CHAPTER XXIII.

TRAFALGAR.--THE DEATH OF NELSON.

OCTOBER 19-21, 1805. AGE, 47.

Contrary to the general policy that for many years had governed the

naval undertakings of France and Spain, the combined fleets put to sea

on the 19th of October, 1805, with the fixed purpose of daring the

hazard of battle, which they could scarcely expect to avoid. They

numbered thirty-three ships-of-the-line, eighteen French and fifteen

Spanish, and were accompanied by five frigates and two brigs, all of

which were French. This great force in its aggregate was one. There

were not two separate entities, a French fleet and a Spanish fleet,

acting in concert, as is often the case in alliances. Whatever the

administrative arrangements, for cruising and for battle the vessels

of the two nations were blended in a single mass, at the head of which

was the French admiral, just as the general direction of the naval

campaign was in the hands of the French Emperor alone. The

commander-in-chief was Vice-Admiral Villeneuve, the same that Nelson

recently had pursued to the West Indies and back to Europe. The

commander of the Spanish contingent, Vice-Admiral Gravina, was less

his colleague than his subordinate. There were also flying in the

combined fleet the flags of four junior admirals, two French and two

Spanish, and the broad pendants of several commodores.

In the allied force there were four three-decked ships, of from one

hundred to one hundred and thirty guns, all Spanish, of which one,

the "Santísima Trinidad," was the largest vessel then afloat. Among

Nelson's twenty-seven there were seven three-deckers, of ninety-eight

to one hundred guns; but in the lower rates the British were at a

disadvantage, having but one eighty-gun ship and three sixty-fours,

whereas the allies had six of the former and only one of the latter.

All the other vessels of the line-of-battle were seventy-fours, the

normal medium type, upon which the experience of most navies of that

day had fixed, as best fitted for the general purposes of fleet

warfare. Where more tonnage and heavier batteries were put into single

ships, it was simply for the purpose of reinforcing the critical

points of an order of battle; an aim that could not be as effectively

attained by the combination of two ships, under two captains.

As Nelson said in his celebrated order, so large a body as

thirty-three heavy vessels is not easily handled, even at sea; and

leaving port with them is an operation yet more difficult.

Consequently, the movement which began soon after daylight on the 19th

was not completed that day. Owing to the falling of the wind, only

twelve ships got fairly clear of the bay, outside of which they lay

becalmed. The following morning the attempt was resumed, and by two or

three o'clock in the afternoon of the 20th the whole combined fleet

was united, and standing with a fresh southwest wind to the northward

and westward, to gain room to windward for entering the Straits.

As has been said, the movement that Blackwood recognized at 7 A.M. of

the 19th was communicated to the admiral at half-past nine. According

to his announced plan, to cut the enemy off from the Mediterranean, he

at once made signal for a General Chase to the southeast,--towards

Cape Spartel,--and the fleet moved off in that direction with a light

southerly wind. At noon Nelson sat down in his cabin to begin his last

letter to Lady Hamilton. The words then written he signed, as though

conscious that no opportunity to continue might offer; nor is it

difficult to trace that some such thought was then uppermost in his

mind, and sought expression in the tenderness of farewell. The

following day, however, he added a few lines, in which the dominant

note was fear that the enemy might again elude him, by returning into

port; an apprehension that expelled the previous haunting sense of

finality. There he laid down the pen, never again to address her

directly. The letter, thus abruptly closed by death, was found open

and unsigned upon his desk after the battle.

Victory, October 19th, 1805, Noon. CADIZ, E.S.E., 16 Leagues.

MY DEAREST BELOVED EMMA, the dear friend of my bosom. The signal

has been made that the Enemy's Combined Fleet are coming out of

Port. We have very little wind, so that I have no hopes of

seeing them before to-morrow. May the God of Battles crown my

endeavours with success; at all events, I will take care that my

name shall ever be most dear to you and Horatia, both of whom I

love as much as my own life. And as my last writing before the

Battle will be to you, so I hope in God that I shall live to

finish my letter after the Battle. May Heaven bless you prays

your

NELSON AND BRONTE.

October 20th.

In the morning, we were close to the Mouth of the Straits, but

the wind had not come far enough to the Westward to allow the

Combined Fleets to weather the Shoals off Trafalgar; but they

were counted as far as forty Sail of Ships of War, which I

suppose to be thirty-four of the Line, and six Frigates. A group

of them was seen off the Lighthouse of Cadiz this morning, but

it blows so very fresh and thick weather, that I rather believe

they will go into the Harbour before night. May God Almighty

give us success over these fellows, and enable us to get a

Peace.

He wrote the same day to his daughter, addressing the letter to Miss

Horatia Nelson Thompson,[132] by which name she had hitherto been

known. In the Codicil to his Will, signed on the morning of the 21st,

a few hours before the battle, he called her his adopted daughter, and

desired that she would in future use the name of Nelson only.

Victory, October 19th, 1805.

MY DEAREST ANGEL,--I was made happy by the pleasure of receiving

your letter of September 19th, and I rejoice to hear that you

are so very good a girl, and love my dear Lady Hamilton, who

most dearly loves you. Give her a kiss for me. The Combined

Fleets of the Enemy are now reported to be coming out of Cadiz;

and therefore I answer your letter, my dearest Horatia, to mark

to you that you are ever uppermost in my thoughts. I shall be

sure of your prayers for my safety, conquest, and speedy return

to dear Merton, and our dearest good Lady Hamilton. Be a good

girl, mind what Miss Connor says to you. Receive, my dearest

Horatia, the affectionate parental blessing of your Father,

NELSON AND BRONTE.

The 20th of October opened with fresh breezes from south-southwest and

heavy rains. At daybreak the British fleet was near the Straits'

mouth, between Capes Trafalgar and Spartel, unable to see anything,

but certain that, with the existing winds, the enemy could not have

anticipated it there. Blackwood's frigates, out of sight to the

northward, were dogging the path of the allies, of whose general

position they were certain, although the thick weather hid them from

observation. At 7 A.M. the frigate "Phoebe" signalled to Nelson that

the enemy bore north. With the wind as it was, and considering the

position of the land, they must be standing to the northwest, so that

the British fleet wore and steered the same course, keeping parallel

to the enemy and spreading lookouts in their direction. Soon after

noon, the weather clearing, Blackwood saw the combined fleets where he

believed them to be, under low sail, and so close that the "Euryalus"

went about immediately. At 1 P.M. he left the squadron in temporary

charge of a junior captain, and with his own ship kept away south to

speak the admiral. At two he sighted the main body, and at 3.20 was

near enough to send the telegraphic message, "The enemy appears

determined to push to the westward." "That," wrote Nelson in his

diary, "they shall _not_ do, if in the power of Nelson and Bronté to

prevent them," and he telegraphed back, "I rely upon your keeping

sight of the enemy." The frigates and lookout ships, he noted in his

journal, had so far discharged their duties most admirably, informing

him promptly of all the hostile movements; he was justified therefore

in the confidence that they would do as well in the night now

approaching.

While Blackwood was communicating, Nelson himself was much of the time

on the "Victory's" poop. Seeing there a number of midshipmen

assembled, he observed to them, "This day or to-morrow will be a

fortunate one for you, young gentlemen," alluding to their prospect of

promotion after a successful battle. The same day at dinner, he said

to some of the company, "To-morrow I will do that which will give you

younger gentlemen something to talk and think about for the rest of

your lives, but I shall not live to know about it myself;" and he

added that he expected to capture twenty to twenty-two of the hostile

fleet.[133] It may be inferred from this remark that by the dinner

hour, between three and five, he had become satisfied that the enemy

either would not, or could not, return into port, according to the

fear he had expressed to Lady Hamilton, and that a battle therefore

was certain. The letter to her, from its mention of the weather as

thick, must have been written in the forenoon. His expectation that

the morrow would prove the decisive day was reinforced by one of those

prepossessions for coincidences, half jesting, half serious, which are

natural to men, but fall too far short of conviction to be called

superstitious. On the 21st of October, 1757, his uncle Maurice

Suckling had commanded one of three ships-of-the-line which had beaten

off a superior force. Nelson had several times said to Captain Hardy

and Dr. Scott, "The 21st will be our day;" and on the morning of the

battle, when the prediction was approaching fulfilment, he again

remarked that the 21st of October was the happiest day in the year for

his family; but he mentioned no reason other than that just given.

The main bodies of the contending navies did not come in sight of each

other during the 20th; the British lookout frigates, between the two,

and three or four miles from the allied line, could see their own

fleet only from the masthead. At about 2 P.M., soon after the weather

cleared, the wind shifted to west-northwest, taking the ships aback.

After filling their sails again to the new wind, as this was now fair

for their approach to the Straits' mouth, the combined fleets wore,

and headed to the southward. The British remaining on the same tack as

before,--the port,--stood to the northward until 8 P.M., when they

also wore to the southwest; but this interval of steering in nearly

opposite directions changed the relative bearings. At midnight, by the

log of Blackwood's frigates, the enemy stretched along the eastern

horizon, while the British bore southwest; the space between the two

being ten miles. The "Euryalus," three miles from the allies, saw the

loom of the lights of her own fleet. Still fearful lest the view of

his ships should shake the enemy's purpose, Nelson was careful not to

lessen this distance; the more so because the British, having the

wind, could attack when they pleased, provided the enemy by continuing

to the southward deprived themselves of the power to regain Cadiz. Two

British frigates were directed to keep them in sight during the night,

reporting their movements to two others who were stationed a little

farther from them, whence a chain of line-of-battle ships communicated

with the "Victory." Thus, throughout the dark hours, signal lights and

guns flashed across the waters to Nelson instantaneous information of

every noteworthy occurrence in the hostile order.

