[126] Rob. le Mercer and others are commanded to help the Mayor, Peter son
of Thorald, in building the city wall (Claus. 18 Hen. III, m. 23). Robert
Owen and Ric. the Miller witness William of Wileford’s deed, see App. The
names are significant--the Mercer, the Miller, the Barber, the Tailor.
[127] Wood-Peshall, Ancient and Present State, &c., p. 355.
[128] One of this name was Commissioner of gaol delivery for Dorchester,
Wycombe, Aylesbury, &c.: Pat. 54 Hen. III, m. 17 đ, 12 đ; and 55 Hen. III,
m. 28 đ.
[129] Eccleston, Mon. Franc. I, p. 9.
[130] Close Roll, 16 Hen. III, m. 9 (June 17).
[131] Eccleston, p. 20.
[132] Ibid.; and Barth. of Pisa, Lib. Conform. fol. 80.
[133] Eccleston, p. 54. Barth. of Pisa says, ‘in capsa lignea,’ fol. 80.
[134] Eccleston, ibid.
[135] Eccleston, p. 37, ‘Scholam satis honestam.’
[136] Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10.
[137] Mon. Franc. I, 25.
[138] Ibid. 362: ‘quasi carni et sanguini, quasi luto et lateribus, quasi
lignis et lapidibus, quasi quibuscunque qualicunque compendiolo mundanis
questibus totum dandum esset.’
[139] Wood, MS. F 29 a, f. 179 a.
[140] Claus. 24 Hen. III, m. 17 (Feb. 5); Liberate, 24 Hen. III, m. 19
(Feb. 7).
[141] Liberate, 29 Hen. III, m. 5.
[142] Claus. 56 Hen. III, m. 7.
[143] Liberate, 30 Hen. III, m. 16: ‘Mandatum est Vicecomiti Oxonie quod
de amerciamentis Itineris Roberti Passelewe et sociorum suorum
Justiciariorum qui ultimo Itinerauerunt ad placita foreste in Comitatu suo
faciat habere fratribus minoribus Oxonie iij Marcas et fratribus
predicatoribus eiusdem ville iij ad fabricam ecclesie sue de dono Regis.’
[144] Pat. 32 Hen. III, m. 10.
[145] Early Hist. of Oxford, p. 298: his map of Oxford gives a street
outside the wall.
[146] I am indebted to Mr. Parker for this information and suggestion.
[147] Cromwell Corresp., 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 709 b (Record
Office).
[148] Cf. Walcott’s ‘Church and Conventual Arrangement,’ on Friars’
Churches, &c.
[149] Annals, 662.
[150] Stevens, ‘Hist. of Abbeys,’ &c., I, 137: ‘This account appears to me
very confuse and unintelligible.’
[151] Itinerarium, p. 296.
[152] Ibid. p. 83, ‘Memorandum quod 24 steppys sive gressus mei faciunt 12
virgas ... Item 50 virgae faciunt 85 gradus sive steppys mei:’ and p. 281,
‘quaelibet virga tres pedes,’ &c.
[153] Walcott, as above.
[154] P.C.C. Regist. Hogen, qu. 26 (in Somerset House).
[155] Mon. Franc. I, 508, &c.
[156] Wood-Clark, II, 407. Adam Marsh was personally known to the Earl of
Cornwall; in a letter to the Queen of England he mentions having been with
him; Mon. Franc. I, 291: cf. ibid. 105-6, 400. A letter from Adam to
Senchia, Richard’s wife, is extant, ibid. p. 292. The following character
of Richard is curious as being drawn probably by a Franciscan: ‘Hic erga
omnes mulieres cujuscunque professionis luxuriosissimus, thesaurorum
collector cupidissimus et avidissimus, pauperum oppressor
insolentissimus.’ MS. Cott. Cleop. B xiii, f. 148: cf. Hardy, Descript.
Catal. &c.
[157] He died 1270, according to Walsyngham, Ypodigma Neustriae, p. 165
(R.S.); 1272 according to Trivet, Ann. 279. The latter is probably
correct: see Foedera, I, 489.
[158] J. Rouse, p. 199 (ed. Hearne). Rouse studied at Oxford, and died
1491.
[159] Chron. of Osney, 17 Oct. 1277: R.S. ed. p. 274.
[160] Wood, MS. F 29 a, fol. 179 b.
[161] Ibid.
[162] Regist. Arundel, I, fol. 155. Sir H. Nicolas reads Exon. instead of
Oxon: p. 135.
[163] Ibid. fol. 155 b. The Golafre property at Fyfield now belongs to St.
John’s College; the President informs me that the College has no documents
relating to the Golafre family.
[164] Early Lincoln Wills (A. Gibbons, 1888), p. 186.
[165] B. Twyne, MS. XXIII, 478. He altered this part of his will in a
codicil, and was buried in St. Ebbe’s.
[166] Mun. Acad.: Anstey, p. 543.
[167] ‘Coram ymagine beate Marie Virginis de pyte.’ Oxford City Records,
Old White Book, f. 90 a.
[168] P.C.C. Porch, fol. 9.
[169] Barth. of Pisa, fol. 80.
[170] Eccleston, 54.
[171] J. Rouse, Hist. p. 29: ‘et modo in ordinis sui fratres Minores Oxon
sepultum.’
[172] Oxford Univ. Reg. A a a, fol. 213.
[173] First mention is in 1370: Anstey’s Mun. Acad. 232-3.
[174] At Reading, the chapter-house and dormitory seem to have formed one
building. Liberate Rolls, 23 Hen. III, m. 6, and 24 Hen. III, m. 1.
[175] Agas map of 1578, engraved by Neale 1728; Hollar’s map, 1643.
[176] The warden at Reading occupied one of ‘thre prety lodginges’ at the
Grey Friars; Cromwell Corresp., Vol. XXIII, f. 742.
[177] Cf. Inventory of the Grey Friars, Ipswich; Chapter House Bks. A
3/11; ‘owthe of the Vicewarden’s Chamber.’
[178] P. 130.
[179] ‘Two short treatises against the Begging Friars’ (Oxf. 1608), p. 30;
cf. Roy’s Satire on Card. Wolsey, Harl. Misc., Vol. IX, p. 42, &c.
[180] See Pecock’s Repressor, p. 543, on the objection that ‘religiose
monasteries (nameliche of the begging religiouns) han withinne her gatis
and cloocis grete large wijde hiȝe and stateli mansiouns for lordis and
ladies ther yn to reste, abide, and dwelle;’ and p. 548-50. Edward III
stayed at the Grey Friars, York, in 1335 (Rymer, Foed., Vol. II, pt. ii,
p. 909). In the Record Office (Excheq. Q. R. Wardrobe 21/12) is a document
containing details as to feasts in the Dominican Convent at Oxford in
connexion with the burial of Piers Gaveston; the feasts were continued for
four weeks. The Earl of Hereford, who spent Christmas at Grey Friars,
Exeter, in 1288, found his lodgings detestable and the stench
insupportable: Oliver, Monast. Exon. p. 331.
[181] ‘Ex magnatibus unus rem magnam ausus est et perfecit, ut suis
sumptibus a multis milliaribus Anglicanis ductis sub Isidis et Chervelli
fluminum divortiis plumbeis canalibus, corrivaretur ad omnes Monasterii
officinas aqua salubris in magna abundantia.’ Ann. Minorum, I, 364, A. D.
1221. Wadding gives no authority for the statement.
[182] Placita Coronae, 31 Hen. III, Oxon. M 5/1} 3, f. 40: ‘Jurati
presentant quod fratres predicatores et fratres minores ceperunt in
pluribus locis super aquam Thamesis et ibi fecerunt fossata et muros et
alia.’
[183] B. Twyne, MS. XXIII, 151 (11 Hen. VII).
[184] Oxford City Records, 191.
[185] Wood, MS. F 29 a, fol. 179 a.
[186] Eccleston, p. 35.
[187] Wadding, I, 346; cf. Mon. Franc. I, xxx-xxxii.
[188] Cf. Bacon’s works, _De retardatione senectutis_, _Antidotarius_,
&c.; and Opera Inedita, 374--‘regimen sanitatis.’ Grostete’s ‘interest in
physical science seems to date from his connexion with the friars.’ M.
Lyte, p. 30.
[189] Mon. Franc. I, 24.
[190] MS. F 29 a, f. 176.
[191] Liber Conf. fol. 79 b.
[192] Mon. Franc. I, 37.
[193] Grostete, Epistolae, p. 17 sqq., letter to Agnellus and the convent
at Oxford, written between 1225 and 1231.
[194] Lyte, ‘Hist. of Univ. of Oxford,’ p. 29.
