THE AMERICAN COMPANY, THE LAST EXPEDITION
AND THE EFFORTS OF SWEDENTO REGAIN
THE COLONY.
I.
Shortly after the sailing of the _Haj_ (April 15, 1654) Printz and
Huygen arrived in Stockholm and delivered written and oral reports to
the commercial college. The soldiers and servants, who had accompanied
the governor, gradually made their appearance in the capital also. The
condition of the colony was therefore well known to the authorities and
officers of the company, and Eric Oxenstierna, who continued to be the
leading spirit in the effort to promote the interest of New Sweden,
brought the matter before the commercial college; but although the
company had decided as early as the previous March to despatch a new
ship to the Delaware, no immediate journey became possible, due to the
impoverishment of the treasury, which in April was heavily drawn upon
by the returning people. The government still owed the company several
thousand R. D., but the political situation was not favorable for
presenting these bills. The pleasure loving Queen no longer attended
to the duties of a sovereign. The state treasury was empty, owing
to her extravagances, and everything was in confusion. But a change
came. Christina surrendered her sceptre to the great Carl X. Order was
restored in the various departments of the government, and the King
found time to direct his attention even to New Sweden.
[Illustration: Queen Christina.]
In the autumn (1654) the _Örn_ returned from the South River,
bringing Rising’s report and letters. On October 4, letters from
Bockhorn and Papegoja, written in Gothenburg, were read at a meeting
of the commercial college (which was still the legal director of the
New Sweden Company), and the colony was discussed at several other
sessions. The oral and written reports of Papegoja and Bockhorn,
presented in the autumn, helped to increase the awakened interest
in the colony, and serious efforts to prosecute the enterprize with
real vigor were now manifested. Since most of the old members of the
corporation had not furnished the full amount of their shares, the
officers endeavored to collect the outstanding money and also to
increase the capital--that is to re-organize the company. The case was
presented to the King, who instructed the commercial college to remind
stockholders that their shares must be paid in full and that they
should take more interest in the company. The officers also applied for
a monopoly on tobacco, and December 23 the King granted the “American
Company” exclusive right to import tobacco, “as an expedient and means
whereby it was hoped that _Nova Svecia_ at that time not only
would be preserved, increased and improved, but also that the nation by
this would find a better opportunity and occasion to become acquainted
with the American navigation and trade, and to use it for its great
profit and prosperity”. To make the monopoly effective certain fines,
increased in geometrical progression for each offence, were imposed on
anyone, importing or selling tobacco.
In the beginning of 1655 the re-organization of the company was taken
up in earnest. Daniel Junge was appointed factor to fill the place,
which had been vacated by Bonnell, and the bookkeeper, Hans Kramer,
was made treasurer to receive the funds. Letters were written to the
heirs of Klas Fleming and the Oxenstiernas with request that they not
only pay the remainder of their shares, but also “resolve to increase
the capital stock as much as each house was able and the colony of New
Sweden should need.” New subscribers were also invited to join.
The Swedish African Company, which was paying a dividend of about
28%, tended to divert stockholders and capital from the New Sweden
Company, where profits had proved uncertain; but the activity of the
commercial college in behalf of the smaller organization was not in
vain. Eric Oxenstierna and his co-heirs as well as the heirs of Gabriel
Gustafsson Oxenstierna increased their subscription by one-half and
paid or promised definitely to pay their shares. A subscription list
was drafted for new members, and Henrick Huygen and the city of Viborg
in Finland joined by subscribing 3,000 D. each, while Olof Anderson
Strömsköld subscribed 1,200 D. Strömsköld was appointed director with
a salary of 600 D. per year (partly because Eric Oxenstierna, who had
been the soul and spirit of the company, was about to go to Prussia),
and Hans Kramer, who retained his position as bookkeeper and treasurer,
was to act as co-director. A new budget for the company at Stockholm
was estimated as follows:
One director, 600 D.
One bookkeeper, 450 D.
One office boy, 100 D.
Office rent per year, 60 D.
Eight cords of wood, 12 D.
Two lispund (36 lbs.) of candles, 6 D.
Three reams of paper, 18 D.
Ink and sealing wax, 6 D.
--------
1,252 D.
A new budget was also made for the colony, estimated at 6,606 D.