Since the morning of the 19th, the weather, fine for some days

previous, had become unsettled, working up for the southwest gale

which wrought so much damage among the victims of the fight. As the

night of the 20th advanced, the wind fell, and at midnight there were

only light westerly breezes, inclining to calm. The same conditions

continued at dawn, and throughout the day of the 21st until after the

battle; but there was also a great swell from the westward, the

precursor of a storm. At 4 A.M. the British fleet again wore, and was

standing northeast when the day broke.

After leaving Cadiz, in order to avoid separations during the night,

or in thick weather, the combined fleets had been disposed in five

columns, a formation whose compactness, though not suited to an

engagement, was less liable to straggling than a single long line, and

brought all parts more directly under the control of the

commander-in-chief at the centre. Of the five, the two to windward, of

six ships each, constituted a reserve, similar to Nelson's proposed

detachment of eight. It was commanded by Admiral Gravina, and was

intended to reinforce such part of the battle as should appear to

require it; an object for which the windward position was of the

utmost moment, as it was for all naval initiative in that day. This

advantage the allies did not have on the morning of Trafalgar. When

Villeneuve, therefore, formed the line of battle, these twelve ships

were at once incorporated with it, taking the lead of their order as

it stood to the southward, with the wind at west-northwest,--a long

column stretching over five miles of sea from end to end.

In a general sense, then, it may be said that, when daylight showed

the enemies to each other, the British fleet was heading to the

northward, and that of the allies to the southward; the latter being

ten or twelve miles east of their opponents. In the far distance, Cape

Trafalgar, from which the battle takes its name, was just visible

against the eastern sky. At twenty minutes before seven Nelson made in

quick succession the signals, "To form the order of sailing,"--which

by his previous instructions was to be the order of battle,--and "To

prepare for battle." Ten minutes later followed the command to "Bear

up," the "Victory" setting the example by at once altering her course

for the enemy. Collingwood did the same, and the ships of the two

divisions fell into the wake of their leaders as best they could, for

the light wind afforded neither the means nor the time for refinements

in manoeuvring. Fourteen ships followed the "Royal Sovereign," which

bore Collingwood's flag, while the remaining twelve gathered in

Nelson's division behind the "Victory."[134] The two columns steered

east, about a mile apart, that of Nelson being to the northward; from

which circumstance, the wind being west-northwest, it has been called

commonly the weather line.

Thus, as Ivanhoe, at the instant of encounter in the lists, shifted

his lance from the shield to the casque of the Templar, Nelson, at the

moment of engaging, changed the details of his plan, and substituted

an attack in two columns, simultaneously made, for the charge of

Collingwood's division, in line and in superior numbers, upon the

enemy's flank; to be followed, more or less quickly, according to

indications, by such movement of his own division as might seem

advisable. It will be observed, however, that the order of sailing

remained the order of battle,--probably, although it is not so stated,

the fleet was already thus disposed when the signal was made, needing

only rectification after the derangements incident to darkness,--and

further, that the general direction of attack continued the same,

Collingwood guiding his column upon the enemy's southern flank, while

Nelson pointed a few ships north of their centre. In this way was

preserved the comprehensive aim which underlay the particular

dispositions of his famous order: "The whole impression of the British

fleet must be to overpower from two or three ships ahead of their

commander-in-chief, supposed to be in the Centre, to the Rear of their

fleet." The northern flank of the allies--ten or a dozen ships--was

consequently left unengaged, unless by their own initiative they came

promptly into action; which, it may be added, they did not do until

after the battle was decided.

When the development of the British movement was recognized by

Villeneuve, he saw that fighting was inevitable; and, wishing to keep

Cadiz, then twenty miles to the northward and eastward, under his lee,

he ordered the combined fleets to wear together.[135] The scanty wind

which embarrassed the British impeded this manoeuvre also, so that it

was not completed till near ten o'clock. Nelson, however, noted its

beginning at seven, and with grave concern; for not only would it put

the allies nearer their port, as it was intended to do, but it would

cause vessels crippled in the action to find to leeward of them,

during the gale which he foresaw, the dangerous shoals off Trafalgar

instead of the open refuge of the Straits. The appreciation of the

peril thus entailed led him to make a signal for all the ships to be

prepared to anchor after the battle, for it was not to be hoped that

the spars of many of them would be in a condition to bear sail. The

result of the allied movement was to invert their order. Their ships,

which had been steering south, now all headed north; the van became

the rear; Gravina, who had been leading the column, was in the rear

ship; and it was upon this rear, but still the southern flank of the

hostile array, that the weight of Collingwood's attack was to fall.

Soon after daylight Nelson, who, according to his custom, was already

up and dressed, had gone on deck. He wore as usual his admiral's frock

coat, on the left breast of which were stitched the stars of four

different Orders that he always bore. It was noticed that he did not

wear his sword at Trafalgar, although it lay ready for him on the

cabin table; and it is supposed he forgot to call for it, as this was

the only instance in which he was known not to carry it when engaged.

At about six o'clock he summoned Captain Blackwood on board the

"Victory." This officer had had a hard fag during the past forty-eight

hours, dogging the enemy's movements through darkness and mist; but

that task was over, and his ambition now was to get command of one of

two seventy-fours, whose captains had gone home with Calder to give

evidence at his trial. "My signal just made on board the Victory," he

wrote to his wife. "I hope to order me to a vacant line-of-battle

ship." Nelson's purpose, however, as far as stated by Blackwood, was

simply to thank him for the successful efforts of the past two days,

and to have him by his side till the flagship came under fire, in

order to receive final and precise instructions, as the situation

developed, for the conduct of the frigates during and after the

battle. To Blackwood's congratulations upon the approach of the moment

that he had, to use his own word, panted for, he replied: "I mean

to-day to bleed the captains of the frigates, as I shall keep you on

board to the very last moment."

Blackwood found him in good but very calm spirits, preoccupied with

the movements of the allies, and the probable results of his own plan

of attack. He frequently asked, "What would you consider a victory?"

Blackwood answered: "Considering the handsome way in which the battle

is offered by the enemy, their apparent determination for a fair trial

of strength, and the proximity of the land, I think if fourteen ships

are captured, it will be a glorious result." Nelson's constant reply

was that he would not be satisfied with anything short of twenty. He

admitted, however, that the nearness of the land might make it

difficult to preserve the prizes, and he was emphatic in directing

that, if the shattered enemies had any chance of returning to Cadiz,

the frigates were to be actively employed in destroying them, and were

not to be diverted from that single aim in order to save either ships

or men. Annihilation, he repeated, was his aim, and nothing short of

it; and he must have regretted the absence of the six of the line in

the Mediterranean, imperative as that had been. Word had been sent for

them to Gibraltar by Blackwood the moment the enemy moved, but they

were still away with the convoy.

Blackwood, being a great personal friend of the admiral, took the

liberty, after exchanging greetings, of submitting to him the

expediency of shifting his flag to the "Euryalus," and conducting the

battle from her. Nelson made no reply, but immediately ordered more

sail to be made upon the "Victory." Finding himself foiled in this,

Blackwood then made a direct request for the command of one of the

two vacant seventy-fours. This would give him a chance to share in

the fight, which in a frigate he probably would not have, but it would

also displace the first lieutenant of the ship from the position to

which he had succeeded temporarily. Nelson replied instantly, "No,

Blackwood, it is those men's birthright, and they shall have it."[136]

The incident shows vividly the lively sympathy and sense of justice

which ever distinguished Nelson; for it must have pained him to deny a

request so consonant to his own temper, coming from one whom he had

long known and valued, both as a friend and as an officer, and of

whose recent service such orders would have been a graceful and

appropriate acknowledgment. It may be desirable to explain to

unprofessional readers what was the claim of the lieutenants which

Nelson refused to ignore. The efficiency of the ships for the coming

day's work was due to them scarcely less than to the absent captains,

and if they survived the battle, having been in command through it,

they would reap not only the honor but also their confirmation in the

rank of post-captain, through having exercised it in actual battle.

This succession the admiral aptly called their birthright.

Nelson availed himself of Blackwood's presence to have him, together

with Hardy, witness his signature to a paper, in which he bequeathed

Lady Hamilton and the child Horatia to the care of the nation, and

which consequently has been styled a Codicil to his Will. Unless

Blackwood's memory a few years later was at fault, in stating that his

signal was made at six o'clock,[137] it is likely enough that this

early summons was for the special purpose of giving formal

completeness, by the attestation of two of his closest friends, to a

private duty which was the last to engage Nelson's attention and

affections; for, in addition to the date, the place and hour of his

writing are fixed by the words, "In sight of the Combined Fleets of

France and Spain, distant about ten miles." This was the common

estimate of the relative positions, made by the British fleet at large

at daybreak, and coincides fairly well with the inferences to be

drawn, from the slow rate of speed at which the wind permitted the

British to advance, and from the hour the conflict began. Nor was

there time, nor convenient room, for further delay. A freshening

breeze might readily have brought the fleet into action in a couple of

hours, and it is the custom in preparing for battle--the signal for

which was made at 6.40--to remove most of the conveniences, and

arrangements for privacy, from the living spaces of the officers;

partly to provide against their destruction, chiefly to clear away all

impediments to fighting the guns, and to moving about the ship. In the

case of the admiral, of course, much might be postponed to the last

moment, but in fact his cabin was cleared of fixtures immediately

after he went on the poop in the early morning; for it is distinctly

mentioned that while there he gave particular directions in the

matter, and enjoined great care in handling the portrait of Lady

Hamilton, saying, "Take care of my guardian angel."

