common occurrence among the ruins. Her statement was fully confirmed by
Sr. Baca and others. She also spoke of "the heads of little idols"
having been plentiful at one time. Gaspar Castano de la Sosa, _Memoria
del Descubrimiento_, etc., _Documentos Ineditos_, vol. xv. p. 244,
speaking of a pueblo which is evidently Pecos, says: "Porque tiene
muchos idolos que atras nos olvidaba de declarar." Antonio de Espejo,
_El Viaje que hizo_ ... in Hackluyt's _Voyages, Navigations, and
Discoveries of the English Nation_, 1600 A.D., pp. 457-464. A somewhat
abbreviated and frequently unreliable copy of Espejo's letter, dated
"Sant Salvador de la Nueva-Espana, 23 April, 1584," mentions a district
two days east from Bernalillo, inhabited by pueblo Indians: "Los quales
tienen y adoran idolos."
[114] On first sight this building appears circular, but I soon became
satisfied that it was a rectangle.
[115] They may have been the "almacenas", or granaries (storage-rooms),
of which I speak further on. "Outhouses" are referred to by Castaneda.
(Part ii. cap. iv. p. 172.)
[116] One or the other may also have been an Estufa, for I saw no round
structures about _B_. Castaneda (part ii. cap. iv. p. 169) says: "There
are square and round ones." It is true that the Estufas are usually in
the courts; but when there was no court, as in this case, there could be
no Estufa inside.
[117] Pl. I., Fig. 5, shows cross-sections of the "body" of the
_mesilla_ on which _A_ stands, along the lines indicated. The surface of
_A_ was therefore very irregular and difficult to build upon for people
who could not remove and fit the hard rock.
[118] This may have been caused, in part, by filling with rubbish from
the surrounding walls.
[119] Such double houses are mentioned by Castaneda (part ii. cap. v. p.
177). Speaking of "Cicuye," he says: "Those houses fronting outwards
('du cote de la campagne') are backed up ('adossees') against those
which stand towards the court."
[120] The dimensions given by Gen. J. H. Simpson, _Reconnoissance_,
etc., pp. 79-82, of the pueblos--"Pintado," "Bonito," and "Penasca
blanca"--on the Rio Chaco vary, as far as the circuit is concerned,
between 1,200 and 1,700 feet, "about." Dr. W. H. Jackson, _Geographical
Survey_, etc., 1876, has measured these ruins, and gives the following
dimensions: "Pueblo Bonito," 544 x 314; "Penasca blanca," 499 x 363
(only 3 sides of the rectangle being built up); "Pueblo Pintado" (2
sides), 238 x 174; "Pueblo Alto" (3 wings), 360 x 200 and 170. "Pueblo
Bonito" therefore alone comes up to the standard of Pecos. The latter,
however, is larger still, as, by adding to the perimeter given that of
the northern annex (about 90 m.--295 ft.), we obtain a total of 450
metres, or 1,480 feet. The difference, if any, is not considerable; and
I merely advert to the fact to show that the old ruins of New Mexico,
comparatively neglected, are fully as important in size as any of those
further north, besides being completely identical in plan, structure,
and material. Furthermore, the pottery is identical. This was already
recognized in 1776 by Father Silvestre Velez Escalante, _Diario y
Derrotero de los Nuevos Descubrimientos de Tierras a Rumbos N. N. Oe.
Oe. del Nuevo Mexico_, MSS. at the Library of Congress, fol. 118, on the
San Buenaventura (Green River), and in his letter, dated Santa Fe, 2
April, 1778, _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a serie, vol. i.
p. 124.
[121] _On the Ruins of an Ancient Stone Pueblo on the Animas River_,
Peabody Reports, 11 and 12.
[122] I must here call attention to a singular coincidence. Among the
ruins of Uxmal in Yucatan there are, aside from the "Teocalli," or
medicine mound, two general forms of structure,--one narrow rectangle
like _B_, and hollow rectangles like _A_. The "Casa del Gobernador"
would correspond to the former, and the "Casa de las Monjas" to the
latter. Of course, there is dissimilarity between the house of the
"Governor" and _B_, in so far as the former contains halls and the
latter but cells. Still the fact is interesting that, whereas the great
northern pueblos have each but one house alone, here, for the south, we
have already two buildings within one and the same enclosure, similar in
form and size to those of Central America. I call attention to this
fact, though well remembering at the same time the friendly advice of
Major J. W. Powell, the distinguished chief of the Bureau of Ethnology
at Washington, "not to attempt to trace relationships."
[123] _Relation du Voyage de Cibola_, ii. cap. v. p. 176.
[124] I am informed by Governor Wallace, and have permission to quote
him, that these elevated plateaux grow exceedingly tall wheat, rye, and
oats. He has seen oats whose stalks were 6 feet long and 1-3/4 inches in
diameter. The heads were proportionally large.
