originally the same, and still very similar to the above dialects, are

those of the Osages, Konzas, Omawhaws, and Puncaws, the individuals

of each of which nations can make themselves reciprocally understood,

after a very little practice. The two latter dialects are so very

closely allied, as not to be distinguishable from each other, by

persons who are not very critically acquainted with the language. The

Omawhaw and Puncaw pronunciation is more guttural than that of the two

former, of which, particularly the Osage, the pronunciation is more

brief and vivid.

The free and independent spirit of the Indian is carried even into

their language, and may be recognised there by its absolute destitution

of a single word drawn from the language of a civilised people. Thus,

notwithstanding their constant familiarity with {66} certain traders,

and with various articles of the manufacture of the white people,

they universally, and in every instance, reject the names which they

originally hear for such men and things, and apply others, which they

readily invent.

{67} CHAPTER VI {IV}

Boyer's Creek—Visit to the Pawnees—Human Sacrifices—Anecdote of

Petalesharoo—Appendix.

ON the 12th, Lieutenant Graham, Lieutenant Talcott of Camp Missouri,

Mr. Seymour, and I, accompanied by a soldier, departed in our

small row-boat, for the purpose of ascending Boyer creek,[36] and

ascertaining the point at which that stream discharges from the bluffs.

The rapidity of the Missouri current soon transported us to the mouth

of the creek, and we encamped, after ascending it the distance of

a few miles. From this point Messrs. Graham and Talcott crossed the

bottom lands, to the base of the bluffs, and by trigonometrical

observation, ascertained the altitude of the highest point to be

three hundred and fifty feet above low water mark of the Missouri.

The next day we continued our voyage, but about noon, perceiving that

some necessaries had inadvertently been omitted in our loading, we

despatched the soldier to the cantonment to procure them.

[36] For Boyer Creek, see preceding volume, note 174.—ED.

The following morning we were awakened by the loud cries of the

sandhill crane, performing evolutions in the air, high over their

feeding grounds. This stately bird is known to authors by the name of

grus canadensis. It is mentioned by the enterprizing and excellent

traveller, Bartram,[37] in his work, and is very distinct from the grus

Americanus of authors, or hooping crane, although many persons have

supposed it to be no other than the young of that gigantic species. The

sandhill crane, in the spring of the year, removes the surface of the

soil by {68} scratching with its feet, in search of the radical tubers

of the pea vine, which seem to afford them a very palatable food. Near

our present encampment, and in many other situations bordering on

streams of water, where this plant vegetates in the greatest profusion,

we have frequently had occasion to observe that the surface of the soil

was removed in small and irregular patches, by the industry of this

bird in seeking for its favourite food.

[37] For sketch of Bartram, see André Michaux's _Travels_, in our

volume iii, note 177.—ED.

This crane is a social bird, sometimes assembling together in

considerable flocks. They were now in great numbers, soaring aloft

in the air, flying with an irregular kind of gyratory motion, each

individual describing a large circle in the air independently of

his associates, and uttering loud, dissonant, and repeated cries.

They sometimes continue thus to wing their flight upwards, gradually

receding from the earth, until they become mere specks upon the sight,

and finally altogether disappear, leaving only the discordant music of

their concert to fall faintly upon the ear.

Mosquitoes have already made their appearance in small numbers.

April 14th. The messenger returned and the voyage was continued. The

creek was found to be very tortuous, and the navigation much impeded

by fallen trees, extending in various directions across the stream,

obliging us to resort to the use of the axe in many places, to obtain

a passage for our boat. In the evening we arrived at the bluffs. The

water had now become so shallow as not to admit of our further passage

with the boat, which was left under the care of our man, and having

made the necessary observations for ascertaining the latitude, on the

following day we took our blankets on our backs, and proceeded on

foot, intending to travel one day's journey further along the stream.

At the distance of about five miles, the high grounds closely bounded

the creek, and the valley, which below is extensive {69} and fertile,

disappears. We saw numbers of the smaller species of rattle-snake,

which had, no doubt, but lately left their winter dwelling. The creek,

as observed this afternoon, although still about thirty feet wide, is,

in some places, not more than six inches deep, whilst in other parts

it is two or three feet. As we went forward, the timber gradually

decreased in quantity, until finally it was interrupted into remote

small assemblages of trees, under one of which we spread our blankets,

after a sultry day's march over a tolerably fertile country. Numbers

of ant hills are dispersed over the soil, and in many places are

abundant; we could not choose but admire the assiduous industry of the

little inhabitants, who were now engaged in repairing the structures

for the approaching season of activity. The autumnal conflagration,

which had comprehended within its destructive range almost the whole

surface of the country, had consumed a large portion of the fragments

of wood, which, intermixed with earth, forms the exterior wall of their

mounds; these the emmets were now unremittingly employed in replacing,

with half-burned sticks, which were sought for in every direction.

Verdure was appearing in favourable situations, and the ash was in full

bloom, which tree, associated with the elm and willow, comprehends the

chief portion of the few trees that were here seen. In the night we

were awakened by a heavy fall of rain, and our attention was directed

to personal safety by tremendous thunder and lightning, directly in the

zenith, and we abandoned our guns and blankets to take refuge in the

open prairie. This situation was peculiarly uncomfortable; we had been

languid and oppressed by the heat of the sun during the afternoon's

walk, and we were now shivering under the effects of cold and moisture.

In the intervals we kindled our fire, and became alternately, partially

dry, and wet, as the fall of rain intermitted and recurred.

{70} At the dawn of day we retraced our path, and found the tent

pleasantly situate in an embowered spot, where three rattle snakes

had been killed by the soldier pitching it. On the following day we

descended the creek.

18th. The creek was rapidly subsiding, so that a bridge constructed by

the Omawhaws, which we had passed almost unobserved, was now two feet

above the surface of the water, and rendered it necessary to unload

the boat in order to drag her over. This structure is very simple; a

double series of stout forked pieces of wood are driven into the bottom

of the creek, upon these, poles are laid transversely, crossed by

numerous smaller pieces, which form a support for dried grass covered

by a proper quantity of earth. What necessity gave rise to the building

of this bridge we know not, and we are inclined to believe, that

bridge-building is a rare effort in our aboriginal architecture.

On the 20th, Major O'Fallon set out on a visit to the Pawnee villages,

accompanied by Captain Riley, Adjutant Pentland, Lieutenants Talcott

and Graham, Mr. Dougherty and myself, together with a guard of

twenty-seven men, and with seventeen pack and riding horses.[38] In

recording the events of this journey, it would be superfluous to note

the appearance of the country over which we passed, or to describe the

magnitude and direction of the water courses that intersect the route,

as this will be detailed in another part of the work; our attention

in the few following pages will be more particularly directed to our

transactions and interviews with the natives. In the course of the two

following days, we met with several Oto and Omawhaw Indians, who were

occupied with hunting and trapping. On the 23d we halted a short time

with a party of the latter nation, headed by a man of much note, known

to the traders by the name of the _Voleur_,[39] the relics of whose

former village, we had previously observed on Shell Creek.[40] {71}

Near this stream of water we examined a great excavation in the brow

of a bluff, to which the name of _Pawnee Medicine_ has been applied,

in consequence of its being an object of superstitious reverence to

the people of that nation. It is evidently an artificial work, and

the product of much labour, being about two hundred feet long, one

hundred and thirty feet wide, and thirty feet deep. The origin and

object of this effort of savage labour is involved in mystery, and

the Pawnees cannot, at this day, give any rational history of it; the

only advantage which we can suppose people to have derived from such a

work, is security from the attack of a powerful enemy. An entire nation

may have here defied the efforts of some allied army of an extensive

coalition. We are inclined to conjecture, that the nation that has left

us this monument of a primitive military art, is no other than the

Rickarees,[41] who now reside on the banks of the Missouri, between

the Sioux (Dacota) and Mandan nations, and who are, beyond a doubt, a

branch of the Pawnee stock, and probably are more immediately descended

from that branch of it, now known as Pawnee Loups. We are led to this

conjecture, however, only from the fact, that ruins of their former

village, apparently coeval with the excavation, exist within two miles

of Beaver Creek.[42] In this vicinity, several antelopes (Cervicapra

Americana, Ord) were seen by the party, but they were so shy and

swift, that it was not possible to kill one of them.

[38] Bennett Riley, of Maryland, began his army career in 1813, as

ensign in the rifles, attaining a captaincy in 1817. In 1821 he was

transferred to the infantry, in which he attained successively the rank

of major (1837), lieutenant-colonel (1839), and colonel (1850). He died

in 1853.

Andrew Talcott entered West Point in 1815, from Connecticut, and on

graduation (1818), was promoted into the army with the brevet rank of

second-lieutenant in the corps of engineers. He resigned his commission

in 1836, being then captain, and was engaged until 1860 chiefly on

railroad and mining enterprises; he was a member of the Northwest

Boundary Commission (1840-43). He died in 1883, aged eighty-six.—ED.

[39] Meaning "The Thief."—ED.

[40] Shell Creek is a tributary of the Platte, flowing from the

northwest across Platte and Colfax counties.—ED.

[41] The Arikara; see Bradbury's _Travels_, in our volume v, note

83.—ED.

[42] Beaver Creek is a northern tributary of Loup River, which it joins

in Nance County.—ED.

On the succeeding day, a large body of Indians was observed in the

distance moving towards us, which proved to be the principal portion

of the Oto nation, who were now returning to their own village, from a

trading visit to the Pawnees. We here met with numerous acquaintances,

who saluted us cordially, although they appeared somewhat jealous

of our visit to the Pawnees. The Little Soldier rode up with great

animation, and communicated to some {72} of us, by means of signs, an

intimation that a glorious battle had been fought by a party of Pawnee

Loups, in which the greater part of them had been killed, and nearly

all the remainder of them wounded.

We resumed our journey, and at the distance of two or three miles

observed numerous horses grazing over the plain, squaws occupied in

pitching skin lodges, and men advancing to meet us; they were soon

recognized for Omawhaws, and informed us that they were engaged in

hunting. We were soon joined by the Big-horse, Crenier, and other

chiefs and warriors of the Oto and Omawhaw nations, who remained a

considerable time, and received a small present of tobacco at parting.

At Willow Creek,[43] several Pawnees were observed on the opposite

side at a distance, who avoided us, and as we continued on during the

afternoon, many of them appeared at different times and places, on the

bluffs, which, at a little distance, bounded our route to the right;

but, like the first we had seen, they would not approach our party, but

retired on our advancing towards them.

[43] Willow (now Cedar) Creek rises in Garfield County and flows

southeast to the Loup; Fullerton, seat of Nance County, is at

its mouth. Willows grew on its banks and cedars on the bluffs a

little farther from the water; hence both names were applied by the

Pawnee.—ED.