It seems, therefore, probable that this so-called Codicil was written

in the quiet minutes of the morning, while the fleet was forming its

order of sailing and bearing up for the enemy, but before the

admiral's cabin was cleared for battle. In it Nelson first recounted,

briefly but specifically, "the eminent services of Emma Hamilton" to

the state, on two occasions, as believed by himself to have been

rendered. Into the actuality of these services it is not necessary

here to inquire;[138] it is sufficient to say that Nelson's knowledge

of them could not have been at first hand, and that the credence he

unquestionably gave to them must have depended upon the evidence of

others,--probably of Lady Hamilton herself, in whom he felt, and

always expressed, the most unbounded confidence. "Could I have

rewarded these services," the paper concludes, "I would not now call

upon my Country; but as that has not been in my power, I leave Emma

Lady Hamilton, therefore, a legacy to my King and Country, that they

will give her an ample provision to maintain her rank in life. I also

leave to the beneficence of my Country my adopted daughter, Horatia

Nelson Thompson; and I desire she will use in future the name of

Nelson only. These are the only favours I ask of my King and Country

at this moment when I am going to fight their battle. May God bless my

King and Country, and all those who I hold dear. My relations it is

needless to mention: they will of course be amply provided for."

At seven o'clock Nelson had returned from the poop to the cabin, for

at that hour was made in his private journal the last entry of

occurrences,--"At seven the combined fleets wearing in succession."

Here it seems likely that he laid down the pen, for, when he was found

writing again, some hours later, it was to complete the long record of

experiences and of duties, with words that summed up, in fit and most

touching expression, the self-devotion of a life already entering the

shadow of death.

Between eight and nine o'clock the other frigate commanders came on

board the "Victory;" aides-de-camp, as it were, waiting to the last

moment to receive such orders as might require more extensive wording,

or precise explanation, than is supplied by the sententious phrases of

the signal-book. Blackwood himself, a captain of long standing and of

tried ability, was in fact intrusted contingently with no small share

of the power and discretion of the commander-in-chief. "He not only

gave me command of all the frigates, but he also gave me a latitude,

seldom or ever given, that of making any use I pleased of his name, in

ordering any of the sternmost line-of-battle ships to do what struck

me as best." While thus waiting, the captains accompanied the admiral

in an inspection which he made of the decks and batteries of the

flagship. He addressed the crew at their several quarters, cautioned

them against firing a single shot without being sure of their object,

and to the officers he expressed himself as highly satisfied with the

arrangements made.

Meanwhile the two fleets were forming, as best they could with the

scanty breeze, the order in which each meant to meet the shock of

battle. The British could not range themselves in regular columns

without loss of time that was not to be thrown away. They advanced

rather in two elongated groups, all under full sail, even to

studding-sails on both sides, the place of each ship being determined

chiefly by her speed, or, perhaps, by some fortuitous advantage of

position when the movement began. The great point was to get the heads

of the columns into action as soon as possible, to break up the

enemy's order. That done, those which followed could be trusted to

complete the business on the general lines prescribed by Nelson.

Collingwood's ship, the "Royal Sovereign," being but a few days out

from home, and freshly coppered, easily took the lead in her own

division. After her came the "Belleisle," also a recent arrival off

Cadiz, but an old Mediterranean cruiser which had accompanied Nelson

in the recent chase to the West Indies. Upon these two ships, as upon

the heads of all columns, fell the weight of destruction from the

enemy's resistance.

The "Victory," always a fast ship, had likewise little difficulty in

keeping her place at the front. Blackwood, having failed to get Nelson

on board his own frigate, and realizing the exposure inseparable from

the position of leader, ventured, at about half-past nine, when still

six miles from the enemy, to urge that one or two ships should be

permitted to precede the "Victory." Nelson gave a conditional

assent--"Let them go," if they can. The "Téméraire," a three-decker,

being close behind, was hailed to go ahead, and endeavored to do so;

but at the same moment the admiral gave an indication of how little

disposed he was to yield either time or position. The lee lower

studding-sail happening to be badly set, the lieutenant of the

forecastle had it taken in, meaning to reset it; which Nelson

observing, ran forward and rated him severely for delaying the ship's

progress. Anything much less useful than a lee lower studding-sail is

hard to imagine, but by this time the admiral was getting very

restive. "About ten o'clock," says Blackwood, "Lord Nelson's anxiety

to close with the enemy became very apparent: he frequently remarked

that they put a good face upon it; but always quickly added: 'I'll

give them such a dressing as they never had before.'"

Seeing that the "Téméraire" could not pass the "Victory" in time to

lead into the hostile order, unless the flagship gave way, Blackwood,

feeling perhaps that he might wear out his own privilege, told Hardy

he ought to say to the admiral that, unless the "Victory" shortened

sail, the other ships could not get into place; but Hardy naturally

demurred. In any event, it was not just the sort of proposition that

the captain of the ship would wish to make, and it was very doubtful

how Nelson might take it. This the latter soon showed, however; for,

as the "Téméraire" painfully crawled up, and her bows doubled on the

"Victory's" quarter, he hailed her, and speaking as he always did with

a slight nasal intonation, said: "I'll thank you, Captain Harvey, to

keep in your proper station, which is astern of the Victory." The same

concern for the admiral's personal safety led the assembled officers

to comment anxiously upon the conspicuous mark offered by his blaze of

decorations, knowing as they did that the enemy's ships swarmed with

soldiers, that among them were many sharpshooters, and that the action

would be close. None, however, liked to approach him with the

suggestion that he should take any precaution. At length the surgeon,

whose painful duty it was a few hours later to watch over the sad

fulfilment of his apprehensions, said that he would run the risk of

his Lordship's displeasure; but before he could find a fitting

opportunity to speak, a shot flew over the "Victory," and the admiral

directed all not stationed on deck to go to their quarters. No remark

therefore was made; but it is more likely that Nelson would have

resented the warning than that he would have heeded it.

The French and Spanish fleets, being neither a homogeneous nor a

well-exercised mass, experienced even greater difficulty than the

British in forming their array; and the matter was to them of more

consequence, for, as the defensive has an advantage in the careful

preparations he may make, so, if he fail to accomplish them, he has

little to compensate for the loss of the initiative, which he has

yielded his opponent. The formation at which they aimed, the customary

order of battle in that day, was a long, straight, single column,

presenting from end to end an unbroken succession of batteries, close

to one another and clear towards the foe, so that all the ships should

sweep with their guns the sea over which, nearly at right angles, the

hostile columns were advancing. Instead of this, embarrassed by both

lack of wind and lack of skill, their manoeuvres resulted in a curved

line, concave to the enemy's approach; the horns of the crescent thus

formed being nearer to the latter. Collingwood noted that this

disposition facilitated a convergent fire upon the assailants, the

heads of whose columns were bearing down on the allied centre; it does

not seem to have been remarked that the two horns, or wings, being to

windward of the centre, also had it more in their power to support the

latter--a consideration of very great importance. Neither of these

advantages, however, was due to contrivance. The order of the combined

fleets was the result merely of an unsuccessful effort to assume the

usual line of battle. The ships distributed along the crescent lay

irregularly, sometimes two and three abreast, masking each other's

fire. On the other hand, even this irregularity had some

compensations, for a British vessel, attempting to pass through at

such a place, fell at once into a swarm of enemies. From horn to horn

was about five miles. Owing to the lightness of the breeze, the allies

carried a good deal of sail, a departure from the usual battle

practice. This was necessary in order to enable them to keep their

places at all, but it also had the effect of bringing them

continually, though very gradually, nearer to Cadiz. Seeing this,

Nelson signalled to Collingwood, "I intend to pass through the van of

the enemy's line, to prevent him from getting into Cadiz," and the

course of the "Victory," for this purpose, was changed a little to the

northward.

After this, towards eleven o'clock, Nelson went below to the cabin. It

was his habit, when an engagement was expected, to have all the

bulkheads[139] upon the fighting decks taken down, and those of his

own apartments doubtless had been removed at least as soon as the

enemy's sailing was signalled; but it was possible to obtain some

degree of privacy by hanging screens, which could be hurried out of

the way at the last moment. The "Victory" did not come under fire till

12.30, so that at eleven she would yet be three miles or more distant

from the enemy,[140] and screens could still remain. Shortly, after he

entered, the signal-lieutenant, who had been by his side all the

morning, followed him, partly to make an official report, partly to

prefer a personal request. He was the ranking lieutenant on board, but

had not been permitted to exercise the duties of first lieutenant,

because Nelson some time before, to avoid constant changes in that

important station, had ordered that the person then occupying it

should so continue, notwithstanding the seniority of any who might

afterwards join. Now that battle was at hand, the oldest in rank

wished to claim the position, and to gain the reward that it insured

after a victory,--a request natural and not improper, but more suited

for the retirement of the cabin than for the publicity of the deck.

Whatever the original injustice,--or rather hardship,--it is scarcely

likely, remembering the refusal encountered by Blackwood, that Nelson

would have consented now to deprive of his "birthright" the man who so

far had been doing the work; but the petition was never preferred.

Entering the cabin, the officer paused at the threshold, for Nelson

was on his knees writing. The words, the last that he ever penned,

were written in the private diary he habitually kept, in which were

noted observations and reflections upon passing occurrences, mingled

with occasional self-communings. They followed now, without break of

space, or paragraph, upon the last incident recorded--"At seven the

enemy wearing in succession"--and they ran thus:--

"May the Great God, whom I worship, grant to my Country, and for the

benefit of Europe in general, a great and glorious victory; and may no

misconduct in any one tarnish it; and may humanity after victory be

the predominant feature in the British fleet. For myself,

individually, I commit my life to Him who made me, and may His

blessing light upon my endeavours for serving my Country faithfully.

To Him I resign myself and the just cause which is entrusted to me to

defend. Amen. Amen. Amen."

The officer, Lieutenant Pasco, waited quietly till Nelson rose from

his knees, and then made his necessary report; but, although his

future prospects hung upon the wish he had to express, he refrained

with singular delicacy from intruding it upon the preoccupation of

mind evidenced by the attitude in which he had found his commander.