[125] He became adopted, as I am told, from being, as a boy, assistant
to the sacristan of the church of Pecos.
[126] It was Mr. John D. McRae who, together with Mr. Thomas Munn, led
me to this spot. Subsequently the former, who has been for nearly twenty
years among the northern Indians (in Canada and Oregon), gave me some
valuable information in regard to their sign-language. He affirms that
it is very highly developed and extensively practised by them; that
tribes of entirely different stock-languages can converse with each
other freely; and that he was himself present at one time when the Crees
and the Blackfeet arranged for a pitched fight on the day to follow, the
parley consisting almost exclusively of signs. Thus, killing is
indicated by the spanning of a bow and the motion of throwing down;
walking, by shoving both hands forwards successively, etc.; the time of
day is very correctly given by describing an arc from E. to W. (facing
S.) up to the point where the sun stands at the specified hour. These
signs are not new to my distinguished friend, Lieutenant-Colonel G.
Mallery, to whom science owes the gift of this new branch of inquiry,
but still they are interesting to those who may be less familiar with
it. In regard to connection of this "sign-language" and Indian
"pictography," Mr. McRae has told me the following: Whenever an Indian
breaks up his camp, and wishes to leave behind him information in what
direction and how far he is going, he plants into the ground near the
fire a twig or stick, and breaks it so that it forms an acute angle,
planting the other end in the ground also in the direction in which he
intends to camp the following evening. The following would very well
give the appearance of this little mark, assuming the Indian to travel
from N. to S.:--
[Illustration]
If he intends to go S. for three days it will look thus:--
[Illustration]
Fractional days are indicated by corresponding shorter limbs. If his
direction is first S. and then E., this would be a top view of the bent
twig, assuming that he travels two days S. and three days W.:--
[Illustration]
The connection between this expedient and sign-language, knowing that,
as Dr. W. J. Hoffmann, of Washington City, has informed me, the sign for
"lodge" is an imitation of the tent,--that is, holding both hands up and
the tips of the fingers together at a steep angle,--becomes very
apparent. Through it pictography is easily reached.
[127] Sr. E. Vigil has just informed me that the notion is current that
all the Indians of the New Mexican pueblos buried their dead in this
manner. Among the Mexicans and the Christianized Indians it is the rule
to bury the dead around the church or in sight of it.
[128] There is still another ruin much farther down the railroad, near
to a place called "El Pueblo." I was informed of its existence, but have
not as yet been able to visit it.
[129] Or rather towards the pueblo of San Cristoval. The latter was the
chief place of the Tanos Indians, of which stock there are still a few
left at the town of Galisteo.
[130] The following is an approximate sketch of these structures. This
sketch is made without reference to size or plan, merely in order to
show the relative position of the graves (_a_, _a_, _a_, _a_). It will
be seen that the analogy with the grave of mound _V_, building _A_, is
very striking; also with the grave discovered by Mr. Walters, and the
wall above the corrugated pottery west of the Arroyo de Pecos.
[Illustration: Graves]
[131] To judge from the report of General Simpson (p. 68), these early
traditions must be very meagre. His informant, the celebrated
"Hoosta-Nazle," is now dead. Of the Pecos adults then living at Santo
Domingo, a daughter is still alive, and married to an Indian of the
latter pueblo. General (then lieutenant) Simpson was at Jemez in 1849.
[132] _Memoria del Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 238. "Tienen mucha loza de
los colorados y pintadas y negras, platos, caxetes, saleros, almoficos,
xicaras muy galanas, alguna de la loza esta vidriada."
[133] W. H. Holmes, _Geographical Survey_, part iii., p. 404, plate
xliv. "This plate is intended to illustrate the corrugated and indented
ware. Heretofore specimens of this class have been quite rare, as it is
not made by any of the modern tribes."
[134] Holmes, pp. 404, 405.
[135] Even the _estufa_ and the _almacena_ are found. The round
depression near the road to the Rio Pecos (marked _L_ on the general
plan) is evidently an Estufa, while the circular ruin which I met upon
the apron of the mesa during my ascent appears very much like a
storehouse.
[136] House _A_ alone appears in these reports; but from the statement
that the tribe mustered 500 warriors, it seems probable that _B_ was
also inhabited. 2,500 souls could hardly have found room in the 585
cells of _A_, The number of warriors given is doubtless a loose
estimate.
[137] San Diego, now in ruins, about 13 miles N. of the pueblo Jemez,
was the old pueblo of that tribe. It was the scene of a bloody struggle
in 1692, according to the story of Hoosta-Nazle, given to General
Simpson in 1849. _Reconnoissance_, etc., p. 68. Diego de Vargas
(_Carta_, Oct. 16, 1692), _Documentos para la Historia de Mexico_, 3a
series, i. p. 131. "Los Gemex y los de Santo-Domingo se hallaban en otro
tambien nuevo, dentro de la Sierra, a tres leguas del pueblo antiguo de
Gemex." Nearly all the pueblos, upon the approach of the Spaniards, fled
to steep and high mesas.