The evening encampment was pitched at a favourable position, on the

bank of the Loup Fork, where we found a boy guarding horses; he had

a melancholy air, and his appearance interested us much; a number of

squaws had fled at our approach, but he remained unmoved. He invited us

to continue onward to the village, stating the probability of a fall of

rain on the coming night. "Are you not afraid," we asked, "to remain

here all day, at such a distance from your village?" "No," said he,

with the utmost indifference; "the Sioux have not been here this long

time past, but I saw a great many men and horses to-day on the opposite

side of the river: they may have been Sioux: I don't know." Being

presented with a biscuit, he ate part of it, and put the remainder in

his belt for his parents, that they might taste of the food of the

white people.

{73} In the evening Semino, a Canadian interpreter residing with the

Pawnees, arrived with a letter from Mr. Papan,[44] (a trader in the

nation,) stating, that as some misunderstanding had occurred amongst

the chiefs, Tarrarecawaho had declined meeting the party, to escort us

into the village, as he had previously intended to do.

[44] I gladly avail myself of the opportunity of noticing the many

attentions which we received from this gentleman. At this time

particularly, he rendered us essential services, in which he appeared

to take much pleasure.—JAMES.

_Comment by Ed._ Laforce Pappan (Papin, Papan) was probably the

grandson of Joseph Pappan, a Canadian fur-trader who came to St. Louis

about 1770, and was for many years a trader among the Pawnee. He died

of cholera (1848) while on his way to St. Louis. Emily, his daughter by

a Pawnee woman, married Henry, son of Lucien Fontenelle (see preceding

volume, note 196).

This conduct of the chief was altogether unexpected, inasmuch as he

had invited the agent, at the autumnal council, to visit his village,

and requested him to halt his party at some distance, and inform him

of his proximity, that he might be received with due ceremony. Major

O'Fallon, immediately perceiving the necessity of supporting the

dignity of his mission in the eyes of these Indians, in order the more

effectually to command their respect, directed the messengers to return

forthwith and tell that chief, that "he must consider well whom he is

about to receive; if he will not meet me in a proper manner, I will

pass through his village, without looking at him or his people, and

visit the next village, and so on to the third; and if I shall not be

properly treated at either, I will return to Camp Missouri to count

the graves of the soldiers whom he has heard died there." No further

communication was received respecting the intentions of the great

chief, and early on the succeeding morning our journey was resumed.

After riding a considerable distance over a beautiful plain, we came in

view of the village of the Grand Pawnees, and saw in every direction

great numbers of horses and mules, and a few asses attended by men

and boys. At some distance on the left, the Loup Fork meandered,

on the bank of which stream was a long line of squaws bearing {74}

heavy burdens of fuel towards the village. A chief was soon observed

advancing with rapidity; he was received by our cavalcade with music

playing, and flags displayed, and was recognized to be Sharitarish,

eldest son of the chief of that name commemorated by Lieutenant Pike,

and now second chief of the Grand Pawnees; the interpreters being

absent, no particular communication was interchanged, and we moved

on.[45] A short time, however, only elapsed before Tarrarecawaho

approached in full dress. We could not choose but admire the lofty

dignity of his appearance; but his extreme hauteur became manifest

when he halted at the head of our line, by not offering his hand, or

even deigning to look at us. This deportment was reciprocated, and we

moved onward again without particularly noticing him, excepting by

the short intermission of movements which had taken place, we were

soon informed from the rear, that the Grand Chief was making signs to

induce us to halt; but finding that his imperious deportment gained no

respect, and that his present request was altogether disregarded, he

at once relinquished the high grounds which he had seemed anxious to

maintain, and riding forward, he condescended to offer his hand to each

of us in succession.[46] The interpreters having rejoined the party,

Major O'Fallon was enabled to communicate with the chief and principal

men, such as Taritiwishta, chief of the Tappage band, Ishcatappa,

brother of Sharetarish, and others, who successively arrived. He then

addressed Tarrarecawaho briefly thus: "Long Hair, I have come to

visit you agreeably to your invitation, and desire to know whether or

not you are glad to see me." The chief answered, "That I am glad to

see you, the display of these medals on my dress, and those flags of

your nation which are waving in my village, will amply testify." He

concluded by inviting us to his lodge, but we informed him that we had

brought our own lodges {75} and provisions; we would, however, accept

of his hospitality by partaking of his food. We then performed a

half circuit around the village, and entered it with the sound of the

bugle, drum, and fife, with which the commonalty and children seemed

highly delighted, following, or rather walking beside the musicians

obliquely in two extensive wings, exhibiting the form of the letter

V. Of these instruments the bugle was most decidedly the favourite.

We passed by and saluted the mansions of the chiefs, at each of which

an American flag was hoisted, with the exception only of one that

was passed unnoticed, owing to its being distinguished by a Spanish

flag; which, however, was struck as soon as the cause of the procedure

was understood. This ceremony being performed, the men were marched

off to encamp, and we entered the dwelling of the Grand Chief. After

partaking of some excellent boiled bison meat, he requested to know if

we would condescend to eat at the houses of the warriors; but the agent

informed him that we could only accept of the hospitality of chiefs.

We were then conducted to six other feasts, in immediate succession,

after which we retired to the encampment that had been formed in a low

prairie near the town.

[45] The Sharitarish of Pike, whom he calls Characterish, was chief

of the Republican Pawnee, whom he visited in September, 1806. He also

mentions Ishcatappa (Iskatappe). See Coues, _Expeditions of Zebulon M.

Pike_, ii, p. 409. The portrait of the younger Sharitarish is given

in McKenney, _Indian Tribes of North America_ (Philadelphia, 1854),

i, p. 33. He succeeded Tarrarecawaho as grand chief, but died soon

afterwards, aged about thirty.—ED.

[46] The hauteur here ascribed to Tarrarecawaho is in keeping with the

story that he refused an invitation to visit Washington, esteeming the

Pawnee the greatest people in the world, and thinking such a visit

involved condescension. He sent Sharitarish in his stead.

Ishcatappa succeeded Sharitarish in the chieftainship. By the Omaha he

was called "The Wicked."—ED.

During our stay in Tarrarecawaho's lodge, Major O'Fallon spoke at some

length to that chief. He informed him that thus far he was pleased

with the reception he had given us; that he had come to repeat in the

village, the same words that had been uttered at Engineer Cantonment,

&c. The manner as well as the matter of the address, seemed to command

undivided attention; every eye was riveted upon the speaker, and the

most profound silence reigned throughout a crowded audience, that

preserved a respectful distance behind the chiefs that were seated

directly before us.

Instead of an immediate reply, Tarrarecawaho, who alone had remained

standing, addressed his {76} warriors in a loud, fluent, and

impassionate manner: "I am the only individual of this nation, that

possesses a knowledge of the manners and power of the whites. I have

been to the town of the Red Head, (Governor Clarke, at St. Louis,) and

saw there all that a red skin could see. Here sits a chief, (pointing

to the agent,) who controls every thing in this land; if he should

prohibit you from wearing breech-cloths, you could not wear them. You

know that we cannot dispense with powder and balls; you must also know

that we cannot dispense with this chief, as he can prevent us from

obtaining them. I have no personal fear; I only dread the consequence

of improper conduct, to the women and children; take pity on your women

and children, warriors. When he tells you that he is a chief, he speaks

truly; when he says that his soldiers appear like the grass in the

spring, in place of those who die, he speaks truly; you, my nation, are

like the fly in strength, just so easily can his mighty nation crush

you between their fingers. Young men, I have done; to morrow I will

invite the American chief to council, and if any of you wish to speak

to him then, you have my consent. Do as I do; I am not ashamed of what

I have done; follow my example."

He then, in a mild tone and polite manner, informed the agent that he

would consult his chiefs, and would return an answer to his speech

to-morrow.

Accordingly, about noon on the 26th, a messenger arrived with

information that the chiefs and warriors were ready to receive the

agent, and we repaired to the lodge in which the assembly was convened.

They formed a circle round the chamber, sitting on grass mats; the

chiefs occupied the back part of the lodge, directly in front of whom

we were invited to be seated, on mats spread for our reception. A

profound silence ensued, during which the eyes of the assembly were

occasionally turned by a glance upon {77} Tarrarecawaho, who at length

arose, and after a short harangue, held his pipe to the Major to smoke,

signifying that he presented a horse. Several speakers succeeded, who

generally presented the pipe in the same manner. After an address from

Major O'Fallon, who concluded by inviting the principal men to our

camp, to present them with "a pipe of tobacco," the council dissolved.

On the expiration of two or three hours, the chiefs and warriors

appeared at our camp, and seated themselves on robes and blankets,

before our tent, whilst several hundred of the people encompassed

us, keeping, however, at a respectful distance. When the agent

had terminated some appropriate observations, he deposited before

Tarrarecawaho, Sharetarish, and the Tappage chief, the presents he

intended to make, in as many separate parcels. A difference having

for some time existed between the two first-mentioned chiefs, the

former, who was in fault, having threatened to chastise the other,

and on being challenged by him, refused to decide the controversy

by single combat, now availed himself of a favourable opportunity

to obtain a reconciliation, by presenting to Sharetarish his entire

parcel of merchandize: Sharetarish then proceeded to parcel out his

double portion, consisting of fusils, powder and ball, strouding,

blankets, calico, &c. amongst the multitude, reserving nothing for

himself. He laid a portion at the feet of Tarrarecawaho, and this chief

again performed the part of a donor, retaining only a United States'

flag, and expressed his satisfaction and thanks to the agent, for the

merchandize they had received. Sharetarish said, that, if agreeable to

his father, (Major O'Fallon,) he would return in a reasonable time,

and bring some of his young warriors, for the purpose of performing a

dance.

Towards evening, Sharetarish arrived with his dancers, thirty or forty

in number, who were all accoutred and painted for the occasion. This

exhibition, {78} which would have appeared to us to partake much of the

terrific, did we not feel assured of their pacific disposition, bore

considerable resemblance to that performed by the Otoes at Engineer

Cantonment, already described, excepting that less pantomimic action

was used, and _striking the post_ formed no part of the ceremony. At

the termination of the dance, Sharetarish presented Major O'Fallon with

a painted bison robe, representing several of his own combats with the

enemy, as well as those of his friends, all of which he explained to us.

27th. The tents were struck, and we departed for the village of the

Pawnee Loups. At the distance of four miles, we passed the Republican

village, about a mile on our left; from thence the distance is about

three miles to the Loup village, over a beautiful bottom plain of

the width of a mile and a half, extending along the Loup fork of the

Platte. This plain is nearly thirty feet lower than that over which

we had travelled, and which terminates abruptly at the Grand Pawnee

village. When within two miles of the village of the Loups, a messenger

requested the party to halt, in order to give the chiefs the requisite

time to make their preparations to receive us in a manner suitable to

the representative of a nation "so great and powerful as that of the

Big-knives."