The latter soon afterwards followed him to the poop, where Blackwood

was still awaiting his final instructions. To him Nelson said, "I will

now amuse the fleet with a signal;" and he asked if he did not think

there was one yet wanting. Blackwood replied that the whole fleet

seemed very clearly to understand what they were about, and were vying

with each other to get as near as possible to the leaders of the

columns. Upon this succeeded the celebrated signal, the development of

which to its final wording is a little uncertain. Comparing the

various accounts of witnesses, it seems probably to have been as

follows. Nelson mused for a little while, as one who phrases a thought

in his own mind before uttering it, and then said, "Suppose we

telegraph 'Nelson confides that every man will do his duty.'" In this

form it was the call of the leader to the followers, the personal

appeal of one who trusts to those in whom he trusts, a feeling

particularly characteristic of the speaker, whose strong hold over

others lay above all in the transparent and unswerving faith he showed

in their loyal support; and to arouse it now in full force he used the

watchword "duty," sure that the chord it struck in him would find its

quick response in every man of the same blood. The officer to whom the

remark was made, suggested "England" instead of "Nelson." To the fleet

it could have made no difference,--to them the two names meant the

same thing; but Nelson accepted the change with delight. "Mr. Pasco,"

he called to the signal officer, "I wish to say to the fleet, 'England

confides that every man will do his duty;'" and he added, "You must be

quick, for I have one more to make, which is for close action." This

remark shows that the columns, and particularly Collingwood's ship,

were already nearing the enemy. Pasco answered, "If your Lordship will

permit me to substitute 'expects' for 'confides,' it will be sooner

completed, because 'expects' is in the vocabulary,[141] and 'confides'

must be spelt." Nelson replied hastily, but apparently satisfied,

"That will do, Pasco, make it directly;" but the slightly mandatory

"expects" is less representative of the author of this renowned

sentence than the cordial and sympathetic "confides." It is "Allez,"

rather than "Allons;" yet even so, become now the voice of the distant

motherland, it carries with it the shade of reverence, as well as of

affection, which patriotism exacts.

It is said that Collingwood, frequently testy, and at the moment

preoccupied with the approaching collision with the Spanish

three-decker he had marked for his opponent, exclaimed impatiently

when the first number went aloft, "I wish Nelson would stop

signalling, as we know well enough what we have to do." But the two

life-long friends, who were not again to look each other in the face,

soon passed to other thoughts, such as men gladly recall when death

has parted them. When the whole signal was reported to him, and cheers

resounded along the lines, Collingwood cordially expressed his own

satisfaction. A few moments later, just at noon, the French ship

"Fougueux," the second astern of the "Santa Ana," for which the "Royal

Sovereign" was steering, fired at the latter the first gun of the

battle. As by a common impulse the ships of all the nations engaged

hoisted their colors, and the admirals their flags,--a courteous and

chivalrous salute preceding the mortal encounter. For ten minutes the

"Royal Sovereign" advanced in silence, the one centre of the hostile

fire, upon which were fixed all eyes, as yet without danger of their

own to distract. As she drew near the two ships between which she

intended to pass, Nelson exclaimed admiringly, "See how that noble

fellow Collingwood carries his ship into action." At about the same

instant Collingwood was saying to his flag-captain, "Rotherham, what

would Nelson give to be here!"

These things being done, Nelson said to Blackwood, "Now I can do no

more. We must trust to the great Disposer of all events, and to the

justice of our cause. I thank God for this great opportunity of doing

my duty." When his last signal had been acknowledged by a few ships in

the van, the admiral directed Pasco to make that for close action, and

to keep it up. This was accordingly hoisted on board the flagship,

where it was flying still as she disappeared into the smoke of the

battle, and so remained till shot away. The "Victory" was about two

miles from the "Royal Sovereign" when the latter, at ten minutes past

twelve, broke through the allied order, and she had still a mile and a

half to go before she herself could reach it. At twenty minutes past

twelve Villeneuve's flagship, the "Bucentaure," of eighty guns, fired

a shot at her, to try the range. It fell short. A few minutes later a

second was fired, which dropped alongside. The distance then was a

mile and a quarter. Two or three followed in rapid succession and

passed over the "Victory." Nelson then turned to Blackwood, and

directed him and Captain Prowse of the "Sirius" to return to their

ships, but in so doing to pass along the column and tell the captains

he depended upon their exertions to get into action as quickly as

possible. He then bade them again to go away. Blackwood, who was

standing by him at the forward end of the poop, took his hand, and

said, "I trust, my Lord, that on my return to the Victory, which will

be as soon as possible, I shall find your Lordship well and in

possession of twenty prizes." Nelson replied, "God bless you,

Blackwood, I shall never speak to you again."

The "Victory" was all the time advancing, the feeble breeze urging her

progress, which was helped also by her lurching through the heavy

following swell that prevailed. Before Blackwood could leave her, a

shot passed through the main-topgallantsail, and the rent proclaimed

to the eager eyes of the foes that the ship was fairly under their

guns. Thereupon everything about the "Bucentaure," some seven or eight

ships, at least, opened upon this single enemy, as the allied rear and

centre had upon the "Royal Sovereign;" for it was imperative to stop

her way, if possible, or at least to deaden it, and so to delay as

long as might be the moment when she could bring her broadside to bear

effectively. During the forty minutes that followed, the "Victory" was

an unresisting target to her enemies, and her speed, slow enough at

the first, decreased continually as the hail of shot riddled the

sails, or stripped them from the yards. Every studding-sail boom was

shot away close to the yard arms, and this light canvas, invaluable in

so faint a wind, fell helplessly into the water. During these trying

moments, Mr. Scott, the admiral's public secretary, was struck by a

round shot while talking with Captain Hardy, and instantly killed.

Those standing by sought to remove the body without drawing Nelson's

attention to the loss of one so closely associated with him; but the

admiral had noticed the fall. "Is that poor Scott," he said, "who is

gone?" The clerk who took the dead man's place was killed a few

moments later by the wind of a ball, though his person was untouched.

The "Victory" continuing to forge slowly ahead, despite her injuries,

and pointing evidently for the flagship of the hostile

commander-in-chief, the ships round the latter, to use James's

striking phrase, now "closed like a forest." The nearer the British

vessel drew, the better necessarily became the enemies' aim. Just as

she got within about five hundred yards--quarter of a mile--from the

"Bucentaure's" beam, the mizzen topmast was shot away. At the same

time the wheel was hit and shattered, so that the ship had to be

steered from below, a matter that soon became of little importance. A

couple of minutes more, eight marines were carried off by a single

projectile, while standing drawn up on the poop, whereupon Nelson

ordered the survivors to be dispersed about the deck. Presently a shot

coming in through the ship's side ranged aft on the quarter-deck

towards the admiral and Captain Hardy, between whom it passed. On its

way it struck the fore-brace bitts--a heavy block of timber--carrying

thence a shower of splinters, one of which bruised Hardy's foot. The

two officers, who were walking together, stopped, and looked

inquiringly at each other. Seeing that no harm was done, Nelson

smiled, but said, "This is too warm work, Hardy, to last long." He

then praised the cool resolution of the seamen around him, compelled

to endure this murderous fire without present reply. He had never, he

said, seen better conduct. Twenty men had so far been killed and

thirty wounded, with not a shot fired from their own guns.

Still the ship closed the "Bucentaure." It had been Nelson's purpose

and desire to make her his special antagonist, because of Villeneuve's

flag; but to do so required room for the "Victory" to turn under the

French vessel's stern, and to come up alongside. As she drew near,

Hardy, scanning the hostile array, saw three ships crowded together

behind and beyond the "Bucentaure." He reported to Nelson that he

could go close under her stern, but could not round-to alongside, nor

pass through the line, without running on board one of these. The

admiral replied, "I cannot help it, it does not signify which we run

on board of. Go on board which you please: take your choice." At one

o'clock the bows of the "Victory" crossed the wake of the

"Bucentaure," by whose stern she passed within thirty feet, the

projecting yard arms grazing the enemy's rigging. One after another,

as they bore, the double-shotted guns tore through the woodwork of the

French ship, the smoke, driven back, filling the lower decks of the

"Victory," while persons on the upper deck, including Nelson himself,

were covered with the dust which rose in clouds from the wreck. From

the relative positions of the two vessels, the shot ranged from end to

end of the "Bucentaure," and the injury was tremendous. Twenty guns

were at once dismounted, and the loss by that single discharge was

estimated, by the French, at four hundred men. Leaving the further

care of the enemy's flagship to her followers, secure that they would

give due heed to the admiral's order, that "every effort must be made

to capture the hostile commander-in-chief," the "Victory" put her helm

up, inclining to the right, and ran on board a French seventy-four,

the "Redoutable," whose guns, as well as those of the French

"Neptune," had been busily playing upon her hitherto. At 1.10 she lay

along the port side of the "Redoutable," the two ships falling off

with their heads to the eastward, and moving slowly before the wind to

the east-southeast.

In the duel which ensued between these two, in which Nelson fell, the

disparity, so far as weight of battery was concerned, was all against

the French ship; but the latter, while greatly overmatched at the

guns, much the greater part of which were below deck, was markedly

superior to her antagonist in small-arm fire on the upper deck, and

especially aloft, where she had many musketeers stationed. Nelson

himself was averse to the employment of men in that position, thinking

the danger of fire greater than the gain, but the result on this day

was fatal to very many of the "Victory's" men as well as to himself.

As the ship's place in the battle was fixed for the moment, nothing

now remained to be done, except for the crews to ply their weapons

till the end was reached. The admiral and the captain, their parts of

direction and guidance being finished, walked back and forth together

on the quarter-deck, on the side farthest from the "Redoutable," where

there was a clear space of a little over twenty feet in length, fore

and aft, from the wheel to the hatch ladder leading down to the cabin.