[195] Mon. Franc. I, 37: ‘Ipso igitur ab cathedra magisteriali in
cathedram pontificalem ... translato.’
[196] P. 45: ‘Vir iste primus cathedram scholarum fratrum minorum rexit
Oxoniae, unde et assumptus fuit ad cathedram praelatiae.’
[197] Mon. Franc. ibid.
[198] Ibid. p. 38. The dates are from Le Neve.
[199] Ibid.
[200] Grostete, Ep. p. 149. In Letter xvii ‘Magister Thomas Walensis’ is
mentioned as being in England; the date of the letter must be between 1235
and 1239 (when W. de Raleger became Bishop of Norwich); probably 1238,
after Thomas had returned from Paris, before he became Archdeacon.
[201] Ibid. p. 151.
[202] Opera Ined. p. 325.
[203] Grostete, Ep. ut supra. Both received high offices in Lincoln
diocese, Roger as dean resisted the bishop’s claims. Paris, Chron. Majora,
III, 528; IV, 391.
[204] Chron. Majora, IV, 424, ‘vir moribus et scientia eleganter
insignitus;’ V, 644, ‘vir omni laude dignissimus.’ We may perhaps see a
result of his contact with the Franciscans in his exhortation to the
clergy of his diocese ‘to preach often in the vulgar tongue, simply and
without discussion, to the people, using practical not subtle arguments.’
B. Twyne, MS. XXI, 280 (Episc. Coventr. ‘_in suis institutis MS._’).
[205] Opera Inedita, pp. 88, 428.
[206] Chron. Majora, IV, 245.
[207] Ibid. 647.
[208] Lanerc. Chron. p. 130; cf. ibid. pp. 45, 58.
[209] Mon. Franc. I, 348. The statute was to be subscribed by ‘the
Chancellor and all the regent masters in Holy Scripture ... and Friar Adam
called de Marisco.’
[210] Mon. Franc. I, 335.
[211] For Grostete, see Lanerc. Chron. p. 45: ‘The friars then going to
Robert as to a pedagogue relate what has happened and beg him to say what
he thought,’ &c. The extraordinary activity of Adam Marsh in this and in
many other spheres has been too often and too well described to detain us
here: see Brewer’s pref. to Mon. Franc. I, Pauli, ‘Pictures of Old
England,’ pp. 67, 68 (extract quoted by Lyte, p. 51), and his ‘Grosteste
and Adam Marsh.’ Cf. Bacon, Op. Ined. p. 186. Adam’s description of the
ideal pastor might be applied to himself. Mon. Franc. I, 445.
[212] For Adam’s influence with Hen. III, see Lanerc. Chron. p. 24; Mon.
Franc. I, 142 and 268 (on behalf of Earl Simon). He incurred the royal
displeasure ‘propter verba vitae;’ ibid. 275. Cf. ibid. 335: one of the
grounds on which he declines to assist the Archbishop in his visitation is
‘districtum domini regis mandatum, quo interdictum fuit domino
archiepiscopo ne me, velut proditorium inimicum, ad comitivam suam
evocaret.’ Cf. p. 387, he is summoned to Reading and London ‘on matters of
the highest importance, touching the sceptre and the kingdom.’
[213] Ibid. p. 110. Compare Nicholas de Lyra’s commentary on Psalm xliv.
quoted by J. Rouse, ‘Hist. Regum Anglie,’ ed. Hearne, p. 38.
[214] Mon. Franc. I, 267.
[215] Stubbs, Const. Hist. II, p. 313, n. 1: ‘The sentiments not of the
people but of the Universities, and incidentally of the Franciscans also,
are exemplified in the long Latin poem printed in Wright’s Political
Songs, pp. 72-121.... It was clearly a manifesto, amongst themselves, of
the men whose preaching guided the people.’
[216] See note 6, p. 32. The poem expresses the constitutional view of
monarchy with extraordinary clearness. Parts of it are translated by Mr.
York Powell, ‘Hist. of England,’ pp. 148-9, and 152.
[217] Polit. Songs (Camden Soc.), p. 124.
[218] ‘Miracula Symonis de Montfort’ (printed at the end of Rishanger’s
Chronicle, Camden Soc. 1840), pp. 87, 95, 96. Cf. Dictum de Kenilworth,
cap. 8 (Stubbs’ Select Charters, pp. 420-421).
[219] Cf. Bacon, Op. Ined. 329. It was apparently in this relationship
that ‘Juvenis Johannes’ stood to Roger Bacon.
[220] Mon. Franc. I, 314-316.
[221] Adam’s position was exceptional, and his _socius_ no doubt
exceptionally hard-worked.
[222] Mon. Franc. I, 354.
[223] See the list of 67 _lectores_ in Part II. The list is taken from the
Cottonian MS. of Eccleston. In the same MS. (Cott. Nero A IX, fol. 78) is
a similar list of readers at Cambridge under the heading, ‘Fratrum Minorum
Magistri Cantabrigie.’
[224] Mon. Franc. I, 335; cf. Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b, election of J.
David to be lector at Hereford: Wadding, X, p. 156 (A. D. 1430); XIII, 73.
At first the lecturers seem to have been appointed by the Provincial
Minister (Mon. Franc. I, 37, 354), or, when a friar was sent from one
province to another, by the General (Ibid. 39, R. de Colebruge). In the
14th and 15th centuries, the reader had to be confirmed by the General,
and might be appointed by him: MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 77 b; and
Wadding, X, 156. Anal. Franc. II, 240 (A. D. 1411).
[225] Mon. Franc. I, 357.
[226] Woodford in his reply to Armachamus (cap. 8) says: ‘Pope Benedict
ordained statutes for the order of friars Minors, of great and mature
counsel, which are called among the Minorities _statuta papalia_; in these
it is decreed concerning which parts of the Order ought to lecture on the
Sentences at Paris, which parts at Oxford and Cambridge, how they ought to
be elected in general and provincial chapters, and how consequently they
ought to ascend to the doctor’s degree by papal ordinance or election of
the Order.’ The constitutions of Benedict XII, _de studiis_ (A. D. 1336),
were printed in _Chronologia historico-legalis seraphici Ordinis Fratrum
Minorum_, Neapoli 1650, tom. I, p. 46 (referred to in Anal. Franc. II,
165); I have not seen this book. They are omitted by Baronius et
Raynaldus, Annales Eccles. Vol. XXV, p. 92 seq. They are contained in
Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, ff. 73 seq., but no mention of Oxford occurs
here. The following regulations are given for Cambridge (fol. 77 b):
‘Simili quoque modo, aliorum (qui) ordinabuntur ad legendum sentencias in
studio Cantabrigie, duo assumantur duobus annis de provincia Anglie per
ipsius provincie provinciale Capitulum eligendi, et tercius anno tercio de
aliis partibus ordinis per generale capitulum tam de cismontanis quam de
ultramontanis eligendus.’
[227] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 78: ‘Nullus quoque frater dicti ordinis
ad legendum in prenominatis studiis (i.e. recognised Universities)
sententias assumatur, nisi prius legerit 4{or} libros sententiarum cum
scriptis approbatorum doctorum in aliis studiis qui (_sic_) in eodem
ordine dicuntur generalia vel conventibus infrascriptis, vidz ...
Londoniensi, Eboricensi, ... Novi castri, Stramforicensi (?) ...
Exoniensi,’ &c. Nineteen convents in all are mentioned; only those which
are, or may be, in England are here quoted. I have found no evidence to
show whether this rule was or was not carried out.
[228] Anal. Franc. II, 241.
[229] Lyte, p. 107.
[230] Mon. Franc. I, 232.
[231] See dates of the Oxford lectors in Part II; Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100
b, &c. The period of necessary Regency was at first one year, afterwards
two.
[232] That the Chapters of the Minorites were actually held yearly in
England may be seen from Pat. Roll, 1 Hen. IV, part 5, m. 7: ‘ac pro
capitulo suo provinciali quod in Anglia singulis annis celebratur.’
[233] e.g. Adam Marsh, T. Docking, &c.
[234] Mon. Franc. I, 40.
[235] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 11 b; Lanerc. Chron. p. 130: ‘Non,’ inquit
(janitor), ‘audeo tam mane ostiolum illius (i.e. magistri scholarum)
pulsare, cum ipse studio intendat quid legere debeat.’
[236] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 80.
[237] Mun. Acad. 428; Masters of Arts were compelled to exact their fees.
Gratuitous lecturing by Franciscans is always spoken of as exceptional.
Thus Nic. de Burgo urges his having lectured ‘pene gratis’ as a reason why
he should be excused the payment of his composition (Reg. H. 7, f. 117). A
grace to Walter Goodfylde, S.T.B., is conceded ‘condicionata ... quod
legat unum librum sentenciarum publice et gratis.’