[138] This is the same canon whose source on the "Mesa de Pecos" I have
visited, and where the great bell was found. It is the natural pathway,
from the W. and S. W., up to the heights overlooking the valley of
Pecos.
[139] A. S. Gatchet, _Zwoelf Sprachen aus dem Suedwesten Nord-Amerika's_,
Weimar, 1876, p. 41.
[140] I infer it from the fact that it is not noticed previous to 1680.
Agustin de Vetancurt, _Cronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio en
Mexico_, edition of 1871, pp. 310, 311. It then contained 2,000
"Tiguas;" but the church dedicated to San Antonio de Padua had just been
brought under cover when the rebellion broke out.
[141] Castaneda, ii. cap. v. pp. 178, 179.
[142] Castaneda, pp. 189, 190. Jaramillo, pp. 372-382. Francisco Vasquez
de Coronado, _Letter to Charles V._, dated Tigues, Oct. 20, 1541.
Appendix to _Voyage de Cibola_, pp. 356-359.
[143] _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de Nueva Espana_. Very
valuable, but much influenced by personal views and prejudice.
[144] Fray Luis Descalona, a lay brother, who remained at Pecos in 1543,
may have had a hand in this report. Castaneda, iii. cap. iv. pp. 214,
215. Jaramillo, p. 380.
[145] Castaneda, pp. 176, 177.
[146] Id., xii. p. 68.
[147] Id., i. p. 68; ii. cap. vii. p. 188.
[148] Id., i. p. 69.
[149] _Relation del Suceso de la Jornada que Francisco Vazquez hizo en
el Descubrimiento de Cibola_, in vol. xiv. of the Documentos del Archivo
de Indias, p. 325. "De unos Indios que se hallaron en este pueblo de
Acuique" This would make it very important to consult the original
manuscript of Castaneda in order to ascertain if "Cicuye" is not really
"Acuye." The latter word would be identical almost with "Aqiu." The name
Pecos itself belongs to the Qq'ueres language of New Mexico, and is
pronounced "Pae-qo." It is applied to the inhabitants of the pueblo, the
place itself being called "Pae-yoq'ona." The first mention of it under
the name of Pecos is found in the documents of the year 1598, after the
general meeting of Juan de Onate with the pueblo Indians in the _estufa_
of Santo Domingo (a Qq'ueres village).
[150] Castaneda, ii. cap. viii. pp. 194, 195; iii. cap. iv. p. 214.
Jaramillo, p. 380. Vetancurt, _Menologio Franciscano_, Nov. 30, p. 386.
Juan de Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, first edition, 1614, lib. xxi.
p. 689.
[151] Castaneda, ii. pp. 194, 195.
[152] Vetancurt, _Menologio_, pp. 412-422. He calls him Rodriguez.
Espejo, _Viaje_, etc., Hackluyt, iii. Geronimo de Zarate Salmeron, p. 9.
[153] This is plain from the description, although Juan de Onate
(_Discurso de la Jornada que hizo el Capitan de su Magestad desde la
Nueva-Espana a la Provincia de la Nueva-Mexico, Archivos de Indias_,
vol. xvi. p. 258) says of the "gran pueblo de los Peccos, y es el que
Espejo llama la provincia de Tamos."
[154] Castano, _Descubrimiento_, etc., p. 244. The "vigas grandes," in
the _estufa_, recalls the great tree across the northern _estufa_ in the
court of A.
[155] Onate, _Jornada_, p. 244.
[156] _Obediencia_, etc., _Archivos_, xvi. p. 113.
[157] pp. 371, 372.
[158] pp. 371, 372.
[159] p. 179.
[160] Fray Francisco de Apodaca, native of Cantabria, was commissary
from 1627 till 1633. Vetancurt, _Menologio_, p. 464. Davis, _Conquest of
New Mexico_, cap. xxxv. p. 278.
[161] Published in vol. i. of 3a series of _Documentos para la Historia
de Mexico_. In consequence of it, Fray Estiban de Perea came to New
Mexico with thirty priests. Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 300. "Con cuyo
ejemplo y ensenanza se poblaron treinta y siete casas de diferentes
naciones," among which the Pecos.