The mizzen-top of the "Redoutable," garnished with sharpshooters, was

about fifty feet above them. Fifteen minutes after the vessels came

together, as the two officers were walking forward, and had nearly

reached the usual place of turning, Nelson, who was on Hardy's left,

suddenly faced left about. Hardy, after taking a step farther, turned

also, and saw the admiral in the act of falling--on his knees, with

his left hand touching the deck; then, the arm giving way, he fell on

his left side. It was in the exact spot where Scott, the secretary,

had been killed an hour before. To Hardy's natural exclamation that he

hoped he was not badly hurt, he replied, "They have done for me at

last;" and when the expression of hope was repeated, he said again,

"Yes, my back-bone is shot through." "I felt it break my back," he

told the surgeon, a few minutes later. The ball had struck him on the

left shoulder, on the forward part of the epaulette, piercing the

lung, where it severed a large artery, and then passed through the

spine from left to right, lodging finally in the muscles of the back.

Although there was more than one mortal injury, the immediate and

merciful cause of his speedy death was the internal bleeding from the

artery. Within a few moments of his wounding some forty officers and

men were cut down by the same murderous fire from the tops of the

enemy. Indeed so stripped of men was the upper deck of the "Victory"

that the French made a movement to board, which was repulsed, though

with heavy loss.

The stricken hero was at once carried below, himself covering his face

and the decorations of his coat with his handkerchief, that the sight

of their loss might not affect the ship's company at this critical

instant. The cockpit was already cumbered with the wounded and dying,

but the handkerchief falling from his face, the surgeon recognized

him, and came at once to him. "You can do nothing for me, Beatty," he

said; "I have but a short time to live." The surgeon also uttered the

involuntary exclamation of encouragement, which rises inevitably to

the lips at such a moment; but a short examination, and the sufferer's

statement of his sensations, especially the gushing of blood within

the breast, which was vividly felt, convinced him that there was

indeed no hope. "Doctor, I am gone," he said to the Rev. Mr. Scott,

the chaplain, who knelt beside him; and then added in a low voice, "I

have to leave Lady Hamilton, and my adopted daughter Horatia, as a

legacy to my Country."

After the necessary examination had been made, nothing further could

be done, nor was attempted, than to obtain the utmost possible relief

from suffering. Dr. Scott and the purser of the "Victory" sustained

the bed under his shoulders, raising him into a semi-recumbent

posture, the only one that was supportable to him, and fanned him;

while others gave him the cooling drink--lemonade--which he

continually demanded. Those about did not speak to him, except when

addressed; but the chaplain, to whom Nelson frequently said, "Pray for

me, Doctor," ejaculated with him short prayers from time to time. The

agony of mortal pain wrung from him repeated utterance, though no

unmanly complaint; and his thoughts dwelt more upon home and the

battle than upon his own suffering and approaching death. His mind

remained clear until he became speechless, about fifteen minutes

before he passed away, and he took frequent notice of what occurred

near him, as well as of sounds on deck.

The hour that succeeded his wounding was the decisive one of the

fight; not that the issue admitted of much doubt, after once Nelson's

plans had received fulfilment, and the battle joined,--unless the

delinquent van of the allies had acted promptly,--but in those moments

the work was done which was thenceforth, for the enemy, beyond repair.

Overhead, therefore, the strife went on incessantly, the seamen

toiling steadily at their guns, and cheering repeatedly. Near the

admiral lay Lieutenant Pasco, severely but not fatally wounded. At one

burst of hurrahs, Nelson asked eagerly what it was about; and Pasco

replying that another ship had struck, he expressed his satisfaction.

Soon he became very anxious for further and more exact information of

the course of the battle, and about the safety of Captain Hardy, upon

whom now was devolved such guidance as the fleet, until the action was

over, must continue to receive from the flagship of the

commander-in-chief. In accordance with his wishes many messages were

sent to Hardy to come to him, but for some time it was not possible

for that officer to leave the deck. During this period, up to between

half-past two and three, the ships of the two British divisions, that

followed the leaders, were breaking successively into the enemy's

order, and carrying out with intelligent precision the broad outlines

of Nelson's instructions. The heads of the columns had dashed

themselves to pieces, like a forlorn hope, against the overpowering

number of foes which opposed their passage--an analysis of the returns

shows that upon the four ships which led, the "Victory" and

"Téméraire," the "Royal Sovereign" and "Belleisle," fell one-third of

the entire loss in a fleet of twenty-seven sail. But they had forced

their way through, and by the sacrifice of themselves had shattered

and pulverized the local resistance, destroyed the coherence of the

hostile line, and opened the road for the successful action of their

followers. With the appearance of the latter upon the scene, succeeded

shortly by the approach of the allied van, though too late and in

disorder, began what may be called the second and final phase of the

battle.

While such things were happening the deck could not be left by Hardy,

who, for the time being, was commander-in-chief as well as captain.

Shortly after Nelson fell, the "Téméraire" had run on board the

"Redoutable" on the other side, and the French "Fougueux" upon the

"Téméraire," so that for a few minutes the four ships were fast

together, in the heat of the fight. About quarter past two, the

"Victory" was shoved clear, and lay with her head to the northward,

though scarcely with steerage way. The three others remained in

contact with their heads to the southward. While this _mêlée_ was in

progress, the French flagship "Bucentaure" surrendered, at five

minutes past two; but, before hauling down the flag, Villeneuve made a

signal to his recreant van,--"The ships that are not engaged, take

positions which will bring them most rapidly under fire." Thus

summoned, the ten vessels which constituted the van began to go about,

as they should have done before; and, although retarded by the slack

wind, they had got their heads to the southward by half-past two. Five

stood to leeward of the line of battle, but five to windward. The

latter would pass not far to the westward of the "Victory," and to

meet this fresh attack demanded the captain's further care, and

postponed his going to the death-bed of his chief. The latter had

become very agitated at the delay, thinking that Hardy might be dead

and the news kept from him. "Will nobody bring Hardy to me?" he

frequently exclaimed. "He must be killed; he is surely destroyed." At

last a midshipman came down with the message that "circumstances

respecting the fleet required the captain's presence on deck, but that

he would take the first favourable moment to visit his Lordship."

Nelson, hearing the voice, asked who it was that spoke. The lad,

Bulkeley, who later in the day was wounded also, was the son of a

former shipmate in the far back days of the San Juan expedition, and

the dying admiral charged the lad with a remembrance to his father.

Two ships of Nelson's column, as yet not engaged,--the "Spartiate" and

the "Minotaur,"--were then just reaching the scene. Being in the

extreme rear, the lightness of the breeze had so far delayed them.

Arriving thus opportunely, they hauled to the wind so as to interpose

between the "Victory" and the approaching van of the allies. Covered

now by two wholly fresh ships, the captain felt at liberty to quit the

deck, in accordance with Nelson's desire. The two tried friends--Hardy

had been everywhere with him since the day of St. Vincent, and was

faithful enough to speak to Lady Hamilton more freely than she

liked--shook hands affectionately. "Well, Hardy," said Nelson, "how

goes the battle? How goes the day with us?" "Very well, my Lord,"

replied Hardy. "We have got twelve or fourteen of the enemy's ships in

our possession, but five of their van have tacked, and show an

intention of bearing down upon the Victory. I have therefore called

two or three of our fresh ships round us, and have no doubt of giving

them a drubbing." "I hope none of _our_ ships have struck, Hardy."

"No, my Lord," was the answer, "there is no fear of that." Nelson then

said, "I am a dead man, Hardy. I am going fast: it will be all over

with me soon. Come nearer to me. Pray let my dear Lady Hamilton have

my hair, and all other things belonging to me." Hardy observed that he

hoped Mr. Beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life. "Oh no!"

replied Nelson; "it is impossible. My back is shot through. Beatty

will tell you so." Hardy then returned to the deck, shaking hands

again before parting.

Nelson now desired the surgeons to leave him to the attendants, as one

for whom nothing could be done, and to give their professional care

where it would be of some avail. In a few moments he recalled the

chief surgeon, and said, "I forgot to tell you that all power of

motion and feeling below my breast are gone; and _you_ very well

_know_ I can live but a short time." From the emphasis he placed on

his words, the surgeon saw he was thinking of a case of spinal injury

to a seaman some months before, which had proved mortal after many

days' suffering; yet it would seem that, despite the conviction that

rested on his mind, the love of life, and of all it meant to him, yet

clung to the hope that possibly there might be a reprieve. "One would

like to live a little longer," he murmured; and added, "What would

become of poor Lady Hamilton if she knew my situation!" "Beatty," he

said again, "_you know_ I am gone." "My Lord," replied the surgeon,

with a noble and courteous simplicity, "unhappily for our country,

nothing can be done for you;" and he turned away to conceal the

emotion which he could not at once control. "I know it," said Nelson.

"I feel something rising in my breast," putting his hand on his left

side, "which tells me I am gone. God be praised, I have done my duty."

To this latter thought he continually recurred.

At about three o'clock, the five ships of the enemy's van, passing

within gunshot to windward,[142] opened fire upon the British ships

and their prizes. The "Victory" with her consorts replied. "Oh,

Victory! Victory!" cried the sufferer, "how you distract my poor

brain!" and after a pause added, "How dear life is to all men!" This

distant exchange of shots was ineffectual, except to kill or wound a

few more people, but while it continued Hardy had to be on deck, for

the flag of the commander-in-chief still vested his authority in that

ship. During this period an officer was sent to Collingwood to inform

him of the admiral's condition, and to bear a personal message of

farewell from the latter; but Nelson had no idea of transferring any

portion of his duty until he parted with his life also.