[238] Epistolae, pp. 346-7. The bibliographies in Part II will give some
idea of the subjects chiefly taught by the early Franciscans: see
especially John Wallensis (ethics and practical theology), Thomas Docking
(biblical exegesis), Roger Bacon (physics, &c.).
[239] Op. Ined. 329. Cf. pp. 81 and 82: ‘tota sapientia concluditur in
sacra scriptura ... sed ejus explicatio est jus canonicum cum
philosophia;’ and this was the system followed by Grosteste and Adam. In
the Opus Minus (p. 357), Bacon gives a curious example (after Augustine)
of what he understands by ‘explaining the Scriptures by natural science.’
Cf. ‘Les contes moralisés de Nicole Bozon, Frère Mineur,’ by Miss L. T.
Smith and Paul Meyer.
[240] Mon. Franc. I, 38.
[241] Cf. Wadding, IV, 14-15, on the schools of the two Orders at Paris.
Tywne, MS. III, 300; Dominicans complain that the seculars ‘prevent
scholars from going to the schools of the friars,’ &c. (1312).
[242] Cf. Lyte, p. 108; a Dominican Regent goes to the school and finds it
occupied by other disputants (1312).
[243] Acta Fratrum Praedicatorum, Collectanea, II, p. 217; Archiv für
Litt. u. K. Gesch. I, p. 189. Constitutions of the Dominicans in 1228: ‘in
libris gentilium et philosophorum non studeant,’ &c. Bacon, Op. Ined. p.
426; Denifle, ‘Die Universitäten,’ &c. I, 701, 719-720.
[244] Mun. Acad. p. 25: ‘Statuit Universitas Oxoniensis, et si statutum
fuerit, iterato consensu corroborat,’ &c.
[245] Wood gives 1251 as the date. But both the statute (Mun. Acad. 25)
and the letters of Adam Marsh (Mon. Franc. I, 337--reference to
controversy about the Southwark Hospital, M. Paris, An. 1252) are clear
and at one on the point.
[246] Mon. Francisc. I, 338, 346 sqq.
[247] Mun. Acad. p. 25--the statute itself.
[248] The statute as it exists is not signed.
[249] The official account of the proceedings in the suit between the
Friars Preachers and the University has recently been edited by Mr.
Rashdall, Collect. Vol. II, Oxf. Hist. Soc.
[250] Collectanea, Vol. II, p. 264 seq.
[251] Ibid. p. 271.
[252] John XXII issued several bulls in their favour; Anno 2, VII Kal.
Nov., XVII Kal. Nov., Kal. Nov.; Anno 4, IV Id. Aug. I have not seen this
last.
[253] Collect. II, 272.
[254] Mun. Acad. 391. This explanation or compromise was not suggested in
any of the three bulls of John XXII, which I have seen. The Pope did not
advance matters much: on this point he decreed, ‘quod fratres predicatores
et alii religiosi predicti ejusdem loci Oxoniensis, dummodo alias ydonei
fuerint, ad idem Magisterium in facultate predicta (sc. theologica), etiam
si antea in artibus Magistri non fuerint, non petita, eo pretextu quod
Magistri non fuissent in artibus, ab ipsis Cancellario et Magistris vel
aliis, ad quos id pro tempore inibi pertinet, licentia per viam gratiae,
sed per modum merae justitiae, libere assumantur.’ Bull of John XXII, VIII
Kal. Nov. A{o} 2, transcribed by Mr. Bliss from _Regesta_, Vol. 67.
[255] Close Rolls, 11 Ric. II, m. 15; 12 Ric. II, m. 45.
[256] Wilkins, Concilia, III, 400.
[257] Ibid. 574-5. The same form of licensing was used for all faculties,
and there was no mention of regency in Arts in the licence for the faculty
of theology, strictly speaking: Ibid. 382-3. It was however contained
among the conditions which the licentiate swore he had fulfilled or been
dispensed from: Ibid. 391-2, 394.
[258] Ibid. 575.
[259] In 1459 John Alien, B.D. of Cambridge, supplicated for incorporation
at Oxford: one of the conditions imposed was, ‘quod solvat xl{s} ad
fabricacionem scolarum.’ This condition was withdrawn the same day.
Regist. Aa, f. 119.
[260] Opera Inedita, pp. lv and 399.
[261] Twyne, MS. XXII, f. 103 c (Defensorium, cap. 62).
[262] Mun. Acad. 206.
[263] Ibid. 207-8.
[264] The following passage is taken with some alterations from Richard de
Bury’s Philobiblon, p. 51 (edited by E. C. Thomas).
[265] I do not know to which Order these two belonged.
[266] ‘Two Short Treatises,’ &c., p. 30.
[267] Wadding, V, 300; statutes made at the General Chapter at Paris,
1292.
[268] Ibid. II, 382.
[269] Cf. Woodford, Defensorium, cap. 8. Friars are sent to the University
by papal ordinance or election by the Order.
[270] Such as existed e. g. among the English Benedictines, one monk out
of every twenty being sent to the University. Cf. the practice among the
Dominicans, at Paris: ‘Tres fratres tantum mittantur ad studium Parisius
(_sic_) de provincia’ (Constitutions, c. 1235, in Archiv f. L. u K. Gesch.
I, 189), and at Oxford, whither two students were sent from each province;
Fletcher, The Black Friars of Oxford, p. 6.
[271] As the estimates of the numbers of friars and monks vary
considerably, it may be worth while to give the evidence (which is
entirely indirect) on which this calculation is based. In 1255, there
were, according to Eccleston, 49 Franciscan houses in England and 1242
friars, giving an average of rather more than 25 to each convent (Mon.
Franc. I, 10). At London, according to the _Regist. Fratrum Min. London._,
there were about 100 friars, on the average, in the fourteenth century
(Ibid. p. 512). The public records give more trustworthy statistics. It
was often customary for the kings on their progresses to give pittances of
4_d._ each to the friars of the places through which they passed. I have
found no such grant to the Oxford Minorites: but the statement in the text
may be compared with the following instances.
At _London_ in 1243, there were _80_ Minorites (Liberate, 28 Hen. III, m.
18: cf. also Q. R. Wardrobe, 6/3 and 8/1); August, 1314, _64_ (Q. R.
Wardrobe, 24/10); October, 1314, _72_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10); 1315, _72_
(Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10); 1325, _72_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Norwich_
in 1326, _47_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Lynn_ in 1326, _38_ (Q. R.
Wardrobe, 25/1). At _Gloucester_ in 1326, _40_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1). At
_Cambridge_ in 1326, _70_ (Q. R. Wardrobe, 25/1).
It is not often possible to compare the numbers in the same houses at
different dates. In the northern convents, before the Black Death, there
was a large decrease: thus at _Newcastle_ in 1299, provision was made for
_68_ Minorites (Q. R. Wardrobe, 8/55 f. 4); about 45 years later, for _32_
only (Chapter-house Books, A 5/10, 149); but this may be explained by
reference to the special circumstances of the North. Elsewhere we find an
increase.
At _Winchester_, there were _23_ Minorites in 1243 (Liberate, 27 Hen. III,
m. 2); _43_ in 1315 (Q. R. Wardrobe, 24/10). At _Reading_, there were _13_
in 1239 (Liberate, 23 Hen. III, m. 3); _26_ in 1326 (Q. R. Wardrobe,
15/1).
From these figures, and from the Bull of Clement V in 1309 (granting
property of the Friars of the Sack to the Grey Friars), we may infer that
the numbers in the Oxford convent increased rather than diminished up to
A. D. 1349.
[272] Mun. Acad. 388: ‘quidam in eorum primo adventu in villam Oxoniae ...
ad opponendum in sacra theologia se offerunt inopinate.’ Ibid. 390: ‘nisi
prius dictas liberales artes per octo annos integros in Universitate vel
alibi rite audierit,’ &c. Friars sometimes however spent the whole time at
the University; see Regist. G. 6, fol. 55 a (R. Burton); H. 7, fol. 124
(J. Thornall).
[273] Mun. Acad. 389; Lyte, 223.
[274] Mun. Acad. 389. One of these years at least must be spent at Oxford;
ib. 388: sometimes six or even twelve years’ residence in a University was
insisted on; Regist. G. 6, f. 61 b (Banester); H. 7, f. 73 (Thornall).
[275] Ibid. 204, 388: ‘a doctore proprio ejusdem ordinis et Regente.’
[276] Mun. Acad. 204, 388.
[277] Ibid. 389.
[278] Cf. Univ. Reg. Vol. II, Part I, p. 22, disputations ‘in Parvisis’
(for B.A.).
[279] Mun. Acad. 206.