The reports and letters of Johan Rising seem to have pleased the
government, for he was appointed _Commandant of New Sweden_.
About this time or a little later a new charter was drafted, in several
respects resembling the one given to the Old South Company.[41] The
charter (or copy of the same, dated May, 1655) as we have it is not
signed by the King, nor entered in the _Royal Copy Book_, but this
is no certain proof that it was not issued by His Majesty, for royal
documents and letters were not always copied into the copy book.
II.
Strömsköld and Kramer were directed to draw up proposals and make
estimates and inventories of the available means of the company,
which could be presented to the members of the college for their
consideration. It was also decided to appoint a special factor at
Gothenburg to look after the interests of the company there. Ulrick
Stenkamp was selected for this position. No salary was attached to his
office, but he was to have “a reasonable commission.”
As early as January 13, Peter Trotzig was instructed by letter to
buy a cargo in Holland for about 6,000 florins and in the beginning
of February preparations for another expedition were begun with
earnest in Sweden. The letters of Elswick and Rising, which arrived on
February 16 (relating the capture of the _Haj_), gave fresh life
to the activities. Trotzig was directed to buy a new ship or one not
more than three years old “of 90 or 100 lasts, with good room, six or
eight gun-holes and with double sails”. He was also to hire sailors
and a mate. Trotzig was unable, however, to find a new ship for sale,
answering the requirements of the directors, but he bought an old
one instead, the _Mercurius_, which “he caused to be built anew
entirely”. The vessel was despatched to Gothenburg with a cargo at the
earliest possible date. When the ship came to port in July she was
leaky, however, making it necessary to unload and careen her. Further
inconvenience was caused by the skipper who deserted, taking charge of
a Dutch vessel. The crew was also short, and it was very difficult to
engage sailors; but some Danes and Swedes were finally hired by Admiral
Anckerhjelm. About the middle of August the ship was again sea-worthy.
Stones were taken on board for ballast, “as sand was not serviceable on
such long voyages”, and the cargo was hurriedly loaded into the holds.
Thus while Stuyvesant was advancing on the forts of New Sweden, the
company of Old Sweden was making strenuous efforts to send out a large
expedition.
But the expedition suffered the usual fate. The _Mercurius_ was
delayed for weeks. Neither cannon nor ammunition could be obtained
at Gothenburg, “even if we would pay their weight in money”, writes
Ankerhjelm, and various other supplies were wanted. It was therefore
necessary to buy guns, powder and balls at Stockholm, and provisions
and materials for the journey at Västervik. A new skipper was hired at
the capital, and Henrick Huygen, a barber surgeon and several colonists
were there, waiting for passage to Gothenburg. Finally, towards the end
of August, they embarked on a sloop, which carried cannon and supplies.
The sloop encountered unfavorable weather and did not reach Gothenburg
harbor before October 4.
The colonists, who had been gathered from various parts of northern
Sweden, were also slow in arriving. On October 5, Ankerhjelm writes
that “six families, as the enclosed list shows, have come from
Lytestegen (Letstigen?), who relate that eighty persons, small and big,
will arrive from other places.” On October 10, some 64 emigrants had
made their appearance, and a few days later their number had swelled to
about 200. Kramer warned the admiral, however, not to allow too many
passengers on board for fear of sickness, and advised him in one letter
after another to get the ship ready and send her off. One hundred
and five persons were selected from the whole number, as the most
desirable. “A hundred persons or more were left behind”, and “it was
a pity and shame that they could not all go along”, writes Papegoja.
“Here was seen such a lamentation and weeping, for the unfortunate
ones had sold all they possessed; yea they had done away with home and
ground for half of the value, journeyed such a long way at their own
expense, and are now compelled to take up the beggar’s staff, the one
going here, the other there.”
The _Mercurius_ had been riding at anchor with her cargo for
two months, from about the middle of September to the first week
of November. The outlook was gloomy. Alternating westerly and
south-westerly gales, which had interfered with the sailing for a
month, continued to blow. But at last there was a flicker of hope.