After waiting a short time, we observed, at the distance of a mile

before us, a great number of mounted Indians emerging suddenly,

apparently from the plain itself, for we could not then see a ravine

that had previously concealed them from our view. They immediately

began to ride in various directions, and to perform numerous

evolutions, until the whole were arranged in a widely-extended

line. These rapid movements, which attracted our attention from

other objects, having ceased, we perceived a small body of men in

front, whose movements were independent of the others, and who were

advancing at a moderate pace. When all were formed, they set forwards,

{79} slowly at first, but gradually increasing their speed as they

approached, until they surrounded us at a full charge. It is impossible

by description to do justice to the scene of savage magnificence that

was now displayed. Between three and four hundred mounted Indians,

dressed in their richest habiliments of war, were rushing around us in

every direction, with streaming feathers, war weapons, and with loud

shouts and yells. The few whom we had observed in advance of the main

body, and whom, as they came near, we recognized to be the chief men,

presented a perfect contrast to the others in their slow movements,

and simplicity of dress. Courtesy obliged us to shake hands with each

individual, as they came to us in succession for that purpose, nor was

a single soldier of our train forgotten on this occasion by any one

of them. They expressed great satisfaction on account of our visit,

rubbing their breasts in token of the sincerity of this pleasure.

Many remarked that the nation had been mourning for their grievous

losses in a recent battle with an enemy, but that now grief should

give place to rejoicing. Major O'Fallon addressed the Indians as

usual, after which we again moved on towards the village. Latelesha,

the grand chief, perceiving that the division of his warriors that

were on our left, raised some dust on the march, ordered them all to

leeward, that we might not be incommoded. Almost from the beginning

of this interesting fête, our attention had been attracted to a young

man who seemed to be the leader or partizan of the warriors. He was

about twenty-three years of age, of the finest form, tall, muscular,

exceedingly graceful, and of a most prepossessing countenance. His head

dress of war eagles' feathers, descended in a double series upon his

back like wings, to his saddle croup; his shield was highly decorated,

and his long lance was ornamented by a plaited casing of red and blue

cloth. On inquiring of the interpreter, our admiration was augmented by

learning {80} that he was no other than Petalesharoo, with whose name

and character we were already familiar. He is the most intrepid warrior

of the nation, eldest son of Latelesha, destined as well by mental

and physical qualifications, as by his distinguished birth, to be the

future leader of his people. Seeing that his father had taken a place

in our cavalcade on the left of Major O'Fallon, he rode up on his right

to the exclusion of a brave officer who had previously occupied that

situation, and who now regarded him with an apparently stern aspect,

but in which there was perhaps more of admiration than of irritation

at this unexpected intrusion. The young chief caught the look, and

retorted with an eye that seemed never to have been averted through

fear. The name of Petalesharoo is connected with the abolition of a

custom formerly prevalent in this nation, at which humanity shudders.

The Pawnee Loups heretofore exhibited the singular anomaly, amongst the

American natives, of a people addicted to the inhuman, superstitious

rite, of making propitiatory offerings of human victims to Venus, the

_Great Star_. The origin of this sanguinary sacrifice is unknown;

probably it existed previously to their intercourse with the white

traders. This solemn ceremony was performed annually, and immediately

preceded their horticultural operations, for the success of which it

appears to have been instituted. A breach of this duty, the performance

of which they believed to be required by the Great Star, it was

supposed would be succeeded by the total failure of their crops of

maize, beans, and pumpkins, and the consequent total privation of their

vegetable food.

To obviate a national calamity so formidable, any person was at liberty

to offer up a prisoner of either sex, that by his prowess in war he had

become possessed of.

{81} The devoted individual was clothed in the gayest and most costly

attire; profusely supplied with the choicest food, and constantly

attended by the magi, who anticipated all his wants, cautiously

concealed from him the real object of their sedulous attentions, and

endeavoured to preserve his mind in a state of cheerfulness, with the

view of promoting obesity, and thereby rendering the sacrifice more

acceptable to their Ceres.

When the victim was thus sufficiently fattened for their purpose, a

suitable day was appointed for the performance of the rite, that the

whole nation might attend.

The victim was bound to a cross, in presence of the assembled

multitude, when a solemn dance was performed, and after some other

ceremonies, the warrior, whose prisoner he had been, cleaved his

head with the tomahawk; and his speedy death was insured by numerous

archers, who penetrated his body with their arrows.

A trader informed us that the squaws cut pieces of flesh from the

deceased, with which they greased their hoes; but this was denied by

another, who had been present at one of these sacrifices. However this

may be, the ceremony was believed to have called down a blessing upon

their labours of the field, and they proceeded to planting without

delay.

The present mild and humane chief of the nation, Latelesha, or Knife

Chief, had long regarded this sacrifice as an unnecessary and cruel

exhibition of power, exercised upon unfortunate and defenceless

individuals, whom they were bound to protect; and he vainly endeavoured

to abolish it by philanthropic admonitions.

An Ietan woman, who was brought captive into the village, was doomed

to the Great Star by the warrior, whose property she had become by

the fate of war. She underwent the usual preparations, and, on the

appointed day, was led to the cross, amidst a {82} great concourse of

people, as eager, perhaps, as their civilized fellow men, to witness

the horrors of an execution. The victim was bound to the cross with

thongs of skin, and the usual ceremonies being performed, her dread of

a more terrible death was about to be terminated by the tomahawk and

the arrow. At this critical juncture, Petalesharoo (son of the Knife

Chief) stepped forward into the area, and in a hurried but firm manner,

declared that it was his father's wish to abolish this sacrifice; that

for himself, he had presented himself before them, for the purpose of

laying down his life upon the spot, or of releasing the victim. He then

cut the cords which bound her to the cross, carried her swiftly through

the crowd to a horse, which he presented to her, and having mounted

another himself, he conveyed her beyond the reach of immediate pursuit;

when, after having supplied her with food, and admonishing her to make

the best of her way to her own nation, which was at a distance of at

least four hundred miles, he was constrained to return to his village.

The emancipated Ietan had, however, the good fortune, on her journey

of the subsequent day, to meet with a war party of her own people, by

whom she was conveyed to her family in safety.[47]

[47] Petalesharoo visited Washington in 1821-22, and the ladies of the

city presented him with a medal for the humanity and bravery he had

displayed in rescuing the Ietan girl. The incident was also made the

theme of a rhymed effusion in the New York _Commercial Advertiser_,

entitled "The Pawnee Brave." This accompanied by a portrait of

Petalesharoo is to be found in McKenney, _Indian Tribes_, i, p. 143.—ED.

This daring deed would, almost to a certainty, have terminated in

an unsuccessful attempt, under the arm of any other warrior; and

Petalesharoo was, no doubt, indebted for this successful and noble

achievement to the distinguished renown which his feats of chivalry had

already gained for him, and which commanded the high respect of all his

rival warriors. Notwithstanding the signal success of this enterprise,

another display of the firmness and determination of the young warrior

was required to abolish this sacrifice, it is to be hoped for ever.

The succeeding spring, a warrior, who had captured a fine Spanish boy,

vowed to sacrifice him to the Great {83} Star, and accordingly placed

him under the care of the magi, for that purpose.

The Knife Chief, learning the determination of the warrior, consulted

with his son, respecting the best means of preventing a repetition of

the horrible ceremony. "I will rescue the boy," said Petalesharoo, "as

a warrior should, by force;" but the Knife Chief, unwilling that his

son should again expose himself to a danger so imminent, as that which

he had once encountered in this cause, hoped to compel the warrior

to exchange his victim for a large quantity of merchandize, which he

would endeavour to obtain with that view. For this purpose he repaired

to Mr. Pappan, who happened to be in the village for the purposes of

trade, and communicated to him his intentions. Mr. Pappan generously

contributed a considerable quantity of merchandize, and much was added

by himself, by Petalesharoo, and other Indians.

All this treasure was laid in a heap together, in the lodge of the

Knife Chief, who thereupon summoned the warrior before him. The chief

armed himself with his war-club, and explained the object of his call,

commanding the warrior to accept the merchandize and yield up the boy,

or prepare for instant death. The warrior refused, and the chief waved

his club in the air towards the warrior. "Strike," said Petalesharoo,

who stood near to support his father; "I will meet the vengeance of

his friends." But the more prudent and politic chief added a few more

articles to the mass of merchandize, in order to give the warrior

another opportunity of acquiescing without forfeiting his word.

This expedient succeeded; the goods were reluctantly accepted, and the

boy was liberated, and was subsequently conducted to St. Louis by the

traders. The merchandize was sacrificed in place of the boy; the cloth

was cut in shreds, and suspended by poles at the place of sacrifice,

and many {84} of the valuables were consumed by fire. It is not

expected that another attempt will be made to immolate a human victim,

during the life of Petalesharoo, or of his benign father.

Our cavalcade performed a circuit round the village, and saluted at

the lodge of Latelesha, upon which the flag of the United States was

hoisted; the soldiers were then marched to a proper encampment place,

and we were feasted as before. Great order prevailed in this village,

and silence reigned throughout, which was attributed to their loss of

friends and kinsmen.

On the following day the council was held, at which eleven horses and

mules were presented in the usual manner. In two instances, however,

the horse was represented by a cord or halter attached to a stick. One

of these cords was drawn by a little Ietan girl, that Petalesharoo had

captured in some battle and adopted as his daughter; she seemed to be

the favourite of his family.

In the afternoon the greater part of the population were observed

coming from the village towards our camp. As they drew near, we

ascertained that many were painted, armed, and decorated as if for

war. Petalesharoo advanced, and gave notice that he had brought some

of his warriors, for the purpose of honouring his American father

with a dance. The dancers were about forty in number, and their

movements and evolutions were similar to those of the Grand Pawnees.

The deep-toned gong was so entirely concealed in the centre of the

mass of dancers, that it was with difficulty we ascertained whence the

wild and measured sound proceeded, which regulated their simultaneous

movements. It was accompanied by other simple instruments, and

occasionally interrupted from the ear by the piercing note of the

whistle, or the sudden discharge of a gun, with the muzzle directed

to the earth. At the termination of the first dance, the partizan

requested {85} the accompaniment of our music for the succeeding

dance. The music accordingly struck up, with the renewed beating of

the gong; but it immediately threw them all into confusion, and after

vainly endeavouring to regain their regularity, they ceased. Again the

experiment was tried, and again it produced inextricable confusion.

This repeated result brought a smile to the countenance of the

partizan, who expressed his conviction, that his party was unable to

dance to the music of the white people.

The principal men having now arrived, agreeably to invitation, they

were introduced into a large skin lodge which had been erected for us

by the orders of Latelesha, as our marquee was too feeble to resist

a strong wind which prevailed during the day. Presents were made to

Latelesha and the Metiff chief. The latter transferred his parcel to

Latelesha, who laid the whole before Petalesharoo, to dispose of as he

thought proper. The young chief appointed two persons to distribute

them; and thus the whole was disposed of, though very unequally. The

chiefs then returned their thanks and withdrew.