[280] The usual form of application for B.D. is: ‘Supplicat frater Joannes
Brown ordinis minorum et scolaris in sacra theologia quatenus studium 12
annorum in logicis philosophicis et theologicis sufficiat ut admittatur ad
opponendum in novis scolis qua habita una cum responsione possit admitti
ad lecturam libri sententiarum.’ Reg. G. 6, f. 107.
[281] Regist. G. 6, f. 254 b: cf. ibid. f. 187, similar condition in the
grace to Friar W. Walle, 1513.
[282] Reg. A a, f. 101 b.
[283] Ibid. 87 b.
[284] Reg. G. 6, f. 127 b; ibid. 160 a. John de Castro of Bologna became
B.D. four days after his admission to opposition (Boase, Register, p. 93).
[285] Reg. A a, f. 74 b: ‘oppositio in singulis scolis’ (J. Sunday, 1453).
[286] Reg. G. 6, and H. 7, _passim_.
[287] Mun. Acad. 389.
[288] Ibid.: this ceremony was called ‘deponing.’
[289] Ibid. 395.
[290] This seems to be the general sense of the words: ‘non replicet
pluries quam semel in termino, ultra introitus librorum, et cessationes
eorumdem; introitus enim et cessationes librorum, ac recitatio locorum ad
materiam propriam pertinens, ... pro replicationibus minime computantur;’
Ibid. 395. For these technical terms, cf. Twyne, MS. II, f. 147 b.
[291] Collectanea, II, 225, 270; Mun. Acad. 392.
[292] Mun. Acad. 395: this is the sermon which is often alluded to in the
Supplications, &c. of the fifteenth century as ‘sermo ad quem tenetur ex
novo statuto.’
[293] Collectanea, II, 270. The registers make no mention of this sermon;
it seems to have been superseded by sermons at St. Paul’s, St.
Frideswide’s, St. Mary’s, &c. See Reg. G. 6, f. 185; H. 7, f. 51 b, 110,
&c.
[294] Mun. Acad. 391, 396. From the latter passage (and from statute of
1253, ibid. p. 25) it would appear that lectures on the Bible were a
substitute for lectures on the Sentences: ‘et aliquem librum de canone
bibliae vel sententiarum Oxoniae in scholis theologiae publice legant.’
This however does not seem to have been the case in reality: see
_supplicat_ of Friar John Sunday, Feb. 5, 1453/4, in Appendix: cf. Reg. A
a, f. 54 (J. Florence), 122 (Ednam), f. 114, &c.
[295] Mun. Acad. 392, 394: ‘biblice seu cursorie.’ For the explanation of
the term ‘cursory lectures,’ see Clark’s Univ. Reg., Vol. II, Part I, p.
76.
[296] Mun. Acad. 392, 394. I do not understand ‘_concursivae_’; cf. note 6
on p. 81.
[297] Clark, Register of the Univ., Vol. II, Pt. II, pp. 109-110.
[298] Reg. A a, f. 79 b (printed in Appendix).
[299] Reg. G. 6, f. 47 b.
[300] Three years was theoretically the minimum; Mun. Acad. 391: the
extension of the period to four years must be of later date; Clark, Reg.
Vol. II, Pt. II, p. 139. An instance of the later custom is found in 1507;
Reg. G. 6, fol. 22 b.
[301] Reg. G. 6, fol. 168 b, 187 b.
[302] Ibid. fol. 160, 187 b.
[303] Ibid. fol. 22 b.
[304] Registers, _passim_: cf. Clark, Register, Vol. II, Pt. I, 142 seq.,
for the later customs.
[305] Mun. Acad. 379, 396.
[306] Ibid. 374, 377, 380, 450.
[307] Ibid. 432, 433. The phrase ‘_tenere vesperias_’ (cf. ibid. 429)
perhaps refers to the Master who presided, ‘_celebrare vesperias_,’ to the
incepting Bachelor. Vesperies might be held in any faculty on any day
which was a _dies legibilis_ among the artists; Mun. Acad. 433. Anstey
(Ibid.) and Lyte (213) are mistaken in thinking that this only applied to
the Faculty of Arts.
[308] Collectanea, II, 217, 222-3.
[309] Mun. Acad. 393; Collectanea, ibid.
[310] Mun. Acad. 432.
[311] Cf. Lyte, 106.
[312] This at least was the later practice; Clark, Register of the Univ.,
Vol. II, Pt. I. p. 180: the statute in Mun. Acad. 432 (‘_quomodo Regens_,’
&c.) may mean that the presiding master proposed the questions; perhaps
this refers only to the Arts Faculty.
[313] See decree of 1586 in Clark, Reg. of Univ., Vol. II, Pt. I, p.
120--evidently an attempt to return to an older custom: cf. Mun. Acad.
433-4, though this probably refers only to the Act.
[314] Assisi MS., No. 158, _questio_ 185: Hugh of Hertepol however
probably presided in this case; see Part II.
[315] Ibid, _questio_ 159.
[316] Trivet, Annals, p. 306; Lyte, 214.
[317] Bale, Script. Brit., Vol. I, p. 306: ‘in vesperiis Adae.’
[318] Trivet, _ut supra_.
[319] Mun. Acad. 392: ‘sicut in ecclesia Virginis gloriosae honorem
recipit magistralem.’ Perhaps it was always unusual to hold the Act
anywhere except in St. Mary’s.
[320] Rashdall, Early Hist. of Oxford; Church, Quarterly Review, Vol.
XXIII; Lyte, p. 213 _seq._; Mon. Franc. I, 135.
[321] Friar John Smyth, Minorite, was created D.D. by the Abbat of
Winchcombe; Reg. G. 6, fol. 31 b. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 348.
[322] Mun. Acad. 433: ‘Incepturi quidem suas legant in principio
lectiones, deinde quaestiones, quas disputare voluerint, proponentes
Magistris opponant.’
[323] Clark, Regist. of the Univ., Vol. II, pt. I, pp. 144, 180, 121.
[324] Mun. Acad. 433 (passage quoted in note 3 of this page).
[325] Cf. Assisi MS. No. 158, _questio_ 117: ‘questio domini Archidiaconi
essexte in inceptione sua: respondit archidiaconus Oxon’.’
[326] No. 158 in the Municipal (formerly conventual) Library at Assisi.
Some of the questions have the names of Cambridge friars attached to them
(e. g. Letheringfont; and _questio_ 104, frater Johannes Crussebut apud
Cantebrigiam); two are disputations by Minorites at Paris and _in curia_.
The names of seculars and Friars Preachers also occur.
[327] See e. g. John Brown, Regist. G. 6, fol. 107, 185. Robert Sanderson,
ibid. fol. 107 and 171: contrast W. German, ibid., fol. 187, 301. The
generalizations in this paragraph are derived from an examination and
analysis of all the entries, relating to the Franciscans, in the
University Registers to the end of the year 1525.
[328] Mun. Acad. 434.
[329] Ibid. 480; cf. Regist. A a, f. 2.
[330] Ibid. 450-1.
[331] Ibid. 353, &c.
[332] Two Short Treatises, &c. (ed. 1608), p. 30.
[333] See Part II.
[334] Bodleian MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 79 b, cap. X. De expensis
studencium evitandis.
[335] p’nis, _principiis_ (MS.).
[336] Mun. Acad. 353-4.
[337] Regist. G. 6, f. 187 b; J. Smyth (1513).
[338] Regist. A a, fol. 7 (printed in Boase’s Reg. p. 287).
[339] Reg. A a, f. 128; cf. ibid. 122. Ednam was probably in an
exceptional position: shortly after this he became Bishop of Bangor; Le
Neve, Fasti.
[340] e. g. on Nov. 27, 1506, ‘supplicat frater Johannes Smyȝth ordinis
minorum s. t. b. quatenus secum graciose dispensetur sic quod quinque
libre solvende in die admissionis sue possunt sibi sufficere pro sua
composicione. Hec est concessa condicionata quod quinquies dicat missam de
quinque vulneribus et ter dicat missam de trinitate pro bono statu
regentium ante Pascha.’
[341] Regist. G. 6, fol. 169 b: cf. Regist. H. 7, f. 140, S. Thornall
(printed in Appendix).
[342] e. g. W. German, W. Walle: see Part II.
[343] Regist. H. 7, f. 117.
[344] Reg. G. 6, f. 177, G. Sander.
[345] Mun. Acad. 755: cf. Ric. Ednam above. A monk gave robes to all the
Regent Masters of Arts at his inception in 1360; Mun. Acad. 223.
[346] Mun. Acad. 419, 451, 452.
[347] Ibid. 453.
[348] Or earlier: see Mon. Franc. I, 347.
[349] Regist. A a, f. 83.
[350] Ibid. f. 62 b.