The wind began to turn, and the colonists were reviewed and ordered
to embark. Some changes were made, and the list was finally increased
to 110 (12 of whom were old settlers), making 130 souls on the ship
including the sailors. Henrick Huygen who was in command, returned
to the colony as commissary, and a clergyman, the Rev. Matthias, and
the barber surgeon, Hans Janeke, were among the passengers. Johan
Papegoja (to whose care were entrusted the commission of Rising and
other documents) went in the capacity of commander of the people. Johan
Classon Rising, a brother of Director Rising, was also on the ship; and
he had charge of some merchandise, which was consigned to his brother
in New Sweden.
On Saturday, November 10, the ship drifted down to Elfsborg, but on
Sunday the wind reversed and continued contrary for nearly two weeks.
On the 23rd the vessel “again set sail before noon with a lot of other
ships”, but she was retarded by winds and fog for two days. On November
25 the _Mercurius_ finally left port for its long voyage across
the Atlantic. The journey was of nearly four months’ duration, but
seems to have been rather free from casualties and sufferings so common
to former voyages, for there is no mention of sick people, when the
vessel sailed up the Delaware on March 14 (24), 1656.
III.
The relations and letters sent from New Sweden in the summer of 1655
by Elswick and Rising were received by the commercial college in the
late autumn, shortly after the sailing of the _Mercurius_. On
November 30 the officers of the college, ignorant of the calamity that
had befallen the colony, and not knowing that Rising was approaching
the shores of Europe, wrote a letter in answer to that of the director.
On the following day Christer Bonde, the Swedish ambassador in London
(to whom copies of Rising’s letters with replies to the same were
sent), was instructed to try to effect some agreement with the English
government “in the disputes about the limits and titles of land in
America, so that no confusion may arise from it in the future.”
Soon reports of the capture of the colony reached Stockholm, however,
and in the beginning of February, as we have already seen, Hendrick
von Elswick appeared before the commercial college, reported orally
and presented written relations by Rising and himself. The matter
received the immediate attention of the commercial college and of the
council of state, and Harald Appelbom, the Swedish resident at the
Hague, was instructed to protest against the Dutch occupation, and to
demand indemnity as well as the restitution of the colony. On March 12
(22), 1656 Appelbom presented a memorial to the States General, which
immediately resolved that the case should be investigated and referred
to the Dutch West India Company.
The efforts, however, led to no settlement. Appelbom reported the state
of affairs to his government, but the question was dropped for a time.
Sweden was now engaged in larger activities. Carl X was extending the
boundaries of his kingdom and shaping its final geographical form. As
soon as the smoke from his victorious cannon had blown away, however,
his far reaching plans even included the recapture of the colony on
the Delaware. That the King had serious intentions of regaining New
Sweden, either through diplomatic means or by the sword, is clear from
his remarks in the council, April 15, 1658, and especially by the
privileges given to the American Company about a month later, for the
retaking of the colony is then looked upon as a foregone conclusion.
Johan Rising presented plans for its recapture and reasons for doing
so, but wars with the neighbors absorbed the energies of the nation.
In 1663 an opportunity for renewing the claims presented itself to the
Stockholm government, and accordingly the Swedish representatives were
instructed, “in their conferences with Heinsius, the resident of the
States General”, to demand the restitution of New Sweden as well as an
indemnity. But the Dutch had no such intentions. They strained every
effort to keep intact what they had won, and were greatly concerned
about certain preparations in Sweden. Vice-Admiral Sjöhjelm fitted out
two vessels in 1663 for an expedition, which was thought to be destined
for the Delaware. One of the ships, however, foundered on her way from
Stockholm to Gothenburg and the other vessel did not go to the South
River but to Africa.
In the beginning of 1664 a number of Finnish families from Sweden
and probably a few from Finland landed in Holland en route for New
Sweden. They had made their way across Norway to Christiania, whence
they were taken to Holland on a Dutch vessel, hired by themselves
they said, but as Trotzig supposed (and which seems most probable)
at the expense of the Dutch, interested in the colony on the South
River. They were fed and housed by the city officials of Amsterdam and
rumors reached the Swedish representative that the emigrants had been
enticed to migrate by special agents. These rumors were reported to the
Swedish government, which immediately sent letters to the governors
of the northern provinces, instructing them to keep a close watch on
Dutch agents, decoying people out of the country. Peter Trotzig was
to present the matter to the States General and to demand that the
fugitives should be returned to Sweden at the expense of those who
had prevailed upon them to leave the country. These events caused the
Swedish government to consider the question of regaining the colony
with more earnestness. Troubles with England ware brewing and the
States General treated the Swedish demands with much respect, but there
was no settlement in sight. In the Autumn of 1664 further conferences
were held. It was decided that the claims of the African Company
would be settled, but that the New Sweden troubles should once more be
referred to the Dutch West India Company.