A short hour elapsed between Hardy's leaving the cockpit and his

returning to it, which brings the time to four o'clock. Strength had

ebbed fast meanwhile, and the end was now very near; but Nelson was

still conscious. The friends again shook hands, and the captain,

before releasing his grasp, congratulated the dying hero upon the

brilliancy of the victory. It was complete, he said. How many were

captured, it was impossible to see, but he was certain fourteen or

fifteen. The exact number proved to be eighteen. "That is well," said

Nelson, but added, faithful to his exhaustive ideas of sufficiency, "I

bargained for twenty." Then he exclaimed, "_Anchor_, Hardy, _anchor_!"

Hardy felt the embarrassment of issuing orders now that Collingwood

knew that his chief was in the very arms of death; but Nelson was

clearly within his rights. "I suppose, my Lord," said the captain,

"Admiral Collingwood will now take upon himself the direction of

affairs." "Not while I live, I hope, Hardy," cried Nelson, and for a

moment endeavored, ineffectually, to raise himself from the bed. "No.

Do _you_ anchor, Hardy." Captain Hardy then said, "Shall we make the

signal, Sir?" "Yes," answered the admiral, "for if I live, I'll

anchor." These words he repeated several times, even after Hardy had

left him, and the energy of his manner showed that for the moment the

sense of duty and of responsibility had triumphed over his increasing

weakness.

Reaction of course followed, and he told Hardy he felt that in a few

minutes he should be no more. "Don't throw me overboard," he added;

"you know what to do." Hardy having given assurance that these wishes

should be attended to, Nelson then said, "Take care of my dear Lady

Hamilton, Hardy: take care of poor Lady Hamilton. Kiss me, Hardy." The

captain knelt down and kissed his cheek. "Now I am satisfied. Thank

God, I have done my duty." Hardy rose and stood looking silently at

him for an instant or two, then knelt down again and kissed his

forehead. "Who is that?" asked Nelson. The captain answered, "It is

Hardy;" to which his Lordship replied, "God bless you, Hardy!" The

latter then returned to the quarter-deck, having passed about eight

minutes in this final interview.

Nelson now desired his steward, who was in attendance throughout, to

turn him on his right side. "I wish I had not left the deck," he

murmured; "for I shall soon be gone." Thenceforth he sank rapidly; his

breathing became oppressed and his voice faint. To Dr. Scott he said,

"Doctor, I have _not_ been a _great_ sinner," and after a short pause,

"_Remember_, that I leave Lady Hamilton and my daughter Horatia as a

legacy to my country--never forget Horatia." This injunction, with

remembrances to Lady Hamilton and the child, he frequently repeated;

and he charged Scott to see Mr. Rose, and tell him--but here pain

interrupted his utterance, and after an interval he simply said, "Mr.

Rose will remember," alluding to a letter which he had written him,

but which as yet could not have been received. His thirst now

increased; and he called for "drink, drink," "fan, fan," and "rub,

rub," addressing himself in this last case to Dr. Scott, who had been

rubbing his breast with his hand, by which some relief was given.

These words he spoke in a very rapid manner, which rendered his

articulation difficult; but he every now and then, with evident

increase of pain, made a greater effort, and said distinctly, "Thank

God, I have done my duty." This he repeated at intervals as long as

the power of speech remained. The last words caught by Dr. Scott, who

was bending closely over him, were, "God and my Country."

Fifteen minutes after Hardy left him for the second time, the admiral

became speechless; and when this had continued five minutes, the

surgeon, who was busied among the other wounded, was summoned again.

He found him upon the verge of dissolution, the hands cold and the

pulse gone; but upon laying his hand upon his forehead, Nelson opened

his eyes, looked up, and then closed them forever. Five minutes later

he was dead. The passing was so quiet that Dr. Scott, still rubbing

his breast, did not perceive it, until the surgeon announced that all

was over. It was half-past four o'clock, just three hours after the

fatal wound was received. Not till an hour later did the last of the

eighteen prizes strike, and firing cease altogether; but the

substantial results were known to Nelson before consciousness left

him. To quote the rugged words of the "Victory's" log, "Partial firing

continued until 4.30, when a victory having been reported to the Right

Honourable Lord Viscount Nelson, K.B., he died of his wound."

Of the five ships of the allied van which passed to windward of the

"Victory," one was cut off and captured by the "Minotaur" and

"Spartiate." The other four continued on the wind to the southwest,

and escaped to sea. By the surrender of Villeneuve the chief command

of the combined fleets remained with the Spanish admiral Gravina. The

latter, at quarter before five, fifteen minutes after Nelson breathed

his last, retreated upon Cadiz, making signal for the vessels which

had not struck to rally round his flag. Ten other ships, five French

and five Spanish,--in all eleven sail-of-the-line,--made good their

escape into the port.

"Before sunset," wrote an eye-witness on board the "Belleisle," "all

firing had ceased. The view of the fleet at this period was highly

interesting, and would have formed a beautiful subject for a painter.

Just under the setting rays were five or six dismantled prizes; on one

hand lay the Victory with part of our fleet and prizes, and on the

left hand the Royal Sovereign and a similar cluster of ships. To the

northward, the remnant of the combined fleets was making for Cadiz.

The Achille, with the tricoloured ensign still displayed, had burnt to

the water's edge about a mile from us, and our tenders and boats were

using every effort to save the brave fellows who had so gloriously

defended her; but only two hundred and fifty were rescued, and she

blew up with a tremendous explosion."

There, surrounded by the companions of his triumph, and by the

trophies of his prowess, we leave our hero with his glory. Sharer of

our mortal weakness, he has bequeathed to us a type of single-minded

self-devotion that can never perish. As his funeral anthem proclaimed,

while a nation mourned, "His body is buried in peace, but his Name

liveth for evermore." Wars may cease, but the need for heroism shall

not depart from the earth, while man remains man and evil exists to be

redressed. Wherever danger has to be faced or duty to be done, at cost

to self, men will draw inspiration from the name and deeds of Nelson.

Happy he who lives to finish all his task. The words, "I have done my

duty," sealed the closed book of Nelson's story with a truth broader

and deeper than he himself could suspect. His duty was done, and its

fruit perfected. Other men have died in the hour of victory, but for

no other has victory so singular and so signal graced the fulfilment

and ending of a great life's work. "Finis coronat opus" has of no man

been more true than of Nelson. There were, indeed, consequences

momentous and stupendous yet to flow from the decisive supremacy of

Great Britain's sea-power, the establishment of which, beyond all

question or competition, was Nelson's great achievement; but his part

was done when Trafalgar was fought. The coincidence of his death with

the moment of completed success has impressed upon that superb battle

a stamp of finality, an immortality of fame, which even its own

grandeur scarcely could have insured. He needed, and he left, no

successor. To use again St. Vincent's words, "There is but one

Nelson."

FOOTNOTES:

[132] The name Thompson was spelled by Nelson indifferently with or without

the "p", which, as Nicolas observes, confirms the belief that it was

fictitious. The fact is singular; for, from a chance remark of his, it

appears that he meant it to be Thomson. (Morrison, Letter No. 569.)

[133] The author is indebted for this anecdote to Mr. Edgar Goble, of

Fareham, Hants, whose father, Thomas Goble, then secretary to Captain

Hardy, was present at the table.

[134] One sixty-four, the "Africa," had separated to the northward during

the night, and joined in the battle by passing alone along the enemy's

line, much of the time under fire. She belonged, therefore, to Nelson's

column, and cooperated with it during the day.

[135] Nelson in his journal wrote: "The enemy wearing _in succession_." As

the allies' order was reversed, however, it is evident that he meant merely

that the ships wore one after the other, from rear to van, but in their

respective stations, each waiting till the one astern had, to use the old

phrase, "marked her manoeuvre,"--a precaution intended to prevent

collisions, though it necessarily extended the line.

[136] The author is indebted for these incidents to Admiral Sir W.R. Mends,

G.C.B., who received them from the second baronet, Sir Henry M. Blackwood,

when serving with him as first lieutenant.

[137] The "Euryalus's" log gives eight o'clock as the hour of the captain's

going on board the "Victory;" but Blackwood not only says six, but also

mentions that his stay on board lasted five and a half hours, which gives

about the same time for going on board. The other frigate captains did not

go till eight. Blackwood, as the senior, might need a fuller and longer

continued interview, because the general direction of the frigate squadron

would be in his hands; or Nelson might particularly desire the presence of

a close professional friend, the captains of the ships-of-the-line having

their hands now full of preparations.

[138] The question of Lady Hamilton's services on the occasions mentioned

by Nelson, vigorously asserted by herself, has been exhaustively discussed

by Professor John Knox Laughton, in the "United Service Magazine" for April

and May, 1889. His conclusions are decisively adverse to her claims.

[139] See _ante_, p. 275.

[140] That is, with a one and a half knot breeze.

[141] The vocabulary of the telegraphic signal book provides certain words

which can be signalled by a single number. Words not in this vocabulary

must be spelled letter by letter,--each letter of the alphabet having its

own number.

[142] That is, to the westward.

INDEX.

Aboukir, Bay, Island, Promontory, and Castle, i. 342, 343, 345-347, 365;

ii. 16, 17, 32.

Aboukir, Battle of, ii. 17.

Acton, Sir John, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies,

i. 328, 329, 340, 342, 383, 428, 430, 443;

ii. 8, 190, 191, 193, 194, 219, 264, 274, 275.

Addington (afterwards Lord Sidmouth), Prime Minister of Great Britain,

1801-1804, Nelson's intercourse with, i. 383; ii. 101, 103, 120, 136,

162-164, 166, 167, 172, 174, 189, 193, 205, 211, 352.

Adriatic,

importance to the communications of the Austrians in Italy, i. 247, 405;

British concern in, 369, ii. 192, 195, 243;

Napoleon's interest in, 188, 195, 266;

resort of privateers, 241, 242.