[351] Reg. H. 7, f. 6 b.
[352] Reg. G. 6, f. 207.
[353] Ibid. f. 104 b, and f. 199 b: cf. N. de Burgo, H. 7, f. 117 b.
[354] Reg. G. 6, f. 194 b: cf. T. Frances, H. 7, f. 68.
[355] Mun. Acad. 396; Reg. G. 6, f. 213 b (R. Saunderson), 214 (G.
Sawnder), &c.
[356] Registers, _passim_.
[357] Reg. A a, f. 51 b, J. David (see Appendix); G. 6, fol. 39, Gerard
Smyth; H. 7, fol. 117, N. de Burgo.
[358] Regist. G. 6, f. 39 b, W. Gudfeld (see Appendix), &c.
[359] e. g. Regist. A a, f. 119, John Alien; H. 7, fol. 119, N. de Burgo.
[360] Regist. G. 6, fol. 257 b.
[361] Regist. H. 7, fol. 51b: cf. D. Williams (ibid.): ... ‘predicet unum
sermonem in ecclesia divi pauli London, et solvat angelum aureum ad
reparationem baculi inferioris bedelli artium.’ Cf. ibid. fol. 64, the
same friar was to pay 12_d._ for the same purpose.
[362] See the will of William Maryner, ‘citezein and salter of London,’ in
Somerset House (P.C.C. Fetiplace, qu. 8), A. D. 1512: ‘Item, I bequeth to
the exhibucion of a vertuons scoler of the said freeres Minours (of
London) to be provided and ordeyned of the goode discrecion of the said
wardeyn of the place, v{li}.’ Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III,
p. 497: May 24, 1521, ‘to a Grey Friar for his exhibition at Oxford 8_d._’
(weekly?).
[363] Bullarium Romanum, I, 251 (‘Martiniana,’ A. D. 1430), cap. X: ‘...
ita et taliter quod cuilibet studenti pro posse provideatur de suis
necessariis, tam pro libris, quam pro reliquis opportunis, de communibus
eleemosynis per procuratorem receptis pro quolibet conventu sive loco
nativo fratris ad studium promovendi. Exhortantes strictissime in
visceribus Jesu Christi ceteros fratres aliorum locorum, quod quum
viderint idoneos ad studia promovendos, totis viribus eisdem impendant
auxilium, consilium et favorem, ... quaerendo pro eis eleemosynas,
recommendando valentibus subvenire,’ &c.
[364] See note 7: cf. Wiclif, Trialogus, IV, cap. 35 (p. 369): ‘...
quilibet consumat annuatim in persona sua de bonis regni centum solidos et
totidem in aedificationibus,’ &c. Lyte, p. 93, on cost of living at
Oxford: cf. Palmer, in Reliquary, Vol. XIX, p. 76; the king supported
Dominicans at Langley at the rate of 3_d._ a day each, A. D. 1337.
[365] Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 80.
[366] Twyne, MS. IV, 173.
[367] See Wood-Clark, II, 386.
[368] The Register as edited by Boase has been relied on in the main. J.
Whytwell, described by Boase as a friar, was a Minorite (Reg. A a, fol. 23
b): similarly John Harvey (Acta Cur. Canc. F, f. 212 b), and J. de Castro
(ibid. F, f. 263). Edward Drewe (sup. for B.A. in June, 1505) is called
friar by Boase, not in Reg. G. 6, f. 1. Simon Clerkson was a Carmelite.
Reg. I, 8, f. 279.
[369] Those described merely as friars or monks and whose Order I have not
discovered, I have omitted in this calculation.
[370] M. Gryffith (Boase, 168) is described in one place as Dominican, in
another as Franciscan: I have counted him among the Dominicans.
[371] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, fol. 11 b (Bodleian): ‘Nullus frater cameram
habeat clausam vel a dormitorio sequestratam, ministris exceptis et
lectoribus in generalibus studiis constitutis. Nec in studiis aliorum
fratrum habeantur velamina vel clausura, quominus fratres inter (? intra)
existentes patere possint aspectibus aliorum.’ This MS. dates from the
thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and contains ‘_Constitutiones fratrum
Minorum_’ made at various times. This extract is from the constitutions of
Bonaventura as re-enacted in 1292. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 195; Lanerc. Chron.
p. 130. In the sixteenth century the Oxford Carmelites seem to have had a
separate ‘_cubiculum_’ each; Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, f. 249 b.
[372] Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., cap. 13 (p. 30). The custom seems
to have been new in his time.
[373] Cf. note 1. Several grants of timber to the Dominicans ‘_ad studia
facienda_’ occur in the early records; e. g. Close Roll, 42 Hen. III, m.
2; Liberate, 45 Hen. III, m. 6; Close, 53 Hen. III, m. 6, seven oaks to
the friars Preachers, Oxford, ‘for the repair of their studies.’
Representations of these _studia_ are not uncommon in mediaeval pictures
and illuminations. Savonarola’s _studium_ is still in the Dominican
monastery of S. Marco, Florence. Cf. also M. Lyte, p. 204.
[374] Bullarium Romanum, I, 251.
[375] MS. Canonic. Misc. 75, f. 80 b: cap. x, ‘de libris donatis vel
legatis cuivis communitati seu persone ordinis,’ &c.
[376] Cf. Burney MS. 325 _in principio_: ‘Istum librum emit Johannes
Ledbury, de ordine fratrum minorum, a magistro Gilberto Hundertone, de
elemosina amicorum suorum.’ (A. D. 1349.) In Liberate Roll, 30 Hen. III,
m. 10, is a grant of ten marks to a friar, apparently a Minorite of
Northampton, ‘_ad unam Bibliotecam emendam_.’
[377] Mon. Franc. I, 359-360. Adam Marsh writes to the Provincial, ‘rogans
obnixius quatenus ... Bibliam carissimi P. de Wygornia piae recordationis
eidem (sc. fratri Thomae de Dokkyng) ad usum salutarem assignare
velitis.... Insuper non desunt qui de pretio libri memorati cumulatius, ut
audio, satisfaciant.’
[378] MS. Canonic. _ut supra_; cf. Burney MS. 5, Bible belonging to
Minorites of St. Edmundsbury, ‘cujus usus debetur fratri Waltero de
Bukenham ad vitam.’
[379] Mon. Franc. I, 349: ‘Plures, aut audio, reperientur opportuni ad
nunc dictum fratris obsequium (i.e. to act as Secretary to Friar Ric. of
Cornwall), si scripturae quos ex studiosa praefati fratris R. (Cornubiae)
vigilantia manibus suis conscripserint, singulis suae concedantur in usus
utilitatis privatae, tam ad communitatis profectum ampliorem.’
[380] Bullarium Romanum, I, 110. Friars Minors promoted to bishoprics, &c.
shall give up to the General or Provincial Minister ‘libros et alia quae
tempore suae promotionis habent,’ as these must really belong to the
Order. (A. D. 1255.) The books were however practically treated as private
property; see e. g. a MS. in the Bodleian, Laud. Misc. 528, ‘quondam
Johannis Ston et Agnetis uxoris ex dono Johannis, fratris ordinis
Minorum.’ Cf. ibid. No. 176; Ball. Coll. MS. 133, f. 1, &c.
[381] MS. Canonic. _ut supra_, where careful and elaborate instructions
are given: e. g. ‘meliores seu utiliores libri semper remaneant in
conventu’; ‘Libri vero ad communitatem custodie pertinentes distribuantur
in provinciali capitulo fratribus ejusdem custodie tantum per ministrum et
diffinitores juxta disposicionem custodis et fratrum discretorum,’ &c.
[382] Opera Ined. p. 13.
[383] Mon. Franc. I, 391. The MS. of Adam Marsh’s letters in the Cottonian
Collection was probably written in the Franciscan Convent at Oxford.
[384] Merton Coll. MSS. 168, 169, 170, 171.
[385] Gascoigne, _Loci a libro veritatum_ (ed. Rogers), pp. 103, 140. Cf.
Gottlieb, _Mittelalterliche Bibliotheken_.
[386] Stevens, Wood, &c.: who however do not assert it positively.
[387] Close Roll, 10 Hen. III, m. 6 (3rd Sept.). The usual meaning of
_Biblioteca_ in mediaeval Latin is _Bible_, and this may possibly be the
meaning here.
[388] Mon. Franc. I, 634 (from Bartholomew of Pisa).
[389] Nic. Trivet, Annales, 243.
[390] Mon. Franc. I, 185, letter to the Dean of Lincoln: ‘scriptis ... tam
editis quam translatis.’
[391] MS. Bodl. 198.