I passed the night at the lodge of the Metiff chief, and in the evening

was amused by the exhibition of another dancing party, who concluded by

inviting the chief to partake of a feast, to be given on the following

day, for the purpose of dispelling his grief for the loss of his

brother, in the late contest with the Indians of the Rocky Mountains.

This severe battle was fought by ninety-three Pawnee Loup warriors,

against a large body of Ietans, Arrapahoes and Kiawas.[48]

[48] The Arapaho were a tribe of Algonquian stock, which, with the

kindred Cheyenne, had pushed their way through the country of the

hostile Sioux to the region of the Black Hills; later, they entered

Wyoming and Colorado. Their present number is about seventeen hundred,

half in Oklahoma and half in Wyoming.

The Kiowa are generally regarded as an independent stock (see Bureau

of Ethnology _Report_, 1885-86, p. 84), whose pristine territory was

rather indefinitely located on the upper Arkansas and Platte. The

Comanche were closely associated. There are now about eleven hundred

Kiowa in Oklahoma.—ED.

The party was led by the most distinguished brave of the village, and

half brother of the Metiff chief, but of unmixed blood, and a principal

supporter of the influence of that chief. The party, who were all on

foot, were on their way to capture horses, but they were badly armed

for a contest, and had but {86} twelve guns amongst them. They were

proceeding cautiously along in the prairies between the head waters of

the Arkansa and the Rio del Norte, when one party of their runners, or

discoverers, came in with information that a great body of the enemy

were ahead, and had not seen them; another party of runners soon came

in with the same information. The whole now halted to wait for night

to capture horses, and busied themselves in preparing their ropes

and halters, and in putting themselves in the best order in case of

attack. One of the party ascended a small eminence, and perceived

three of the enemy mounted and coming on in full career; presently

more appeared, and soon after they began to show themselves in every

quarter. It was now evident to the party, that the enemy were the first

discoverers, and that they were now necessitated to contend against a

vastly superior force, better armed than themselves, and possessing

also the advantage of being all mounted on good horses. It was obvious

also that there was no hope for them, but in the display of desperate

valour. Their first wish had been to gain a creek at some distance in

the rear, which was margined with small timber; but as their enemy now

completely surrounded them, this was impossible. The battle commenced

about ten o'clock A. M., and soon raged with great fury. Every muscle

was called into action in our little band, who hung firmly together,

discharging their arrows and occasionally a fusee at the enemy with the

steadiest aim. The dead and wounded were falling in every direction

in both parties. The enemy were so numerous that numbers of their

braves, armed only with a shield, having rejected their offensive

weapons, hovered in front of their companions, intent only' upon the

acquisition of the renown dearest to the heart of the warrior, that of

first striking the body of a fallen enemy; many of them however were

killed, even by their own people, as they rushed along and intercepted

the flight of the {87} arrow or bullet from its destined mark. The

combatants were at very close quarters, and the arrow had its full

effect. They were for some time intermingled, and contended with their

war-clubs and knives. The partizan, who had been wounded severely

early in the action, and had received several more wounds during its

continuance, now was struck by an arrow, which buried itself to the

feathers in his body. He knew the wound was a mortal one, and fell, but

supported himself upon the ground to encourage his men; "My braves,"

said he, "fight whilst you can move a limb, and when your arrows are

expended take your knives." Looking around now upon his companions in

arms, he perceived that nearly all his principal braves were killed

or disabled, and with his dying words he ordered those who were still

on their feet to pierce the surrounding enemy, and endeavour to save

themselves in the timber of the creek. As soon as it was ascertained

that their partizan was dead, his orders were carried into effect;

and the remnant of the party fought their way to the creek, where the

enemy abandoned them, and returned to exult over the slain. One only of

the principal braves was left in this shattered band; he declared he

was ashamed that he had survived, and he immediately ran back to the

enemy, although much wounded, and was seen no more. The party now found

that they had left fifty-three men dead, or disabled, on the battle

ground, amongst whom were all their braves, who had exposed themselves

to danger more than the others. Of their numbers, now diminished to

forty, all were wounded, with the exception of seven only, and some

of these very desperately; one individual had eight different wounds.

As they had thrown off their robes, breech-cloths, and leggings, at

the commencement of the battle, they were now absolutely naked, and

the weather was extremely cold. They made rude cars on which they

drew along those who could not walk; and thus {88} they commenced and

proceeded in their slow and laborious march to their village. During

the journey some of the wounded requested to be killed, or left to die

alone; and one who was wounded in the knee, after soliciting death

from his brother repeatedly in vain, sought an opportunity to die, and

finally plunged his knife in his heart. The party subsisted by killing

a few bisons on the way, and partially clothed themselves with their

raw hides; a miserable defence against the intensity of the cold.

The Grand Pawnees were more successful in war excursions during the

winter. One of their parties encountered a party of Spaniards, who,

my informant asserted, sought safety in flight. But it seems highly

probable that a battle took place, and that many were killed; inasmuch

as the victors returned with much clothing, merchandize, very handsome

figured blankets, many horses, and some silver money. I was almost

confirmed in this belief, by being subsequently informed that the party

had certainly brought with them some scalps which were not those of

Indians; and on passing through the village, I thought that some of the

hair which streamed in the wind from numerous portions of human scalps,

suspended on sticks from the roofs of the lodges, was taken from the

heads of Spaniards.

These three bands or clans of Pawnees, although they harmonize well

together at present, are not exempt from the lot of artificial

distinctions; and party animosity sometimes occurs, which, in one

instance, had nearly produced fatal consequences. The Puncaw Indians,

having conceived themselves injured by the Pawnee Loups, applied to

the Grand Pawnees for aid in obtaining redress. The latter warmly

espoused their cause, and the Grand Chief marched his warriors towards

the Loup village, in avowed hostility. Petalesharoo hastily assembled

his warriors for defence, and sallied out to meet the enemy; but

finding their numerical force to be greatly superior{89} to his own, he

saw that the resistance which his little band could offer, though it

might check their career, would, in all probability, be insufficient to

repel them. He therefore rode forward between the parties, and called

aloud on Tarrarecawaho, who then advanced to meet him. The young chief

immediately challenged him to a single combat; let us, said he, thus

avoid the copious effusion of kindred blood, which otherwise must flow

upon the earth in a general battle. This proposition was peremptorily

refused. Then, said Petalesharoo, I must call you an old squaw, and

a coward; return to your party and select for me the bravest of your

men. This being also refused, Latelesha came forward, and by amicable

negociation adjusted the point in dispute. This village contains about

one hundred and forty-five lodges.

29th. The horses that were _smoked_ yesterday were brought this

morning, and we departed on our return by way of the Republican

village. When within a mile of the latter, we were again halted by

a messenger, in order that the warriors might prepare to receive us

properly. In about an hour they were seen issuing from the village,

with four chiefs in front, who lamented aloud as they came near, in

token of penitence for their offences. They proceeded to shake us by

the hand, whilst about one hundred and fifty mounted, decorated, and

painted warriors were rushing about us in every direction, whooping and

yelling, and exhibiting such gracefulness and safety of riding as we

had never before witnessed, excepting at the Loup village, of which

the present display was nearly a counterpart in miniature. In this sham

attack, the partizan performed the part of our defender, hovering near

us, and as the warriors charged upon us, he intercepted and repelled

them. I expected to recognize amongst these warriors many of the

individuals who had composed the war party that we encountered near the

Konza village. I therefore scrutinizingly examined{90} the countenance

and figure of each one as they successively offered their hands. But

although I had on that occasion particularly noted the features of

several of the war party, for the purpose of identifying them on a

future time, I could now recognize but a single individual. I knew him

immediately, and judging from the Indian character, he knew me equally

well; yet his physiognomy, on presenting me his hand, was not varied

in the slightest degree from the expression with which he regarded my

companions, many of whom he had not before seen.

After saluting at the village as before, we were invited into the

lodge of Fool Robe, the principal chief, an old man of about eighty

years, destitute of any thing remarkable in his appearance. The chief

men being assembled, the council was immediately held. Major O'Fallon

arose, and spoke at considerable length, informing them of the great

power of the United States; he detailed the glaring offences of the

Pawnee Republicans, and concluded by offering them peace or war, though

neither of these was solicited in preference. The chief men, in reply,

manifested a great desire to adjust all differences, and promised to

conduct themselves better in future. Fool Robe spoke well, but with

evident embarrassment. They lamented their poverty, which prevented

them from presenting more than four horses, sixteen bison robes, and

a package of dried meat. A chief of this nation, called Petalesharoo,

who promised, at Engineer cantonment, to chastise the offenders, having

neglected to execute this act of justice, retired from the village on

our approach. The agent, on this account, declared to the council,

that he wished never to see him again; that he did not consider him a

brave man, as he was afraid to comply with his promise; and that if he

ever should meet with him in council, he would compel him to sit with

the young men. The council{91} was further assured, that the offences,

which the young men of this nation had committed against white people,

would be forgiven, but not forgotten. We had to regret the absence of

the son of Fool Robe, a fine intelligent young man, who was engaged on

some predatory excursion, at the head of one hundred and sixty warriors.

During the night a Konza war party carried off one hundred and forty

horses from the village.

The following day we returned to the village of the Grand Pawnees,

and received the horses that had been presented at the council by the

ceremony of the pipe. A quantity of merchandize had been brought with

us from Camp Missouri, to exchange for horses for the service of the

troops. This was put into the hands of Messrs. Pappan and Dougherty for

that purpose; and we retired to our camp, which was upon the same spot

as that we occupied on the night of the 24th instant.

May 1st. Mr. Pappan and Mr. Dougherty arrived from the village, having

purchased nineteen horses and mules. The price of the horses and mules

averaged about the amount of thirty dollars in Indian merchandize,

estimated at the St. Louis valuation.

At each of the villages we observed small sticks, of the length of

eighteen inches or two feet, painted red, stuck in the earth in various

situations, but chiefly on the roofs of the houses, each bearing the

fragment of a human scalp, the hair of which streamed in the wind.

Before the entrance to some of the lodges were small frames, like

painters' easels, supporting each a shield, and generally a large

painted cylindrical case of skin, prepared like parchment, in which a

war dress is deposited. The shield is circular, made of bison skin, and

thick enough to ward off an arrow; but not to arrest the flight of a

rifle ball at close quarters.

Defended by this shield, a warrior will not hesitate to cross the path

of an arrow; he will sometimes {92} dexterously seize the missile after

it has struck, and discharge it back again at the enemy.

The lodges or houses of these three villages are similar in structure,

but differ in size. The description of those of the Konzas will apply

to them, excepting that the beds are all concealed by a mat partition,

which extends parallel to the walls of the lodge, and from the floor to

the roof. Small apertures, or doors, at intervals in this partition,

are left for the different families that inhabit a lodge to enter their

respective bed chambers.

In the evening Major O'Fallon presented each of us with a horse.