[162] Jean Blaeu, _Douzieme Volume de la Geographie Blaviane, contenant
l'Amerique_, etc., Amsterdam, 1667, p. 62. He says Picuries, but it must
be Pecos. "Avec un seul bourg, mais grandement peuple, ou il y a un
temple somptueux." Vetancurt, Cronica, etc., p. 323. "Tenia a nuestra
Senora de los Angeles de Porciuncula un templo magnifico, con seis
torres, tres de cada lado, adornado; las paredes tan anchas que en sus
concavidades estaban hechas oficinas." There are still, in the church of
the plaza of Pecos, three paintings out of that church,--one on
buffalo-hide, representing Nra. Sra. de Guadalupe, and two on cloth,
with Our Lady of the Angels painted on it. The last two are very good.
[163] Blaeu, p. 62.
[164] Vetancurt, _Cronica_, p. 323.
[165] Ibid.
[166] Onate, p. 258.
[167] _Apuntamientos_, etc., p. 104.
[168] "Este Cuaderno se cree ser de un Religioso de la Provincia del
Santo Evangelio" (_Anonymous Report on New Mexico_), Documentos, 3a
serie, vol. i. p. 127.
[169] Davis, cap. xlii. p. 329.
[170] Escalante, _Letter_, p. 123. Diego de Vargas, _Carta a S. E._,
etc., p. 129.
[171] Davis, cap. xlv. pp. 348, 349.
[172] Davis, cap. l. p. 396; cap. li. p. 402.
[173] Niel, p. 104. Escalante, p. 123.
[174] Niel, pp. 104-106. Escalante, p. 122. Gobierno de Don Francisco
Cubero y Valdes, _Documentos_, 3a serie, vol. i. p. 194.
[175] Gobierno de Don Francisco Cubero y Valdes, p. 195. In 1712 the
pueblo of Pojuaque (north of Santa Fe) contained but seventy-nine
inhabitants,--all Tehuas.
[176] Niel, p. 104. "De los Pecos quedaron mas."
[177] The Apaches were in intercourse with Taos until 1700 A.D. _Sesto
Cuaderno, Documentos_, 3a serie, i. p. 180.
[178] _Historical Sketch of Santa Fe_, pp. 22, 23, in the pamphlet on
_Centennial Celebration_, 1876. It is the only printed report in
existence, except a very short one by Judge K. Benedict, on the revolt
of 1837.
[179] I have not as yet been able to consult the archives of San Miguel
County, at Las Vegas, in regard to the different "Deeds" then executed.
Therefore I forbear mentioning even the names of the grantees of which I
was informed.
[180] The Hon. W. G. Ritch is in possession of a number of highly
interesting data gathered from the Indians in relation to the sacred
fire. All of these he has, in the kindest manner, placed at my disposal.
I, however, defer their mention for a future report, in connection, as I
hope, with the pueblo of Jemez. I shall but refer here to a single one.
There were, formerly, several fires burning. One of these, that of the
_cacique_, was never permitted to go out, so that, in case one of the
others should accidentally become extinguished, it could always be
rekindled from the "extra-holy" one.
[181] Even Ruiz affirmed that the tale, as far as the Pecos were
concerned, was certainly true. He never could get to see the reptile,
however. It is a rattlesnake (_cascabel_).
[182] I am informed by Mr. Miller that blocks or "chunks" of obsidian,
as large as a fist or larger, are found in the Arroyo de Taos. This
would be about 60 miles north of Santa Fe.
[183] In regard to the regular indentation of arrow-heads, I was
informed by Mr. Debrant, then incidentally at Baughl's (on the 4th of
September), that these were produced by contact with fire. Applying a
glowing coal (the end of a burning stick) to the edge of the flint, and
blowing on it steadily, after a few seconds a speck of the mineral will
fly off, leaving a groove or indentation proportionate in size to the
coal used and to the length of time applied. Thus, an arrow-head may be
indented in a very short time, which would be impossible by chipping.
[184] Moss-agate is also found, but rarely.
[185] Compare W. H. Holmes, _U. S. Geographical Survey_, 1876, p. 404.
[186] That stones were used, both in offensive as well as in defensive
warfare, is proven by Castaneda, ii. cap. v. p. 178; i. cap. xii. p. 69.
It is possible that the pebbles used were kept on the roofs, as was the
custom among the ancient Mexicans.
[187] Thus the probability of the destruction of a part of Pecos by the
Tanos, on the 10th of August, 1680, is still further increased.
[188] Therefore the massacre of all their available men by the
Comanches, already mentioned. I could not as yet find the date of the
event. It is a well-known tradition, however. It occurred in the _moro_.
[189] That constant guard was kept on the housetops is stated by
Castaneda, ii. p. 179.
[190] The defensive constructions of the pueblos, as late as 1540, were
the houses. The wall of Pecos is an exception. Castaneda says (i. cap.
xiv. p. 80): "As these villages have no streets, that all the houses are
of the same height and common to all the inhabitants, these large houses
must be captured first, because they are the points of defence."
[191] The church of Pecos, although it had lost all its former splendor,
still was used till about 1840. Afterwards it was abandoned.
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| Transcriber's Note |
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