[392] Gascoigne, _passim_; cf. note in Balliol Coll. MS. 129, fol. 7 (the
handwriting is, I think, Gascoigne’s): ‘et nota quod in illo armario sive
libraria (sc. fratrum minorum Oxon.) sunt optimi libri et specialiter ex
dono domini R. Grostete ... qui fecit plures libros ibi existentes.’
[393] Note in Bodleian MS. quoted in preface to Grostete’s _Epistolae_, p.
xcvi.
[394] Gascoigne, pp. 102 and 174.
[395] Ibid. pp. 126, 177.
[396] Ibid. p. 138.
[397] Ibid. p. 126.
[398] Twyne, MS. XXI, 496: ‘ex tomo 2{o} et lib. 5{o} Doctrinalis
Antiquitatis Ecclesiae Th. Waldeni fratris Carmelitae de Sacramentis, cap.
77.’
[399] Annales Minorum, I, 364. The first of these sermons, if not both of
them, is contained in MSS. Royal 6 E v, 7 E ii, f. 251 b; Laud. Misc. 402,
f. 133; Phillipps, 3119, fol. 62. The sermon _de laude paupertatis_ was
preached on the feast of St. Martin to Franciscans: ‘sumusque in loco
paupertatis et inter professores paupertatis.’ Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 69.
[400] See Gascoigne, pp. 102-3.
[401] Ibid. 140. William of Wykeham left his sandals to his college at
Oxford; Register Arundel, fol. 215.
[402] ‘_Comment. de rebus Albionicis_,’ quoted in Wood MS. F 29 a, fol.
166, and 177 b. John Twyne lived c. 1500-1581.
[403] Wood-Clarke, II, 405, books of Richard Middleton; also some writings
of Robert Kilwardby, mentioned by Boston of Bury (Tanner, _Bibl._ p.
xxxviii.)
[404] ‘Libellus praeterea est instar catalogi de eruditis Franciscanis,
quem olim vidi, atque adeo legi in collegio ei sectae dicato propter
Isidis Vadum.’ Leland, _Script._ 268; other references to it, _ibid._ 269,
272, 289, 297, 302, 304, 315, 325, 326, 329, 406, 409, 433. It must have
been compiled in the 15th century.
[405] MS. Balliol Coll. 129, fol. 7.
[406] Lambeth MS. 202, fol. 99 b: ‘et preter istas omelias super Jerimiam
et ezechielem, scripsit idem Jeronymus 18 libros super ysaiam prophetam et
14 libros super ezechielem, ut patet inter fratres Minores Oxonie, ubi
isti libri sunt’ (note by Gascoigne).
[407] Wood, Hist. et Antiq. (Latin ed.), p. 83; a note from Gascoigne: the
book contained a full account of Grostete’s quarrel with Innocent IV in
the chapter on Excommunication. MSS. of the work are Royal 7 C. XV, and
Caius Coll. 184.
[408] Wood-Clark, II, 380; cf. R. Bacon, Opera Ined. p. 88. Hebrew was
taught at Oxford in the fourteenth century; Twyne, MS. XXIV, 94, 101: cf.
Wadding, VI, 199, on the efforts of Friar Raymund Lully to secure the
teaching of oriental languages at Oxford and elsewhere.
[409] MSS. usually contained anathemas against any one who should deface
or remove them. Persons into whose possession they came would naturally
seek to obliterate all traces of their former ownership; e. g. in Royal
MS. 3 D. I (fol. 234 b) the words ‘conventui fratrum minorum Lichefeldie’
(the former owners of the book) are almost obliterated; ‘a fure viz. qui
codicem abstulerat,’ remarks Casley: cf. Bodl. MS. Canonic. Misc. 80 (a
thirteenth-century Bible), ‘olim Fratrum ordinis Minorum de ...’
[410] Nos. 348 and 403. It is not expressly stated whether the latter
belonged to the Oxford Franciscans; see Smith’s Catalogue, p. 166. I do
not know the age of either of these MSS.; probably c. 1500.
[411] MS. Bodl. 198.
[412] Now Lincoln Coll. MS. 54: see p. 61, n. 7.
[413] Lambeth MS. 202 (sec. xiii). It cannot be certainly identified: the
volume has been rebound and several leaves cut out at the end. There is
nothing to indicate to what house or Order the book belonged. On fol. 81
occurs a note on the title of the ‘_Catalogus_’ of St. Jerome, with the
addition: ‘Hoc Mag. Thomas Gascoigne Oxonia in Collegio de Oriell Ebor’
diosic’ natus; 1432.’ In Ball. Coll. MS. 129, f. 7, is the note,
apparently in Gascoigne’s writing, ‘qui liber (sc. virorum illustrium) est
in armario fratrum minorum Oxonie; et continet idem liber plures alios
bonos libros.’ Lambeth MS. 202 contains also several treatises by St.
Augustine, Isidore, &c.: see Todd’s Catalogue.
[414] MS. Cott. Vitell. C. viii: cf. Mon. Franc. I, p. lxix.
[415] Among the contents are, treatises against the Mendicant Orders,
Grostete’s sermon in praise of poverty, Eccleston’s Chronicle, _Impugnacio
Fratrum Minorum per Fratres Praedicatores apud Oxon’_, and other tracts
relating for the most part to the Franciscans.
[416] Digby MS. 90; this extract is copied from the catalogue. The
treatise has been printed under the name of Simon de Tunstede by E. de
Coussemaker, ‘_Auctores de Musica_,’ &c., Vol. IV, pp. 220-299 (Paris,
1876).
[417] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 488, ‘ex chartophylacio civitatis Oxon. In
fasciculo Brevium’; (this is not now among the City Records). The date is,
‘T. meipso apud Wodestok, 28 die Martii a{o} regni nostri 4{o},’ i.e.
Edward III (not II, as Twyne), who was then at Woodstock; and the mention
of P. de la Beche, sheriff, leaves no doubt on the matter (see Wood,
Annals, A{o} 1327).
[418] Twyne, ut supra: ‘In dorso brevis, ita: “Gardianus ordinis fratrum
minorum et frater Walterus de Chatton confrater ejusdem Gardiani nihil
habent in balliva nostra extra sanctuarium ubi possunt summoneri seu
attachiari; ideo de eis nihil actum est.”’
[419] e. g. his statement that in his time there were 30,000 students at
Oxford.
[420] Sermon in Twyne, MS. XXII, 103 a-b.
[421] Mun. Acad. 233.
[422] Philobiblon (ed. E. C. Thomas), pp. 65-8.
[423] Ibid. (§ 135).
[424] Ibid. p. 47.
[425] The will of Henry Standish contains a bequest of five marks for
books (1535); this is the only instance which I have found. See list of
bequests in Chapter VII. On the other hand it must be remembered that a
friary produced its own books.
[426] See note by Gascoigne in MS. Bodl. 198, fol. 107 (A. D. 1433): ‘et
nota quod omnes note et figure in margine istius libri fuerunt scripte
propria manu sancte memorie Magistri Roberti Grosseteste Episcopi
Lincolniensis, et librum dedit mihi sponte sub sigillo suo conventus
fratrum minorum Oxonie.’ Gascoigne is said to have given the books which
he had from the Minorites to the libraries of Balliol, Oriel, Lincoln and
Durham Colleges; this MS. was given to Durham College.
[427] Cromwell Corresp. (Rec. Office), Second Series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 709
b. Leland, who was evidently received with scant courtesy by the
Franciscans, and who is consequently very bitter against them (he calls
them ‘braying donkeys’), remarks on the dispersion of the books: ‘Nam
Roberti episcopi volumina et exemplaria omnia, ingenti pretio comparata,
furto ab ipsis Franciscanis, huc illuc ex praescripto commigrantibus (aut
ut verius loquar) vagantibus sublata sunt’; quoted in Wood-Clark, II,
381-2.
[428] Mun. Acad. p. 264.
[429] Register G, fol. 35 a (A. Kell); Acta Cur. Cancell. F, fol. 156 b
(W. German and J. Porret).
[430] Leland, Collect. Vol. III, p. 60. Cf. Wood-Clark, II, 381-2. Leland
mentions only one library; but he probably saw all that was to be seen.
[431] Brewer, Mon. Francisc. I, p. li. See the rest of his luminous
remarks there, and in his preface to R. Bacon, Opera Inedita.
[432] Opera Ined. pp. 19-20, Opus Tertium.
[433] Cf. Ibid. p. 116, on the potential value of burning-glasses in the
Crusades.
[434] Ibid. 53. Cf. p. 50, ethical part of moral philosophy: ‘et haec est
pulchrior sapientia quam possit dici.’
[435] e. g. Opus Majus, 46; Opus Tert. pp. 3-4, 10-11, 40, 48, 84; Opus
Minus, 323; Compend. Studii, 395, 397, 400 sqq., &c.