Several Indians came to our camp for the purpose of trading with the

men. Major O'Fallon wished to obtain one of their horses, in exchange

for one that he possessed; but the Indian modestly declined, saying,

"My father, the horse you offer was given by my brother, which is the

same as if I had given him myself; I will exchange for almost any other

horse."

Early on the following morning we departed on our return to the

Missouri, with a numerous retinue of horses, amounting to more than

sixty. On the way several bisons were killed, and three calves were

taken alive in the chase, by throwing nooses over their heads.

On the 6th we arrived at the Missouri, after an absence of sixteen

days. Much of the information we acquired, respecting the manners, &c.

of the Pawnees, is incorporated in the account of the Indians of the

Missouri, in some of the preceding chapters of this work.

{93} CHAPTER VII {V}

Journey by Land from St. Louis to Council Bluff—Grand

River—Plains at the Sources of the Little Platte, the

Nishnebottona, &c.—Departure of the Expedition from Engineer

Cantonment.

WHILE the transactions above detailed were passing, Major Long had

returned from the seat of government.

On the 24th of April 1820, he arrived at St. Louis, on his way from

Philadelphia to Council Bluff, to rejoin the party. He was accompanied

by Captain John R. Bell, attached to the exploring Expedition by order

from the War Department, and by Dr. E. James, who had been appointed to

serve as botanist and geologist, in consequence of recommendations from

the Honourable Secretary of the Navy, from Dr. Torrey and Captain Le

Conte.[49]

[49] John R. Bell was a New Yorker, who was graduated from West Point

in 1812, and served in the light artillery through the War of 1812-15.

For a short time prior to his departure for the Missouri, he was

commandant of cadets and instructor in infantry tactics at West Point.

Afterwards he was in garrison at Savannah and Fort Moultrie; breveted

major in 1824, he died the succeeding year.

For sketch of Edwin James, the compiler of this account of the

expedition, see preface of volume xiv.

The secretary of the navy at this time was Smith Thompson, of New

York (1768-1843). He succeeded George Crowinshield, of Massachusetts,

in this office (1818), and held the post until 1823. Previous to his

appointment he had been on the supreme bench of New York (since 1802),

and had become chief justice (1814). In 1823 he was made associate

justice on the federal bench.

John Torrey (1796-1873), one of America's greatest botanists, was the

son of a New York Revolutionary officer. Entering the army as a surgeon

in 1824, he taught the sciences at West Point until 1828; from that

time until 1855 he was connected, as professor of chemistry and botany,

with Princeton College, the University of the City of New York, and the

College of Physicians and Surgeons in New York City. He was one of the

founders (1817) of the New York Lyceum of Natural History, which became

the New York Academy of Sciences, and was the preceptor and lifelong

associate of Asa Gray, with whom he also collaborated. Of especial

interest to readers of the present volumes is the fact that Dr. Torrey

undertook the examination of the botanical collections made on Long's

expedition. He also examined the collections made by several later

exploring parties, notably those of Frémont to the Rocky Mountains

(1845) and California (1853).

John Eatton Le Conte (1784-1860) was descended from a Huguenot family

which settled at New Rochelle, New York, about the close of the

seventeenth century. He served in the corps of topographical engineers

from 1818 to 1831, gaining the brevet rank of major. Known as the

author of special botanical and zoological studies, he was also a

member of the New York Lyceum of Natural History, and vice-president of

the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences.—ED.

Having procured horses, and equipped ourselves for a journey in the

wilderness, we left St. Louis on the 4th of May, intending to proceed

by the most direct route across the country to Council Bluff.

The lands immediately in the rear of St. Louis, between the Mississippi

and the Missouri, below their junction, have an undulated surface, and

a deep alluvial soil. Since their occupation by permanent inhabitants,

the yearly ravages of fire have been prevented, and a dense growth of

oaks and elms has sprung up.

In this fact we have a satisfactory explanation of the cause of the

present want of forest trees in extensive tracts on the Missouri,

which appear, in every respect, adapted to the growth of timber. If

these lands, called prairies, were at any former period covered with

forests, it may easily be supposed, the {94} yearly devastations of

fires breaking out in dry seasons would destroy many of the trees.

The forests being thus broken, the growth of grasses and annual plants

would be greatly facilitated by the nakedness of the soil, and the free

admission of the rays of the sun. Forests attract rain, and impede

evaporation; while the reverberation from the surface of vast plains,

and deserts, tends to dissipate the clouds and vapours which are driven

over them by the winds. In fertile districts like the alluvial lands

of the Missouri and Mississippi, a heavy annual growth of herbaceous

plants is produced, which, after the autumnal frosts, becomes dry

and peculiarly adapted to facilitate and extend the ravages of fire.

In a country occupied by hunters, who are kindling their camp fires

in every part of the forest, and who often, like the Mongalls in the

grassy deserts of Asia, set fire to the plains, in order to attract

herbivorous animals, by the growth of tender and nutritious herbage

which springs up soon after the burning, it is easy to see these annual

conflagrations could not fail to happen.

In the Autumn of 1819, the burnings, owing to the unusual drought,

continued until very late in the season; so that the weeds in the low

grounds were consumed, to the manifest injury of the forests. Large

bodies of timber are so frequently destroyed in this way, that the

appearance has become familiar to hunters and travellers, and has

received the name of _deadening_.

After the burning of the grass in the open prairies, the wind, which

at that season usually blows with great strength from the north-west,

carries off the ashes from the general surface into the hollows and

small vallies, thus contributing to enrich the latter at the expense of

the former.[50]

[50] See Wells _On the Origin of Prairies_, in the 4th number of

Silliman's Journal.—JAMES.

_Comment by Ed._ "La Grande Prairie," as the French settlers of St.

Louis called it, began at Fourth Street of the present city.

The prairie appears to have heretofore extended, {95} almost without

interruption, for several miles in the rear of St. Louis. The western

portions of it are yet naked meadows, without trees or bushes. As we

followed the little pathway towards Bon Homme,[51] we passed large

tracts to which the labours of the sand rat[52] had given the aspect

of a ploughed field. From the great quantities of fresh earth recently

brought up, we perceived the little animals were engaged in enlarging

their subterranean excavations; and we watched long, though in vain,

expecting to see them emerge from their burrows. It is probable the

jarring of the earth under the hoofs of our horses, by giving early

notice of our approach, prevented them from appearing at the surface.

[51] Bonhomme (Good Man) is the name of a creek, a township, and a

post-office in St. Louis County, but has never been the name of a town.

The post-office of Bonhomme is of comparatively recent origin, and even

now contains but one store. The name as used in the text apparently

applies collectively to the settlements along Bonhomme Creek.—ED.

[52] Genus _Pseudostoma_.[53] SAY.—Cheek-pouches exterior to the mouth;

incisores naked, truncated; molares sixteen, destitute of radicles;

crown simple, oval; anterior ones double.

Species, _Pseudostoma bursaria_.—Body sub-cylindrical, covered with

reddish-brown hair, which is plumbeous at base; feet white, anterior

nails elongated, posterior ones short, and concave beneath.

_Mus bursarius_, (Shaw, Trans. Lin. Soc. Lond. and Genl.

Zoology.)—_Body_ elongated, sub-cylindrical; _hair_ reddish-brown,

plumbeous at base; _beneath_ rather paler; _cheek-pouches_ capacious,

covered with hair both within and without; _vibrissæ_ numerous,

slender, whitish; _eyes_ black; _ears_ hardly prominent; _feet_

five-toed, white, anterior pair robust, with large, elongated, somewhat

compressed nails, exposing the bone on the inner side, middle nail

much longest, then the fourth, then the second, then the fifth, the

first being very short; posterior feet slender, nails concave beneath,

rounded at tip, the exterior one very small; _tail_ short, hairy at

base, nearly naked towards the tip.

This animal is congeneric with the Tucan of Hernandez, which Buffon

erroneously considers the same as the _Talpha rubra Americana_ of

Seba, or _Talpha rubra_, Lin., an animal which is, however, entirely

out of the question, and which, if we may be allowed to judge from

Seba's figure, is so far from having any specific affinity with the

_bursarius_, that it cannot now be regarded as co-ordinate with it.

The late professor B. S. Barton, in his Medical and Physical Journal,

says, that a species of _Mus_ allied to the _M. bursarius_ of Shaw,

is common in Georgia and Florida; that he examined a living specimen

of this animal, and was convinced that it is no other than the Tucan

of Hernandez, and the Tuza or Tozan of Clavigero. He says nothing of

its size; but on the same page he remarks, "that another species of

Mus, much larger [than] the Tuza, inhabits west of the Mississippi

about latitude 30°, of which very little is known." Dr. Barton was

aware that the cheek pouches, in the figures given by Shaw, are

represented in an inverted position, but not having seen specimens

from the trans-Mississippi country, he was unacquainted with their

specific identity with those of Canada, from which those figures were

drawn. In our zoological reports to Major Long, in the year 1819, the

specimens which we found on the Missouri were recorded under the name

of _bursarius_ of Shaw. Coxe, in his description of "Carolana called

Florida, and of the Meschacebe," 1741, mentions a "rat with a bag under

its throat, wherein it conveys its young when forced to fly."

Several other writers have noticed these animals, of whom Dr. Mitchell,

in Silliman's Journal, 1821, mentions the identity of specimens

obtained beyond Lake Superior, with the M. _bursarius_ of Shaw.

The animals belonging to this genus are distinguished by their

voluminous cheek-pouches, which are perfectly exterior to the mouth,

from which they are separated by the common integument, they are

profoundly concave, opening downwards, and towards the mouth.

The _incisores_ which are not covered by the lips, but are always

exposed to view, are strong and truncated in their entire width at tip;

the superior ones are each marked by a deep, longitudinal groove near

the middle, and by a smaller one at the inner margin. The _molares_,

to the number of eight in each jaw, penetrate to the base of their

respective alveoles, without any division into roots, as in the genus

_Arvicola_, _Lepus_, &c., their crown is simply discoidal, transversely

oblong oval, margined by the enamel, and in general form they resemble

the teeth of a _Lepus_, but without the appearance either of a groove

at their ends, or of a dividing crest of enamel; the posterior tooth

is rather more rounded than the others, and that of the upper-jaw has

a small prominent angle on its posterior face; the anterior tooth

is double, in consequence of a profound duplicature in its side, so

that its crown presents two oval disks, of which the anterior one is

smaller, and in the lower jaw somewhat angulated. All the molares of

the lower jaw incline obliquely forward, and those of the superior jaw

obliquely backward.

The whole animal has a clumsy aspect, having a large head and body,

with short legs, large fore feet, and small hind feet; and although it

walks awkwardly, yet it burrows with the greatest rapidity, so that the

difficulty of obtaining specimens may be, in a great degree, attributed

to the facility with which the animal passes through the soil, in

removing from the vicinity of danger.