"Agamemnon," British ship-of-the-line,

Nelson ordered to command her, i. 95;

relation to his career, 97-99;

action with four French frigates, 113, 115;

engages the batteries at Bastia, 120, 121;

action with the "Ça Ira," French 80-gun ship, 163-166;

engagement of March 14, 1795, 168;

engagement of July 13, 178-180;

services at Genoa, 200-202;

on the opening of Bonaparte's campaign, 1796, 220-223;

Nelson leaves her for the "Captain," seventy-four, 229, 230;

she sails for England, 230;

subsequent history, 230;

misfortune at the Battle of Copenhagen, ii. 87;

joins the fleet shortly before Trafalgar, 361.

"Albemarle," British frigate commanded by Nelson, i. 31-41.

Alexandria, Nelson's first voyage to, i. 332-339;

second voyage, 342, 343;

blockaded, 366;

Nelson's third voyage to, ii. 276, 277.

Algiers, Bonaparte's designs upon, ii. 184;

Nelson's difficulties with, 230-232.

"Amazon," British frigate,

services at Copenhagen, ii. 82, 86, 89, 91;

subsequent mention, 217, 261-263, 289, 295, 315.

Amiens, Peace of, signature of, ii. 146;

Nelson's home life during, 150-178;

rupture of, 175.

"Amphion," British frigate,

Nelson's passage to Mediterranean in, ii. 189-196;

leaves her for the "Victory," 222.

Archduke Charles, Nelson's meeting with, at Prague, ii. 43.

Austria and Austrians,

result of campaign of 1794 in Holland and Germany, 155;

in Italy, 156;

delay in opening campaign of 1795 in Italy, 177;

their advance to Vado Bay, on the Riviera, 178;

Nelson ordered to co-operate with, 178, 184;

their disregard of Genoese neutrality, 184;

position of, in summer of 1795, 186;

inability, or unwillingness to advance, 188, 189, 194;

their attitude towards the British, 197, 202, 213;

growing insecurity of their position, 196, 200, 201, 212;

attacked and defeated by French at Battle of Loano, 201;

retreat across the Apennines, 202;

urged by Nelson to reoccupy Vado in 1796, 218, 219;

their advance under Beaulieu, 220-223;

Nelson's assurances to, 221;

defeat by Bonaparte, 220, 223;

driven into the Tyrol, and behind the Adige, 232;

besieged in Mantua, 232;

advance under Wurmser to relieve Mantua, 238;

Nelson's hopes therefrom, 238-241;

hears of their defeat again, 241, 244;

the peace of Campo Formio between Austria and France, 317, 318;

dissatisfaction of Austria with France, 319, 322;

effect of their position in upper Italy upon French operations, 391;

attitude towards France and Naples, 1798, 392;

Nelson's judgment on, 399, 400;

alliance with Russia, 1799, 400;

successes in 1799, 400, 415, 416, ii. 1, 14, 15;

reverses, 15;

capture of Genoa, 1800, 37;

defeat at Marengo, 37;

abandon Northern Italy, 37;

Nelson's visit to, 40-43;

peace with France, 1801, 63, 119;

exhaustion of, 1801-1805, 180;

Nelson's remonstrance with, on failure to enforce her neutrality, 242.

Ball, Sir Alexander J., British captain, letter to Nelson, i. 211;

joins Nelson's division at Gibraltar, 316;

services in saving the flagship, 324;

advice asked by Nelson, 333;

at the Battle of the Nile, 347, 352-354;

accompanies Nelson to Naples, 366;

gallantry towards Lady Hamilton, 386;

serves ashore at Malta, 392, 406-409, ii. 7, 9, 11, 12, 13;

mentions with unbelief reports about Nelson and Lady Hamilton, i. 396;

summoned to join Nelson upon the incursion of Admiral Bruix,

419-421, 426;

ordered to resume duties at Malta, 423;

mention of Nelson in letters to Lady Hamilton, ii. 23, 30;

visits Nelson at Merton, 158;

anecdote of Nelson told by him, 158;

letters from Nelson to, 211, 213, 242-244, 270, 274, 278, 280, 286, 292;

opinion as to French objects in 1804, 212;

Nelson's testy vexation with, 238;

opinion as to the management of coast lookout stations, 318, note.

Barbary States. _See_ Algiers, Tripoli, Tunis.

Barham, Lord, Nelson's interview with, as Comptroller of the Navy, i. 85;

First Lord of the Admiralty, ii. 291 and note, 317, 320, 321;

Nelson's interviews with, 320, 333;

Nelson's letters to, 324, 353, 355, 358.

Bastia, town in Corsica, in possession of French, i. 116;

blockade of, by Nelson, 120, 122;

engagement with batteries of, 120;

description of, 121;

Nelson's opinion as to besieging, 121-124, 126;

siege of, 127-131;

capitulation of, 129;

Nelson's estimate as to his own services at, 132, 133, 152;

Nelson directed to superintend evacuation of, by British, 247;

evacuation of, 251-253.

Battles, land, mentioned:

Aboukir, ii. 17;

Castiglione, i. 241, 244;

Hohenlinden, ii. 63;

Loano, i. 201;

Marengo, ii. 37;

Novi, 15.

Battles, naval, mentioned:

Calder's action, ii. 307, 313, 318, 323;

Camperdown, i. 309;

Copenhagen, ii. 79-97, 98, 161-167;

First of June (Lord Howe's), i. 150, 176;

July 13, 1795, i. 178-182;

March 14, 1795, i. 166-173;

the Nile, i. 343-358;

St. Vincent, i. 268-277;

Trafalgar, ii. 377-397.

Beatty, Dr., surgeon of the "Victory,"

account of Nelson's habits and health, ii. 225-228 and note;

present at Nelson's death, 388, 389, 392, 393, 396.

Beaulieu, Austrian general, commands the army in Italy, 1796, i. 219;

defeated by Bonaparte, and driven into the Tyrol, 220-223, 232.

Beckford, William, opinion of Lady Hamilton, i. 381;

visited by Nelson at Fonthill, ii. 51-53;

anecdote of Nelson, 52.

Berry, Sir Edward, British captain,

accompanies Nelson in boarding the "San Nicolas" and "San Josef,"

i. 273-275, 279;

commands Nelson's flagship, the "Vanguard," 309;

account of the campaign of the Nile (quoted), 332, 339, 344, 355, 359;

at the Battle of the Nile, 351, 354, 363;

sent to England with despatches, 360;

commands the "Foudroyant" at the capture of the "Généreux," ii. 24-27;

at the capture of the "Guillaume Tell," 31, 32;

commands the "Agamemnon" at Trafalgar, 361;

numerous services of, 362.

Bickerton, Sir Richard, British admiral,

commands in the "Mediterranean" when war with France begins, 1803,

ii. 194;

second in command to Nelson, 1803-1805, 202, 215, 219, 246, 248, 259,

263, 278;

left in command by Nelson, upon his departure for the West Indies,

294, 314, 317;

joins Collingwood before Cadiz, 334;

returns to England, ill, just before Trafalgar, 338.

Blackwood, Sir Henry, British captain, distinguished part taken in the

capture of the "Guillaume Tell," ii. 31, 328;

arrives in London with news that the combined fleets are in Cadiz, 328;

interviews with Nelson, 328;

commands advanced squadron of frigates off Cadiz, 339, 357, 361,

364-369;

last day spent with Nelson, 372-379, 382-385;

witnesses the "Codicil" to Nelson's will, 374, 375;

special mark of confidence shown him by Nelson, 377;

Nelson's farewell to him, 385.

Bolton, Susannah, Nelson's sister, relations of,

with Lady Nelson and Lady Hamilton, ii. 55, 178.

Bonaparte, Napoleon, decisive influence of Nelson upon the career of,

i. 96, 97, 220, ii. 63, 64, 119, 120, 267-270, 283, 284, 301, 310, 314;

indicates the key of the defences of Toulon, i. 117;

opinions upon operations in Italy, 186, 187, 193, 194, 197, 208,

214-216, 219, 391, 394;

command of Army of Italy, 220;

defeats Beaulieu, advances to the Adige, and establishes the French

position in Northern Italy, 220-223, 228, 229, 232;

fortifies the coastline of the Riviera, 223, 224, 227;

seizes Leghorn, 231-233, 236;

contrasted with Nelson, 234-236, 258, ii. 129, 130, 172;

overthrows Wurmser, i. 238, 240, 241;

effect of his campaign in Italy upon the career of Nelson, 242, 243,

318;

forces Genoa to close her ports to Great Britain, 245;

sails on the Egyptian Expedition, 323, 325, 328, 329, 331-334, 336-339;

landing in Egypt, 339;

Nelson's appreciation of the effect upon, by the Battle of the Nile,

366, 369, 370, 406, ii. 18-22;

expedition into Syria, 17;

escape from Egypt to France, 16, 17,

after defeating a Turkish army in Aboukir Bay, 17;

defeats Austrians at Marengo, 37;

influence upon the formation of the Baltic Coalition, 63, 64;

threats of invading England, 1801, 119-122;

his dominant situation on the Continent in 1803, 179-187;

firmness of intention to invade England, 1803-1805, 184-188, 191,

204, 213;

his policy and Nelson's counter projects, 182-187;

Nelson's singularly accurate prediction of future of, 188, 265;

Nelson's intuitive recognition of probable action of, 265, 270;

vast combinations for invasion of England, 267-272, 283, 284;

his understanding of the value of sea-power evidenced, 282.

"Boreas," British frigate, commanded by Nelson, 1784-1787, i. 44-80.

Brereton, British general, erroneous information sent to Nelson,

ii. 298-300;

Nelson's expressions of annoyance, 300, 309, 311, 318;

comment upon his mistake, 318, note.

Bronté, Duke of, Sicilian title and estate conferred upon Nelson, ii. 2;

his form of signature afterwards, 2 and note.