[436] Twyne, MS. II, fol. 23, from Register of D’Alderby, bishop of
Lincoln; printed in Wood, Hist, et Antiq. (Lat. ed.), p. 134, and in
Wood-Clark, II, p. 386. It may seem bold to identify ‘Johannes Douns’ with
the great schoolman, but there is no doubt he was a young friar at Oxford
at the time (he lectured at Oxford c. 1304); and he is in company with
many other prominent schoolmen of the time.
[437] Two of them were already D.D.’s.
[438] Opera Inedita, p. lvi. Cf. Sir Francis Bacon: ‘non accipit indoctus
verba scientiae, nisi prius ea dixeris quae versantur in corde ejus.’
[439] Mon. Francisc. I, li. See ‘Les contes moralisés’ of Friar Nicholas
Bozon. Wiclif is less complimentary to Friars’ sermons: they are ‘japes’
pleasing to the people, and ‘rimes’; Select Works, III, 180. The old
school of theologians, secular and monastic, and the clergy disliked them
intensely.
[440] The Franciscans at Northampton receive ten oaks to build a house for
their schools; Close Roll, 42 Hen. III, m. 6 (dated Oxford, June 26).
[441] Mon. Franc. I, 38. Brewer (p. xlix) gives a misleading version of
the passage. The original of the last part runs thus: ‘Assignaverat enim
in Universitatibus, pro singulis locis, studentes, qui decedentibus vel
amotis lectoribus succederent.’
[442] e.g. Thomas of York for Oxford, Mon. Franc. I, 357.
[443] It was not necessary that he should have been at any _studium
generale_. Thus the Dominicans complain that a friar who has often
lectured on the sentences and Bible _extra universitatem_ cannot lecture
on the Bible at Oxford unless he is a B.D. _Acta Fratrum Praedicatorum_,
Collectanea, II, 226. Cf. Clement IV’s constitutions for the Friars Minors
in 1265, Bullarium Romanum, p. 130, § 5: ‘Fratres autem de ordine vestro,
quos secundum institutiones ipsius ordinis conventibus vestris deputandos
duxeritis in lectores, sine cujusquam alterius licentia libere in domibus
praedicti ordinis legere ac docere valeant in theologica facultate (illis
locis exceptis in quibus viget studium generale), ac etiam quilibet in
facultate ipsa docturus solemniter incipere consuevit.’
[444] Mon. Franc. I, letter 178. It is no doubt addressed to W. of
Nottingham (who died 1251), as in a letter written later than this and
referring to R. de Thornham, Adam mentions ‘Peter minister of Cologne,’ i.
e. P. of Tewkesbury, Nottingham’s successor in the English Provincialate;
ibid. letter 183.
[445] Ibid. letter 179.
[446] Harl. MS. 431, fol. 100 b (printed in Appx. B). Wadding, Vol. X, p.
156 (cap. viii of the ‘_Martiniana_,’ A. D. 1430); Vol. XIII, 73.
[447] Harl. MS. _ut supra_. Cambridge Public Library, MS. Ee. V. 31,
contains letters addressed by the convent of Christchurch, Canterbury, to
the Provincial Minister and Chapter of the Friars Minors in England,
requesting permission for Friar R. de Wydeheye to continue to act as
master of their schools; the letter was written every year; e.g. in 1285,
1286, 1287, &c.: see ff. 21 b, 24 b, 28, 29, 34, &c.: cf. Wilkins,
Concilia, II, 122.
[448] Cambridge MS. Ee. V. 31, fol. 156 b, ‘Littera fratris Roberti de
Fulham quondam lectoris nostri de conversacione sua.’ It is doubtful
whether he is the same as Robert de Wydeheye mentioned in the preceding
note, and whether he had been at the University.
[449] See Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, VI, 63 (A. D. 1292)
and Wadding, _Sup. ad Script._ 717 (A. D. 1467); printed in Appx. B.
[450] Scotland for many years formed part of the English province. Mon.
Franc. I, 32; Wadding, IV, 136.
[451] Stephen of Ireland, Malachias of Ireland, Maurice de Portu, &c.
[452] William de Prato; perhaps N. de Anilyeres, or Aynelers, or Anivers
(Mon. Franc. I, 316, 379, 380). Several English students returned to
Oxford from Paris before taking their degree (e.g. Ric. of Cornwall; Mon.
Franc. I, 39); and probably many came over during the dissensions at Paris
in the middle of the thirteenth century. See also decree of Gen. Chapter
of Milan, 1285; ‘Provintia Aquitanie potest mittere unum studentem
Oxonie’; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. d. Mittelalters, VI, 56.
[453] See Part II, Peter Philargus of Candia (Alex. V), John de Castro of
Bologna, Nic. de Burgo, Francis de S. Simone de Pisa, &c.
[454] Rymer’s Foed. IV, 30. It was probably in Paris that Roger Bacon was
laughed at by the Spanish scholars at his lectures; Opera Ined. 91, 467.
[455] Part II, Gundesalvus de Portugalia, Peter Lusitanus, etc.
[456] Mon. Franc. I, 313, Part II, Hermann of Cologne, Mat. Döring; Anal.
Francisc. II, 242: ‘Provinciae seu studia, ad quas et quae Provincia
Argentinensis studentes de debito transmittere potest; videl. Oxoniae,
Cantabrigiae,’ &c.
[457] Mon. Franc. I, 38: ‘Usque adeo fama fratrum Angliae, et profectus in
studio aliis etiam provinciis innotuit, ut minister generalis, Frater
Helias, mitteret pro Fratre Philippo Walensi et Fratre Ada de Eboraco qui
Lugduni legerunt.’ Lyons was not a _generale studium_; Denifle, I, 223.
[458] Mon. Franc. I, 39. As the passage is of great interest, it may be
quoted at some length: ‘An excellent lecturer, who studied with me at
Oxford, used always in the schools, when the master was lecturing or
disputing, to employ himself in the compilation of original things instead
of attending to the lecture. Now when he had become lecturer himself, his
hearers became so inattentive, that he said he would as lief shut up his
book every day and go home, as lecture; and conscience-stricken he said,
“By a just judgment of God, no one will listen to me, because I would
never listen to any teacher.” He was besides, since he consorted too much
with seculars and thus paid less attention to the brethren than was usual,
a living example to the others, that the words of wisdom are only learnt
in silence and quiet.... But after he had returned to himself and applied
himself to quiet contemplation, he made such excellent progress that the
Bishop of Lincoln said that “he himself could not have delivered such a
lecture as he had delivered.” So, as his good fame grew, he was called to
the parts of Lombardy by the General Minister, and in the very court of
the pope was in high repute. But at last, as he was in the extreme agony,
the Mother of God, to whom he had always been devoted, appeared to him,
and drove away the evil spirits, and he was held worthy, as he afterwards
revealed to a friend, to enter happily to the pains of purgatory. For he
told him that he was in purgatory and had great pains in his feet, because
he was wont to go too often to a holy woman (_religiosam matronam_) to
console her, when he ought to have been intent on his lectures and other
more necessary occupations; he begged him also to have masses celebrated
for his soul.’
[459] Grostete, Epistolae, p. 334.
[460] Mon. Franc. I, 354.
[461] See Part II.
[462] Peckham’s Reg. p. 977, and Part II.
[463] For dates and authorities, see notices of these friars in Part II.
[464] Liber Conformitatum, fol. 126. This list does not always agree with
Eccleston; the latter mentions e.g. a ‘custody of Salisbury,’ p. 27.
[465] Liber Conform. f. 99. For a curious use of the word, see Liberate
Roll, 17 Hen. III, m. 10; the _custodes_ of the houses of Friars Minors in
Dublin were seculars and trustees of their property.
[466] Liber Conform. ibid.
[467] Mon. Franc. I, 27. In the custody of Cambridge the brethren did not
use ‘mantles.’
[468] Ibid.
[469] See notices in Part II.
[470] Evers, Analecta, p. 60.
[471] Ibid., and Mon. Franc. I, 48. The custodian admitted novices to
profession; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI, 89.
[472] Wright, Suppression of the Monasteries (Camden Soc.), p. 217. The
word is sometimes used as equivalent to _gardianus_; e.g. Acta Cur.
Cancell. ~F~. fol. 53 b. Cf. W. of Esseby, Warden and Custodian of Oxford,
Mon. Franc. I, 10, 27.
[473] Mon. Franc. I, 69. If we may believe Eccleston, the sermon seems
hardly to have expressed Grostete’s real convictions; he told W. of
Nottingham in private, ‘quod adhuc fuit gradus quidam superior, scilicet
vivere ex proprio labore.’ On this sermon, see Chapter IV, p. 58.
[474] Ibid. 55; ‘in festo Purificationis,’ i.e. Feb. 2nd, prob. anno 1237.