They cast up mounds of loose earth, which, like those of the _blind

rat_, (Spalax typhlus) have no exterior opening. These elevations have

been aptly compared, by Lewis and Clarke, to such heaps of earth as

would be formed by the emptying of the loose contents of a flower-pot

upon the soil. The mounds are of various dimensions, from the diameter

of a few inches only, to that of several yards; the quantity of earth

employed consequently varies from a pint to two or three bushels.

So entirely subterranean is the life of this animal, that it is rarely

seen; and many persons have lived for many years surrounded by their

little edifices, without knowing the singular being by whose labours

they are produced.

It is known by the names of _sand-rat_, _goffer_, _pouched-rat_,

_salamander_, _&c._—JAMES.

[53] From ψευδω, false, and στομα, a _mouth_, in allusion to the false

mouths or cheek-pouches.

In our way we passed the large hepatic spring visited by Mr. Jessup,

and described in his report. It rises in the bed of a large brook, and

diffuses a strong sulphurous odour, perceptible at a distance of one

hundred yards. It probably derives its mineral impregnation from some

decomposition in the alluvial substances through which it rises to the

surface.

Eight or ten miles west of St. Louis, forests of oak and hickory

begin to occur, and become more frequent towards Chesterfield and Bon

Homme.[54] At evening we descended into the deep cotton-wood forests

of the Missouri bottom, and a little before sunset arrived on the bank

of that majestic river. Here we were politely received and entertained

in the house of a gentleman formerly of New York. A large and splendid

collection of books, several articles of costly furniture, and above

all, manners and conversation like those of the better classes in our

cities, formed here a striking contrast to the rude and solitary cabin,

and the wild features of nature, in a spot where the labours of men had

as yet produced scarce a perceptible change.

[54] Chesterfield was situated on Bonhomme Creek, one mile from the

Missouri River. It was laid out in 1818.—ED.

On the ensuing morning, May 5th, we crossed the Missouri above Bon

Homme. The forests on the {96} north side of the Missouri were here

narrow, and confined principally to the vallies.

Pond Fort, where we halted to dine, was at this time the residence of

a single family. In the late war, the inhabitants of the surrounding

country had collected their families and their cattle at this place,

building their temporary residences in the form of a hollow square,

within which their cattle and horses were enclosed at night.[55]

[55] Pond Fort was one of a half dozen posts erected by the settlers of

St. Charles County during the War of 1812-15, for protection against

the Indians. Boone's Fort, built by a son of Daniel Boone, was the

largest and strongest of the group. Pond Fort was a short distance

southeast of the site of Wentzville.—ED.

In the pond, which lies along the north side of the fort, the nelumbium

was growing in great perfection. Its broad orbicular leaves are

somewhat raised from the water, almost concealing its surface. Its

showy yellow flower, when fully expanded, is larger, as remarked

by Nuttall, than that of any other plant indigenous to the United

States, except the magnolia macrophylla. The nuts, of which there are

several immersed in the receptacle of each flower, have, when ripe,

the size and the general appearance of small acorns, but are much more

palatable. The large farinaceous root is sometimes used by the Indians

as an article of diet, as are also the nuts.

Our path lay through extensive and fertile meadows, stretching away to

the distant horizon, and bounded sometimes by the verge of the sky, and

sometimes by the margin of a forest. The elk, the deer, and the bison,

the indigenous inhabitants of these delightful meadows, had been long

since driven away by the incursions of the white settlers, scattered at

remote intervals on the borders of the forests. The dense and uniform

growth of grass had risen untrodden and uncropped, and was now waving

with ceaseless undulations, as the wind swept lightly over the surface

of the plain. The slender and graceful panicles of the heuchera

americana, rising above the grass, resembled a grove of spears,

bristling above the heads of an embattled host. Along the margins of

the brooks, we noticed the beautiful spiræa opulifolia, and a slender

species of {97} viburnum, bending under their clusters of snowy flowers.

Through the day, the weather had been fine but warm. At sunset a

thunder-storm rose in the west; and the day was succeeded, almost

without any interval of twilight, by the most impenetrable darkness.

The wind soon rose to a tempest; and hailstones of uncommon magnitude

began to fall, accompanied with thunder and lightning. Our first

thought was to dismount from our horses, and shelter ourselves from

the hail on the leeward side of their bodies. We were in the middle of

an extensive prairie, where no other protection could be looked for.

The hailstones, however, diminished in size, and soon ceased to fall;

but such torrents of rain ensued, that the plain became inundated,

and the frequent flashes of lightning were reflected to our eyes from

the surface of a vast lake. The plains in many places having little

inclination, the water of a sudden shower is drained off less rapidly

than it falls. After raging with great violence for a short time, the

storm ceased; but the darkness was so intense, that we did not arrive

at the settlement, where we proposed to lodge, until a late hour in the

night.

Soon after crossing the Missouri, we had ascended so far as to reach

the general level of the great woodless plain; and after travelling a

few miles, we found the surface sloping to the north-east towards the

Mississippi. In the afternoon, we crossed the Darden, which enters the

Mississippi eight miles above the mouth of the Illinois; and on the

following morning the Cuivre, tributary to the same river, ten miles

above the other.[56] The point between the Missouri and Mississippi,

near their confluence, is raised in the highest parts, probably less

than one hundred and fifty feet above the water-table. It is of a deep

and fine soil, which would appear rather to have subsided from the

waters of a quiet ocean, than to have been brought down from above,

and deposited {98} in its present situation by the rivers. Between the

sources of the streams which descend from either side of this narrow

cape, extends an irregular tongue of land, destitute of timber, and

every where nearly of the same elevation; as if it had been a part

of the great plain, left naked at the retiring of the ocean, and in

which the vast vallies of the Missouri and Mississippi had since been

excavated by the operations of those streams. The smaller rivers of

this region appear, both in extent and direction, to have been wholly

independent of any peculiar conformation of the original surface on

which they commenced their course; and their present beds gradually

deepening, and descending in the nearest direction towards the vallies

of the great rivers, are in every respect such as we may suppose to

have resulted from the wearing away of a great and uniform plain. At a

house where we rested in the middle of the day, and which was in the

highest part of the country between the Missouri and Mississippi, here

sixty miles distant from each other, a well had been sunk sixty-five

feet without finding water. This well passes through several strata of

loam, clay, and sand; then through a narrow horizontal bed, of that

peculiar substance called chalk, by Mr. Schoolcraft;[57] which is here

intermixed with numerous angular fragments of flints, and terminates

at the surface of a stratum of blue compact limestone, abounding in

organic remains. We were informed, that among other things brought up

from this well, were masses of carbonized wood, bearing the marks of

the axe; but as these could not be found, we thought it reasonable to

attribute some part of the account to the active imagination of the

narrator.

[56] On Dardenne Creek, see preceding volume, note 97.

The Cuivre (Copper) River forms part of the northern boundary of St.

Charles County.—ED.

[57] Views of the Lead Mines, pp. 180, 227.—JAMES.

From the _divide_ at the sources of the Cuivre, we overlooked an

extensive tract of undulating meadow; and could distinguish on the

distant horizon, the wide valley, and the extensive forests of Loutre

lick.[58]

[58] The Loutre is a Montgomery County stream.—ED.

{99} This stream is the first deserving notice, which enters the

Missouri from the north. Its sources are several miles to the

north-west of those of the Cuivre. In its valley the rocky substrata

of the plain are exposed, for an extent of many miles. Near Van

Babber's,[59] where we arrived a little before sunset on the 6th, there

is, in the middle of the creek, a large brine spring. Over this has

been placed a section of the hollow trunk of a tree, to prevent the

intermixture of the fresh water of the creek.

[59] The correct name of this man was Isaac Van Bibber. His father was

killed at the Battle of Point Pleasant (see Bradbury's _Travels_, in

our volume v, note 156); he was brought up in Daniel Boone's family,

and married Elizabeth Hays, daughter of Boone's eldest daughter, Susan.

Emigrating to Missouri in 1800, he served during the War of 1812-15 as

major of militia. In the autumn of 1815 he settled at the place called

Loutre Lick, on the site of the present village of Mineola, Montgomery

County, and a considerable immigration followed. A man named Massey had

attempted a settlement even earlier, but from fear of the Indians had

retreated. The settlement was sometimes called Van Bibber's Lick. An

effort was made to utilize the spring in the manufacture of salt, but

the brine proved too weak to yield profitably.—ED.

The sandstone, from which this spring issues, is granulated and

glimmering, like that about the old lead mines of St. Michael.[60]

Like that, it is in horizontal strata, and exhibits sufficient

evidence of being a continuation of the same stratum. Perceiving the

same indications of fossil coal, lead, and other minerals here, as

were known to exist in the same range of country on the other side

of the Missouri, we listened with a credulity which seemed rather to

disappoint and surprise our host, to his account of the phenomena that

had appeared from time to time in his neighbourhood. The combustion of

a coalbed, or the decomposition of a mass of pyrites, has, we believe,

given rise to many more astonishing stories than he related.

[60] The old mining district in Madison County, Missouri, centered

around the town of Mine la Motte, named for the Frenchman who

discovered the deposits. Mine la Motte was settled as early as 1722;

its site is about four miles north of Fredericktown. St. Michael

was settled in 1801, by immigrants from North Carolina, Tennessee,

Kentucky, and Virginia, and in 1822 contained fifty dwellings; then

it declined and almost disappeared. Its site is on the north bank of

Saline Creek, opposite Fredericktown.—ED.

He gave an account of several luminous appearances that had been seen

at the breaking up of winter, or in unusually rainy seasons, or at

other times of the year. These had been witnessed by many persons of

unquestionable veracity; but so great had been their terror on the

occasion, that they could never afterwards recollect the precise spot

where the light had appeared to them. He told us of two itinerant

preachers, who had encountered an indescribable phenomenon, at a place

about nine miles east of Loutre lick. As they were riding side by side

at a late hour in the evening, one of them requested the other to

observe a ball of fire attached {100} to the end of his whip. No sooner

was his attention directed to this object, than a similar one began to

appear on the other end of the whip. In a moment afterwards, their

horses and all objects near them were enveloped in wreaths of flame. By

this time the minds of the itinerant preachers were so much confounded,

that they were no longer capable of observation, and could therefore

give no further account of what happened. He also stated as a fact,

authenticated by many credible witnesses, that a very considerable

tract of land near by, had been seen to send up vast volumes of smoke,

which rose through the light and porous soil, like the smoke through

the covering of a coal-pit. This had in one instance been witnessed

by a son of the celebrated Col. Boon, and was at first mistaken for

a prairie on fire. This phenomenon also occurs at the breaking up

of winter, or at such seasons as the earth is drenched by uncommon

quantities of rain.

Within a few miles of the lick, are eight or nine rude furnaces,

disposed in the direction of a straight line, extending about two

miles. He stated, that it was not known by whom, or when they were

built, nor could it be ascertained for what purpose. It was evident

they had been used; but no slag cinders or any thing of the kind had

ever been found, nor was it possible to conjecture for what purpose

the furnaces had been constructed. We regarded all these accounts, and

many others of a similar character, as a sort of traditionary evidence

of the accidental discovery, at some former time, of lead, coal, or

pyrites; and that this discovery, by the ignorance and credulity of the

people, had been magnified into an object, to which they had at length

learned to ascribe a mysterious and indefinite importance.