Brueys, French admiral, commander-in-chief at the Battle of the Nile,

i. 345;

his dispositions for action, 345-347.

Bruix, French admiral, commander-in-chief of a French fleet entering

the Mediterranean from Brest, i. 417, 422, 425, 428, 432;

effect of his approach upon proceedings in Naples, 432, 437, 441;

his return to Brest, 446, 448;

Nelson's comment upon his conduct, ii. 213.

"Bucentaure," French flagship at Trafalgar, Nelson's encounter with,

ii. 384-387;

surrender of, 391.

Cadiz, Nelson's visit to, i. 103-104;

his operations before, under Jervis, 286-288, 289-294;

his watch before, prior to Trafalgar, ii. 339, 356-361;

effect of position of, upon the Battle of Trafalgar, 369, 371, 372, 380.

"Ça Ira," French ship-of-the-line, Nelson's action with,

in the "Agamemnon," i. 163-166;

his credit for, 172.

Calder, Sir Robert, British admiral, captain of the fleet at the

Battle of St. Vincent, i. 281, 282;

his indecisive action with the allied fleets, in 1805, ii. 307, 313;

popular outcry against, 308, 315, 323, 353;

Nelson's relations with, 318, 319, 323, 327, 353-356;

recalled to England for trial, 353.

Calvi, town in Corsica, Nelson at the siege of, i. 136-148;

loses there his right eye, 139, 140.

Canary Islands. _See_ Teneriffe.

Capel, Thomas B., British captain, bearer of despatches after the

Battle of the Nile, i. 361, 371;

mentioned, 355, note, ii. 217.

"Captain," British ship-of-the-line, carries Nelson's

broad pendant as commodore, i. 230;

at the Battle of St. Vincent, 270-276;

injuries received there, 285;

Nelson quits her for the "Theseus," 285, 289.

Caracciolo, Francesco, commodore in the Neapolitan navy,

wounded feelings at the distrust of his Court, i. 390;

accompanies the flight to Palermo, obtains leave to return

to Naples, and joins the insurgents there, 437;

apprehension, trial, and execution of, 438;

comments upon Nelson's part in this transaction, 439-443.

Castlereagh, Lord, British Minister, Nelson's shrewd

prediction to him of the results of the Orders in Council affecting

neutral flags, and of the License System, ii. 330.

Clarence, Duke of. _See_ William Henry.

Codrington, Edward, British captain, expressions quoted:

about Nelson's seamanship, i. 15;

his family ties and love of glory, 72, ii. 175;

appearance of Nelson's ships, 288;

graciousness of Nelson's bearing, 340.

Collingwood, Cuthbert, British admiral, close connection between his

career and that of Nelson, i. 21, 22;

strong expression of regard for Nelson, 24;

association with Nelson in the West Indies, 54 and note, 55, 63;

at the Battle of Cape St. Vincent, 269, 273, 276, 281, 282;

strong expression upon the credit due to Nelson, 272;

his account of Nelson's cold reception at Court, in 1800, ii. 49;

sent from England to West Indies in 1805, 310;

hearing that Nelson is gone thither, takes position off

Cadiz instead, 311;

correspondence with Nelson on his return, 311-313;

left by Nelson in charge off Cadiz, 316, 317;

force collected under, when allies enter Cadiz, 334;

characteristics, 340;

part assigned to, by Nelson, for Trafalgar, 350-352;

his part at Trafalgar, 370-372, 377, 380, 383, 384;

Nelson's praise of, 384;

his sympathy with Nelson, 384;

notified of Nelson's fatal wound, 394.

Convoys, Nelson's comments on the behavior of, i. 33;

gives one to American merchant ships against French privateers, 289;

difficulty of providing in the Mediterranean, ii. 241-244.

Copenhagen, defences of, in 1801, ii. 72, 80, 81, 84, 85;

Battle of, Nelson's plans for, 84-87;

the battle, 87-97;

importance and difficulty of the achievement, 98, 99;

failure of the British Government to reward, 99, 162;

silence of the city of London, 161;

Nelson's action, 161-167.

Corfu, transferred, with the other Ionian Islands,

from Venice to France, i. 318;

Nelson's concern for, after the Battle of the Nile, 368, 405, 406;

taken by Russo-Turkish forces, 405;

British precautions against re-occupation by French, ii. 184;

concern of Nelson for, while commander-in-chief in the

Mediterranean, 1803-1805, 187, 190, 195, 266;

resort of privateers, 241;

Napoleon's estimate of, 206.

Cornwallis, William, British admiral, kindness to Nelson in

early life, i. 30 and note, 45;

Nelson directed to communicate with, off Brest in 1803, ii. 188, 189;

orders seizure of Spanish treasure-ships, 251;

Nelson directs that the order be disobeyed, 251;

services of, off Brest, 269;

Nelson joins, off Brest, on return from West Indies, 314, 317;

authorizes Nelson to return to England, 317.

Correspondence, Nelson's extensive, while in the Mediterranean, ii. 190;

his manner of conducting, 232-236.

Corsica, Island of, Nelson ordered to coast of, i. 115, 116;

Nelson's connection with operations there in 1794, 118-148;

strategic value of, to British, 155-159;

government as a British dependency, 159;

dissatisfaction of natives with British rule, 231;

tenure of, dependent on support of the natives, 234;

abandonment of, by the British, 247, 251-254;

threatened invasion of Sardinia from, ii. 204.

"Curieux," British brig of war, sent by Nelson to England

from West Indies with news of his movements, ii. 301;

falls in with combined fleets, 313;

Nelson's comment on hearing the fact, 313, 315.

Davison, Alexander, intimate friend of Nelson, Nelson expresses

despondency to, i. 412;

tells him circumstances of surrender of castles at Naples, 431, 432;

the "Lady of the Admiralty's" coolness, ii. 49;

account given by, of George III. speaking of Nelson, 49, 50;

Nelson's mention of Sir Hyde Parker to, 67, 68, 71, 164;

aids Nelson pecuniarily, 144;

charged by Nelson with a final message to Lady Nelson, 148;

Nelson's expressions to, about St. Vincent, 163;

about treatment of himself by the government, 170;

"Salt beef and the French fleet," 296;

about General Brereton, 318.

De Vins, Austrian general, commands on the Riviera in 1795, i. 187;

Nelson's association with, 187, 193-197, and opinion of, 197.

Dresden, Nelson's visit to, in 1800, ii. 43-45.

Drinkwater, Colonel, returns from Elba in frigate

with Nelson, 1797, i. 262;

incidents narrated of the voyage, 266-268;

witnesses the Battle of St. Vincent, 281;

interview with Nelson after the battle, 283;

characteristic anecdote of Nelson, 309.

Duckworth, Sir J.T., British admiral, association with

Nelson during operations in the Mediterranean, 1799,

i. 418, 419, 420, 421, 423, 442, ii. 1, 6.

Dundas, British general, commanding troops in Corsica, i. 121;

controversy with Lord Hood, 121, 122;

Nelson's opinion, 121.

Egypt, Bonaparte's expedition to, in 1798, i. 323-339;

Nelson's pursuit, 327-329, 331-338;

Nelson's constant attention to, 369, 404, 406,

ii. 182, 185, 201, 203, 211, 212, 213, 255, 270, 277,

280-282, 287, 302;

his urgency that the French army be not permitted to leave, 18-22.

El Arish, Convention of, signed, ii. 19.

Elba, island of, Nelson's opinion of importance of, i. 237;

his seizure of, 237;

evacuation of, 259-263, 287, 288.

"Elephant," British ship-of-the-line, Nelson's flagship

at Copenhagen, ii. 78, 83, 88-97.

Elgin, Earl of, British ambassador to Turkey, opinion upon the state

of things at Palermo during Nelson's residence there, i. 397;

Nelson's divergence of opinion from, concerning the French

quitting Egypt, ii. 19-21.

Elliot, Sir Gilbert, afterwards Lord Minto,

British representative in Corsica, 1794, i. 119;

Viceroy of Corsica, 154;

friendship between him and Nelson, 154, 275, 281, 283, 284,

ii. 153, 250, 325;

Nelson's correspondence with, i. 172, 203, 237, 239, 275, 281, 356,

ii. 3, 27, 36, 210, 250;

directs the seizure of Elba by Nelson, i. 237;

present at the evacuation of Corsica, 252, 253, and of Elba. 262;

passage with Nelson to Gibraltar, 262-268;

witnesses the Battle of St. Vincent, 275, 281;

advocacy of Nelson's claims to distinction, 284, 403;

incidental mention of Nelson by, i. 308,

ii. 34, 44, 92, 154, 172, 174, 308, 326, 332, 335;

mention of Lady Hamilton by, i. 379-382, ii. 44, 154, 320, 335;

ambassador to Vienna, i. 396 note.

Elliot, Hugh, British minister at Dresden during Nelson's visit

in 1800, ii. 43, 44;

minister to the two Sicilies during Nelson's Mediterranean command,

1803-1805, 189-310;

takes passage out with Nelson, 189;

correspondence between Nelson and, quoted, 191, 192, 194, 211,

212, 215, 218, 235, 246, 258, 263, 264, 286, 304, 310, 330.

Este, Lambton, association with Nelson mentioned, ii. 254-257.

Fischer, Commodore, commander-in-chief of Danish fleet at the

Battle of Copenhagen, ii. 94;

Nelson's controversy with, on account of his official report

of the battle, 107-109.

Fitzharris, Lord, British attaché at Vienna during Nelson's visit,

1800, anecdotes of Nelson and of Lady Hamilton, ii. 41, 42.

Flag of Truce, incident of the, at Copenhagen, ii. 94-98.

"Fleet in Being," indications of Nelson's probable opinion of

its deterrent effect, i. 135-137, 160, 182, 183, 196, 198,

213, 214, 216, 217, 218, 227; ii. 301-306.