In the meantime New Netherland passed into the hands of England.
The relations of Sweden and England were cordial, several treaties
of friendship having been concluded between them, and one of the
articles in the treaty of March, 1665, stated “that perpetual peace
should subsist between the two crowns, both at home and in Africa and
America”. It could not be expected, however, that England should turn
over to Sweden the territory she had captured from the Dutch, and hence
the Swedish government still pressed its claims at the Hague. In the
autumn the States General sought the friendship of Sweden in the war
with England and sent a special envoy to Stockholm. The Swedish claims
in America were now presented to him, but he gave evasive answers,
declaring that Rising through his acts of hostility was to blame for
the capture of New Sweden. At the conference between the Swedish and
Dutch envoys in the spring of 1667, claims and counter-claims were
again presented. The treaty of April, 1667, contained a paragraph
relating to the American Company, and in the treaty of friendship three
months later, the sixth paragraph stated that the American claims
should be settled according to justice and as soon as possible. During
the following years claims were presented to England as well as to
Holland, and in June, 1672, Ambassador Lejonberg was instructed “to try
in a polite way to prevail upon England to restore New Sweden. If they
would not want to give back the land, then they ought to be requested
to allow Sweden to bring her colonists away from there”. The next year
the question was taken up with Holland and the third paragraph of the
commercial treaty between Sweden and Holland (April 22, 1673), is
devoted to the encroachment which Sweden suffered in America. But it
was all wasted energy. No indemnity was ever obtained and the colony
was forever lost to Sweden.
IV.
The company discontinued its preparations to send supplies to Rising,
when information was received that the colony had been captured. But
the tobacco trade, which had been of great importance and proved
most profitable, could still become a source of large income to the
stockholders, if it were conducted on a practical and businesslike
basis. In February, 1655, Daniel Junge, the factor, now also the
treasurer of the company, offered to pay 16,000 R. D. for the exclusive
right of selling tobacco in the kingdom; but no agreement was reached,
and the company retained its control of the trade. Importation of
tobacco from Hamburg and Amsterdam continued, and from the time the
company received its new privileges (December, 1654) until the end of
February, 1656, 15,390 lbs. of raw tobacco were sold. Spinning played
an important part and nearly 16,000 lbs. were spun by February of the
above mentioned year. But much smuggling was done in spite of repeated
efforts to regulate the trade. Consequently the business was not always
what it might have been, and, when the officers and soldiers returned
from New Sweden to demand their pay, the finances of the company were
in a deplorable state.
Several proposals and plans for the re-organization of the company
were presented by Kramer and Junge, but they met with little support
from the King and the government. By the end of 1658 the company
had imported 107,914 lbs. of tobacco on which a liberal profit was
realized. Smuggling, however, increased appallingly, making it more
difficult than ever to sell tobacco, and one of two things became
absolutely necessary,--the dissolution or the re-organization of the
company. The officers accordingly decided to re-organize, and the King,
at their suggestion, published an “ordinance concerning the importation
and trade of tobacco.” One of the principal reasons given for granting
the privileges was “that the productive colony in New Sweden might
he preserved and maintained, [which will become] of great benefit to
us, our kingdom and subjects, as well on account of the navigation,
as on account of trade and commerce and the accompanying profit and
advantage.” The entire tobacco trade of the nation was now conducted by
the company and the traffic was extended to almost every city, village,
and hamlet in the kingdom and to the principal centers in Finland and
the other provinces. In consequence the business attained tremendous
proportions. The searchers and inspectors, who were appointed to guard
the rights of the company and to “inspect the tobacco trade”, prevented
smuggling or secret sales in any considerable degree, although the many
fines, collected from “revenue-cutters”, prove that illegal importation
was by no means stamped out.
Complaints, however, were soon made against the company and its
methods. As a consequence its privileges were withdrawn in the autumn
of 1660, and two years later it was dissolved. But the company (often
confused with the African Company) and its directors figured in claims
and lawsuits as late as 1736.