Immediately about Loutre lick the surface was rocky and uneven; low

cliffs of light gray sandstone, fringed with tufts of the dark green

pteris atropurpurea, and the black striped asplenium, overhung {101}

the margin of the brook, where the inconspicuous flowers of the prinos

lævigatus and zanthoxylon fraxineum, and the blue spikes of the amorpha

fruticosa, were just expanding.

Beyond Loutre lick the road traverses longitudinally that great

woodless plain, thirty miles in length, called the Grand Prairie. It

varies in width from one to ten or fifteen miles. The soil is deep and

fertile, closely covered with grasses, interspersed with a proportion

of gaudy euchromias and lichnedias, with the purple and yellow

pedicularia, the tradescantia, and many beautiful astragali.

At Thrall's settlement,[61] sixty miles above Loutre lick, the floerkea

proserpinacoides[62] is found in great abundance in open fields and

by the road side, reclining its flexile and delicate stem upon the

species of bidens, polygonum, &c. common in such situations. It grows

much larger here than at Albany, the only locality where we have met

with it east of the Mississippi; and its leaves, instead of being

quinate, are usually composed of six leafits. In neither place does

it show any preference to marshy grounds, as the newly-proposed name,

_palustris_, would seem to imply. Our course, inclining considerably

towards the Missouri, made it necessary to leave the elevated region of

the plains, and betake ourselves to the forests, soon after passing the

Grand Prairie. In these forests the linden, the hop-horn beam, maple,

beech, and ash, attain an uncommon magnitude. The blue beech (ostrya

virginica) sometimes occurs, and is of a larger growth than in New

England.

[61] Thrall's settlement was about four miles north of Rocheport, Boone

County. The first settlers arrived as early as 1812, and after the War

of 1812-15 the population grew rapidly. Augustus Thrall, for whom the

place was named, came in 1816. The site was on land granted by the

federal government to sufferers from the New Madrid earthquake.—ED.

[62] Willdenow. F. palustris. Nuttall.—JAMES.

Extensive and very accessible beds of coal have been opened near

Thrall's plantation. The inhabitants assert that, in sinking wells, the

trunks of large trees have been met with at a great depth below the

surface. We could, however, discover no satisfactory {102} confirmation

of this statement. The soil appeared to us to exhibit no evidence of

having been disturbed at any period since the deposition of the coal

beds and the accompanying sandstones.

On the 8th of June we arrived at Franklin. Here we delayed several

days, in the expectation of receiving from Washington some further

instructions, and the supply of funds necessary for the prosecution

of the duties of the expedition. Having anxiously awaited one

weekly arrival of the mail, and being disappointed of the expected

communications, Major Long resolved to continue the journey, and to

proceed in the accomplishment of the services assigned him, as far as

the means then at his command would allow. As the great part of our

proposed route to Council Bluff lay through the wilderness, we now

thought it necessary to procure two horses, in addition to those we

already had; one of them to be loaded with provisions, and the other

for the use of a man whom we had engaged to accompany us.

We left Franklin on the 14th; and proceeding by a rugged and circuitous

road across a tract of hilly forests, arrived at Charaton the same

evening.

From Charaton to the mouth of Grand river,[63] _the trace_, as the

paths are here called, passes through a tract of low alluvial lands,

partly covered with forests, but all extremely fertile. Here we were

to take leave of the settlements, and to pursue the remainder of our

journey through the wilderness; after dining in the cabin of a settler,

we crossed Grand river, and betook ourselves to the course we thought

proper to pursue, through a tangled and pathless forest. This brought

us, after a few hours, to the border of an extensive plain. Our horses,

somewhat unaccustomed to travelling in woods, and particularly the

pack-horse, being young and untutored, gave us much trouble.

[63] For Franklin and Chariton, see the preceding volume, notes 116,

122. Grand River is a considerable affluent of the Missouri; it rises

in southern Iowa and flows southeasterly; its lower course forms the

boundary between Chariton and Carroll counties, Missouri.—ED.

After ascending into the prairie, as the night came on, we were

compelled to go a mile or two off {103} from our course, in search

of water and wood for our encampment; at length finding a suitable

place on the bank of a small stream, called Doe creek, discharging

into Grand river, we kindled a fire, cooked, and ate our supper of

bacon, pilot-bread, and coffee; and as we had no tent, spread our

blankets under the shelter of a large tree, and laid ourselves down to

rest. The hooting of owls, together with the howling of wolves, and

the cries of other nocturnal animals, as we were yet unaccustomed to

them, occasionally interrupted our slumbers. On the following morning,

however, we found ourselves well refreshed, and were prepared to resume

our journey at an early hour.

The road known by the name of Field's trace ascends from Charaton

on the east side of Grand river about sixty miles, thence running

nearly north-west through the immense plains of the Little Platte,

the Nishnebottona, and the Mosquito river, to Council Bluff. At the

mouth of Grand river we had learned that the eastern tributaries of

that stream were much swollen, and were therefore difficult to cross;

accordingly, we determined to ascend along the ridge between that

river and the Little Platte, until we should fall in with the trace.

We were detained several hours in searching for a place where we might

cross Doe creek. Though a very inconsiderable stream, its steep muddy

banks were now almost filled, by the reflux occasioned by the freshet

in the Missouri. It was not without great difficulty we at length

effected a passage, at a point three miles distant from our encampment;

thence directing our course by the compass, we travelled north, 45°

west, twenty-two miles. In this distance we crossed three large creeks;

two of them running eastward into Grand river, the other westward to

the Wahconda.[64]

[64] The text does not make clear the route of the party through

Carroll County, especially as Doe Creek cannot be identified. If this

stream was a tributary of Grand River, the party could not have crossed

a branch of the Wahconda in a course north, 45° west; for Big Creek, a

tributary of the Grand, which flows southeasterly through the eastern

half of the county, would have separated them from the Wahconda basin.

It seems likely that they ascended the watershed between Big Creek and

the Wahconda, and that Doe Creek was a small branch of the former. The

two tributaries of the Grand which were crossed may have been Big Creek

and one of its large branches, probably the Little Wahconda, which

flows south through the centre of the county. The journey of twenty-two

miles must have brought them near the northern line of Carroll County.

Wahconda (sometimes Wakanda and Wakenda) is, as the text has explained,

the Indian name for the supreme being (Master of Life). The stream

pursues an eastward course across Carroll County. Its waters abounded

in fish and its banks in game; to the Indians such abundance seemed

to betoken the presence of the deity, and the stream was regarded as

sacred. Another legend concerning the name is, that two Sioux died

while passing a night upon its bank, and as they bore no marks of

violence, the Indians attributed their death to the Master of Life.—ED.

In the plains we met with nothing to obstruct travelling. They had been

perfectly denudated by {104} the burning of the last season; and the

annual growth of grasses and weeds had as yet risen but about a foot

from the ground. Among the grasses are intermixed great numbers of the

legumina, with pinnated leaves; and these are so commonly canescent as

to give their peculiar silvery colour to the whole plain. This effect

is the more striking, when a slight breeze agitates the leaves of the

numerous species of astragalus, psoralea, baptisia, and the beautiful

amorpha canescens, all of which have their inferior surfaces beset with

a shining silk-like down.

In the afternoon of the 14th a storm of rain commenced, which continued

with little intermission for several days. Having no tent, we were much

exposed to the weather; but at night we constructed a partial shelter,

by stretching our blankets over the spot on which we lay down to rest.

As we approached the sources of Grand river, the country became more

hilly. Horizontal limestone, like that about St. Louis, appears in the

sides of the deep vallies.

In the scanty soils along these declivities the ferula fœniculacea

sometimes occurs, diffusing its powerful and peculiar odour,

perceptible after a shower at the distance of several rods.

18th. The rain of the preceding day continued with increased violence

during the night. Our encampment was completely inundated, and the

wind so high as to render our blanket-tent wholly useless. The small

portfolio, in which we had deposited such plants as we wished to

preserve, had been placed for a pillow in the most sheltered part of

the tent, and covered with a coat; but these precautions, and all

others we could adopt, were unavailing; and the collection of plants we

had then made was lost.

Wishing to deviate as little as possible from the course we had

assumed, and which we knew it was necessary to pursue, if we would

follow the most {105} direct route to Council Bluff, we descended on

the 19th, into a broad and densely wooded valley on our left. After

crossing a part of this valley, through heavy forests of ash, sycamore,

and cotton-wood, our progress was checked by a river of some magnitude,

and so swollen and turbulent in consequence of the late rains, that

we thought it advisable not to attempt the passage. We therefore

relinquished our course; and being a long time detained in painful and

fatiguing exertions to extricate ourselves from the forest, regained

towards evening the open plain, and encamped.

We had now ascended about eighty miles from the mouth of Grand river.

The country we had passed is fertile, and presents such an intermixture

of forests and grassy plains, as is extremely pleasing to the eye.

Towards the north the hills became gradually more and more elevated.

The discontinuance of the horizontal limestone, the disclosure in

the deep vallies of the more ancient varieties of sandstone, and the

frequent occurrence in the soil of small round masses of granite,

gneiss, and other primitive rocks, indicate an approach towards the

margin of the secondary basin. In the deepest vallies, about the

sources of Grand river, we observe a very hard semi-crystalline

sandstone, in rather indistinct strata, and containing apparently few

remains either of plants or animals. It is, in almost every respect,

similar to that sandstone, which, in the valley of Lake Champlain,

rests along the skirts of the granitic mountains of Ticonderoga, Crown

Point, and Westport, and supports there a small stratum of compact

limestone. Containing few fragments rounded by attrition, being almost

destitute of cement, and retaining much uniformity of character in

different localities, it has a manifest resemblance to that most

ancient of sandstones, which, in the mountains of New England, is

associated with the granular limestone, and has sometimes been called

{106} granular quartz.[65] Indeed we have no hesitation in believing,

that at some point near the sources of the De Moyen and Grand river,

the primitive rocks approach near the surface. There is here a stratum

of newer sandstone, superimposed upon that above noticed, and bearing

marks of having been contemporaneous to some formation of coal; but it

is not of sufficient thickness, in the parts we examined, to justify an

opinion, that it contains any valuable beds of that mineral. Leaving

the immediate neighbourhood of the river, there is an ascent of several

miles to the level of the great woodless plain. The bottom, and part of

the sides of the vallies, are covered with trees; but in proportion to

the elevation, the surface becomes more unvaried and monotonous. These

vast plains, in which the eye finds no object to rest upon, are at

first seen with surprise and pleasure; but their uniformity at length

becomes tiresome.

[65] Eaton's Index to the Geology of the Northern States. First

edition.—JAMES.

For a few days the weather had been fine, with cool breezes, and broken

flying clouds. The shadows of these coursing rapidly over the plain,

seemed to put the whole in motion; and we appeared to ourselves as if

riding on the unquiet billows of the ocean. The surface is uniformly

of the description, not inaptly called _rolling_, and will certainly

bear a comparison to the waves of an agitated sea. The distant shores

and promontories of woodland, with here and there an insular grove of

trees, rendered the illusion more complete.

The great extent of country contemplated at a single view, and the

unvaried sameness of the surface, made our prospect seem tedious. We

pursued our course during the greater part of the day along the same

wide plain, and at evening the woody point in which we had encamped on

the preceding night was yet discernible.

{107} Nothing is more difficult than to estimate, by the eye, the

distance of objects seen in these plains. A small animal, as a wolf or

a turkey, sometimes appears of the magnitude of a horse, on account of

an erroneous impression of distance. Three elk, which were the first

we had seen, crossed our path at some distance before us. The effect

of the _mirage_, together with our indefinite idea of the distance,

magnified these animals to a most prodigious size. For a moment we

thought we saw the mastodon of America, moving in those vast plains,

which seem to have been created for his dwelling place. An animal seen

for the first time, or any object with which the eye is unacquainted,

usually appears much enlarged, and inaccurate ideas are formed of the

magnitude and distance of all the surrounding objects; but if some

well-known animal, as a deer or a wolf, comes into the field of vision

so near as to be recognized, the illusions vanish, and all things

return to their proper dimensions.

Soon after we had left our encampment, on one of the bright sunny

mornings which occurred, when we were in the country near the sources

of Grand river, we discovered, as we thought, several large animals

feeding in the prairie, at the distance of half a mile. These, we

believed, could be no other than bisons; and after a consultation

respecting the best method of surprising them, two of our party

dismounted; and creeping with great care and caution, about one-fourth

of a mile through the high grass, arrived near the spot, and discovered

an old turkey, with her brood of half-grown young, the only animals

now to be seen.

On the evening of the 20th of May, we encamped in a low, muddy bottom,

overgrown with nettles and phacelias; but the only place we could find

combining the three requisites—grass for our horses, and wood and water

for ourselves. Here we were so tormented by the mosquitoes, harassed

and goaded by the wood-ticks, {108} that we were glad to seek relief

by mounting our horses, at the earliest appearance of light on the

following morning. The dew had been so heavy, that it was falling in

drops from the grass and weeds where we had lain, and our blankets were

dripping as if they had been exposed to a shower. We proceeded on our

course about thirty miles, and encamped early in the afternoon. Having

ascended Grand river nearly to the point, where we believed Field's

trace must cross it, we directed our course more to the west, and had

already crossed several streams running to the south, supposed to be

the upper branches of the Little Platte.

The utmost uniformity prevails in the appearance of the country about

the sources of the Little Platte, Nishnebottona, and other northern

tributaries of the Missouri. Near one of these small rivers we

discovered the trace of an Indian war party, which appeared to have

passed very recently towards the Missouri. After our arrival at Council

Bluff, we had farther information of these Indians, who were a war

party of Sauks and Foxes from the Mississippi, and had committed many

depredations upon the Missouri Indians, and some upon the whites. We

were considered very fortunate in not having fallen in with them, as

it was believed, they would not have hesitated to rob, and perhaps

destroy, any party of whites as weak as ours.

Remains of bisons, as bones, horns, hoofs, and the like, are often seen

in these plains; and in one instance, in a low swamp surrounded by

forests, we discovered the recent track of a bull; but all the herds of

these animals have deserted the country on this side of Council Bluff.

The bones of elk and deer are very numerous, particularly about certain

places, which, from the great number of tent poles, scaffolds, &c.

appear to be old Indian hunting camps; and the living animals are still

to be found here in plenty. As we rode along these boundless meadows,

{109} every object within several miles became visible; the smallest

shrub rising a few inches above the surface of the green expanse, could

be seen at a mile distant.[66] Some large agarics, and a gigantic

lycoperdon, peculiar to these regions, are the most conspicuous objects

by which the uniformity of the plains is varied; and these may be seen

sometimes at the distance of two or three miles.

[66] A ceanothus, smaller than C. americana, the amorpha canescens,

and the symphoria racemosa, are almost the only shrubs seen in the

prairies.—JAMES.

On the evening of the 24th, we arrived on the bank of a beautiful

river, at a grove of ash and cotton-wood trees. We had scarce

dismounted from our horses, when a violent thunder-shower commenced;

the rain fell in such torrents as to extinguish our fire, and the wind

blew so violently that our blanket-tent could afford us no protection.

Many large trees were blown down in the point of woods where we lay,

and one fell a few yards from our camp. As the night was extremely

dark, we thought the danger of moving at least equal to that of

remaining where we were; and spent part of the night in the greatest

anxiety, listening to the roar of the storm, and the crashing of the

timber. As our horses were dispersed about the wood, we had scarce a

hope they could all escape uninjured.

On the day following, after we had rode about eighteen or twenty miles,

we observed the surface of the country to become suddenly hilly; and

soon after were surprised by an unexpected view of the wide valley, the

green meadows, and the yellow stream of the Missouri. A little after

noon we encamped in a meadow on the river bottom, and by ascending one

of the neighbouring bluffs; sufficiently elevated to overlook a large

extent of the surrounding country, we were enabled to discover that we

had arrived at the Missouri, at a point about {110} six miles below the

confluence of the great river Platte.

On the precipitous and almost naked argillaceous hills, which here

bound the Missouri valley, we found the oxytropis lambertii, and the

great flowering pentstemon; two plants of singular beauty. Here,

also, we saw, for the first time, the leafless prenanthes, the yellow

euchromia, and many other interesting plants. It would seem that

several species of plants are distributed along the course of the

Missouri, but do not extend far on either side. Probably the seeds of

these have been brought down from their original localities, near the

sources of the river. That the distribution of plants is sometimes

effected in this way, there can be no doubt, as in the instance of the

portulacca, with pilose leaves,[67] and other natives of the high and

sandy plains of the Arkansa, which are sometimes found transplanted

into the deep forests and fertile soils of the hilly region; but the

agency of rivers in this respect appears much less important, than

without particular examination, we might be inclined to imagine. In

ascending the Missouri, the Arkansa, or any great river, every remove

of forty or fifty miles brings the traveller to the locality of some

plants, not to be seen below. This is perhaps less the case with rivers

running from east to west, or from west to east, than with those

whose course in a different direction, traverses several parallels of

latitude.

[67] Nuttall's Travels into Arkansa, p. 165.—JAMES.

_Comment by Ed._ See reprint in our volume xiii, pp. 227-228.

On the 27th, we swam across Mosquito Creek;[68] and after a ride of

near thirty miles along the Missouri bottoms, encamped near the mouth

of the Boyer,[69] about six miles from the wintering place of the

party. Early on the following morning we left our encampment, and were

soon after cheered by the report of guns discharging at the Cantonment.

The sight of the trading establishment, called Fort Lisa, gave us {111}

more pleasure than can easily be imagined, except by those who have

made journeys similar to ours, and have felt the deprivation of all

those enjoyments which belongs to the habitations of men. At ten a.

m. we arrived at the Boyer, which Major Long immediately crossed on a

small raft, leaving Captain Bell and Dr. James, with the horses and

baggage, to wait until some soldiers could be sent out to assist in

crossing. These arrived in a few hours; and before three o'clock we had

crossed the Boyer and the Missouri, and found ourselves surrounded by

our friends at Engineer Cantonment.

[68] For Mosquito Creek, see preceding volume, note 173.—ED.

[69] See preceding volume, note 174.—ED.

In the early part of June, 1820, arrangements were completed for the

departure of the Exploring Expedition from their winter cantonment

near Council Bluff. By an order of the Honourable Secretary of War,

dated 28th February, Major Long had been instructed to explore the

country from the Missouri westward to the Rocky Mountains; and thence,

proceeding southward along the base of these mountains to the Arkansa,

to despatch a division of his party down that river. The following

orders were issued by Major Long, briefly sketching the proposed route,

and assigning appropriate duties to each individual of the party.

"_Engineer Cantonment, Council Bluff_,

"_Orders_. _June 1st, 1820._

"Agreeably to the instructions of the Honourable Secretary of War,

the further progress of the Exploring Expedition up the Missouri

is arrested during the present season. By the same authority, an

excursion, by land, to the source of the river Platte, and thence by

way of the Arkansa and Red rivers to the Mississippi, is ordered.

The expedition will accordingly proceed on this duty as soon as

practicable, and be governed by the order of the 31st March, 1819,

issued at the United States' arsenal, near Pittsburgh, so far as it

may be applicable. The duties therein assigned to Major Biddle will be

performed {112} by Captain J. R. Bell, attached to the expedition by

order of the war department, with the exception of those parts which

relate to the manners, customs, and traditions of the various savage

tribes which we may pass. The duties thus excepted will be performed

by Mr. Say. The duties assigned to Dr. Baldwin and Mr. Jessup, by the

order alluded to, will be performed by Dr. E. James, employed for these

purposes, by the sanction of the secretary of war. In these duties

are excepted those parts which relate to comparative anatomy, and the

diseases, remedies, &c. known amongst the Indians; which will also be

performed by Mr. Say.

"Lieutenant Graham will take charge of the United States' steam-boat,

Western Engineer, and proceed down the Missouri to the Mississippi,

with the remaining part of the crew originally attached to the boat, on

the performance of duties assigned him by special order.

"The detachment from the rifle regiment, attached to the expedition,

by order from the commanding officer of the 9th military department,

will accompany the expedition in their route from this place to Belle

Point, on the Arkansa, under the immediate command of Lieutenant Swift,

who will inspect daily their arms and accoutrements, and report their

condition to the commanding officer. He will receive such instructions

from the commanding officer as occasion may require, in relation to the

discharge of his duties.

"Guides, interpreters, hunters, and others attached to the expedition,

will perform such duties as may be assigned, from time to time, by the

commanding officer.

"The duties of the expedition being arduous, and the objects in

view difficult of attainment, the hardships and exposures to be

encountered requiring zealous and obstinate perseverance, it is

confidently expected, that all embarked in the enterprize will {113}

contribute every aid in their power, tending to a successful and speedy

termination of the contemplated tour.

"S. H. LONG, _Maj. Engrs._

_Commanding Exploring Expedition._"

The party, as now arranged, consisted of the following persons:

S. H. Long, Major, U. S. Topographical Engineers, commanding the

expedition.

J. R. Bell, Captain Lt. Artillery, to act as Journalist.[70]

[70] It will be perceived, that in the following narrative no reference

has been made to the notes or journal of Captain Bell, the reason of

which is, that his journal, in the form of a report, was submitted

to the Secretary of War, and consequently the compiler has had no

opportunity of consulting it.—JAMES.

_Comment by Ed._ Bell's report was never published.