[475] Ibid. 29, 31: in the Phillipps MS. of Eccleston (fol. 75) he is
called Wygerius. Jordan’s Chronicle gives 1237 as the date of the
visitation, 1238 as the date of the appeal; Analecta Franciscana I, pp.
18-19.
[476] Mon. Franc. I, 30. A chapter was held in London about May 18th, 1238
(Liberate Roll, 22 Hen. III, m. 11), and at Oxford soon after June 30th,
1238 (ibid. m. 15); the latter entry, dated June 30th, runs thus: ‘Rex
ballivis suis Oxon’ salutem. Precipimus vobis quod de firma ville nostre
Oxonie faciatis habere fratribus minoribus Oxon’ X marcas ad
sustentacionem suam et fratrum suorum qui nuper convenient ad capitulum
sunm apud Oxon’.’ These are probably the chapters held by the visitor.
[477] Mon. Franc. I, 31.
[478] Ibid. 30.
[479] Ibid.: ‘Igitur cum venissent fratres ad Romam, mox petiverunt ut
fratres de cetero in suis locis visitarentur per capitulum generale,’ &c.
It is no doubt to these events that Grostete refers in his letters to
Gregory IX and Cardinal Rinaldo Conti, Protector of the Order at Rome;
Epistolae, LVIII, LIX.
[480] Wadding, Vol. III, _sub anno_.
[481] Mon. Franc. I, 68. The date is fixed by the entry in Liberate Roll,
32 Hen. III, m. 7 (May 16th, 1248).
[482] Mon. Franc. I, 50; probably an offshoot of the errors of Mendicants
at Paris, 1243; see Mat. Paris, Chronica Majora, Vol. IV, pp. 280-3;
Martene and Durand, Thesaurus, &c., Vol. IV, p. 1686, § 8.
[483] Liberate Roll, _ut supra_: ‘Mandatum est Vicecomiti Oxon’ et
Berkshire quod ... cariari faciat unum dolium vini usque Domum fratrum
Minorum Oxon’, quibus Rex illud dedit de celario quod fuit Roberti Blundi
Vinetarii, et eisdem fratribus in die Capituli sui inveniat victui
necessaria de elemosina Regis’ (Woodstock, May 16).
[484] Osney Chron. in Ann. Monast. IV, 318; Peckham, Register, p. 958.
[485] Eulogium Historiarum (continuatio), III, 403; Wadding, IX, 499.
[486] Eulog. Hist. III, 405. The diploma of Innoc. VII (in Wadding, IX,
499) gives the names of the commissioners.
[487] Eulog. Hist. ibid.
[488] Wadding, _ut supra_.
[489] Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 87 dorse (printed in Appx. C). This
happened before 1269; the names are not given. Perhaps the explanation of
the following note to the list of lectors at Oxford in Eccleston’s
Chronicle is to be found here: ‘Notandum quod secundum alia chronica
quartus magister ... hic non nominatur,’ &c. Mon. Franc. I, 552.
[490] Chron. Majora IV, 279.
[491] ‘Viri literati et scolares,’ ibid.
[492] The proselytising fervour of the Dominicans is well illustrated in
the letters of Jordan, Master of the Order, 1223-1236, _Lettres du B.
Jourdain de Saxe_ (Paris, 1865), pp. 28, 66, &c.; p. 126: ‘Apud studium
Oxoniense, ubi ad praesens eram, spem bonae captionis Dominus nobis dedit’
(A. D. 1230). But Jordan cherished no ill-feeling against the Franciscans:
Mon. Franc. I, 22.
[493] Mon. Franc. I, 56.
[494] i.e. Robert, not Roger, as Leland and others have supposed; even
Dean Plumptre makes this mistake; Contemp. Review, Vol. II.
[495] Mon. Franc. I, 56. A Papal letter containing the last clause and
addressed to the Friars Minors is printed in Wadding, III, 400; the date
is ‘X Kal. April. Pontificatus anno xii,’ i.e. 1238.
[496] Mon. Franc. I, 56. See letters of Innocent IV (1244) to the Friars
Preachers and Friars Minors in Wadding, III, 433-5. In these the Pope
refers to other letters of his forbidding either Order to receive the
_obligatos_ of the other; the term is now declared not to include novices
during their year of probation.
[497] Fletcher, Black Friars in Oxford, pp. 6-7. John Darlington, one of
the King’s nominees in the committee of twenty-four appointed in 1258 to
carry out reforms, was a Dominican; Pat. 50 Hen. III, m. 42; Stubbs,
Const. Hist. II, 77. The confessors of the English kings were almost
invariably Dominicans. Compare also the part which the Oxford Dominicans
took in the Piers Gaveston struggle.
[498] Dean Plumptre (Contemp. Rev. II, p. 376 note) identifies the
‘unnamed professor at Paris,’ referred to by Roger Bacon, with Thomas
Aquinas, and I am inclined to agree with this suggestion. A passage in
Royal MS. 7 F. VII. f. 159 (quoted in Part II, _sub_ Richard of Cornwall)
would at first sight seem to identify the unnamed professor with Friar
Ric. of Cornwall. But there is no evidence that the latter was quoted as
an authority in the schools (like Aristotle, Avicenna, and Averroes)
during his lifetime (Bacon, Op. Ined. p. 30), nor could the statement that
‘he never heard lectures on philosophy and was not educated at Paris or
any other school where philosophy flourishes’ (ibid. 31 and 327) apply to
Richard (Mon. Franc. I, 39). On the other hand, all the facts mentioned
about the unnamed professor coincide with what is known of Thomas Aquinas
(Quétif-Echard, I, 271). It may then be assumed with some probability that
we have here Bacon’s judgment on his great contemporary. ‘Truly,’ he
writes, ‘I praise him more than all the crowd of students, because he is a
very studious man, and has seen infinite things, and had expense; and so
he has been able to collect much that is useful from the sea of authors,’
but he was fatally handicapped by not going through the regular training
(Opera Ined. p. 327). His followers maintain that philosophy as published
in his works is complete--that nothing further can be added. ‘These
writings,’ Bacon continues, ‘have four sins: the first is infinite puerile
vanity; the second is ineffable falsity; the third superfluity of volume
...; the fourth is that parts of philosophy of magnificent utility and
immense beauty and without which facts of common knowledge (_quae vulgata
sunt_) cannot be understood--concerning which I write to your glory--have
been omitted by the author of these works. And therefore there is no
utility in those writings, but the greatest injury to wisdom.’
[499] Mullinger, Cambridge, I, 120-1.
[500] Wood, Annals, sub anno 1276, p. 306. Peckham, Reg. III, 852, &c.
Kilwardby seems to have generally supported his Order against the
Franciscans: see Peckham’s letter to the Prior of the Friars Preachers at
Oxford; he is amazed at the ‘cruelty and inconsideration’ of a letter of
his predecessor’s, in which the latter apparently made an attack on the
Minorites; Register, III, 117-118.
[501] Ibid. III, 866, 898. Wood, Annals, 318 seq.; Annales Monast. IV, 297
seq.
[502] Peckham, Reg. III, 864.
[503] Ibid. 896-901, 943.
[504] Ibid. 867.
[505] Ibid. 852, 866, 901.
[506] Peckham writes: ‘Diversity of opinion among philosophers does not
dissolve friendship, but among modern vain-talkers it has passed to the
affection of the heart.’ Reg. III, 900.
[507] Ibid. 845-852 (A. D. 1284).
[508] Peckham, Reg. III, 977.
[509] Ibid. 956: cf. 952, the Friars Minors and Preachers have more power
than the secular priests, being _literatiores et sanctiores_ than the
latter. The Franciscans no doubt contrasted favourably with their
neighbour, the Rector of St. Ebbe’s, at this time. In 1284 the Rector of
St. Ebbe’s was summoned by the Archdeacon to answer to a charge of
repeated adultery with the wife of a parishioner, William le Boltere; it
was further alleged that to get the husband out of the way he had twice
secured his imprisonment on a false charge; the second time, the
unfortunate man died in gaol. Ibid. 855. Perhaps there was also a black
sheep among the Oxford Franciscans about this time; an unbeliever might
suspect human agency in the ‘memorabile factum’ related in the Lanercost
Chronicle, p. 136; q. v. (A. D. 1290).
[510] Reg. I, 99-100: A. D. 1280.
[511] Ibid. III, 838-840: A. D. 1284. But see Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch.
VI. 41, 88.
[512] The passage has been somewhat condensed in translating.
[513] Reg. III, 867.
[514] Reg. III, xcix--summary of Peckham’s Liber Pauperis: ‘nihil
possessorie sibi intitulatum; mobile vel immobile, proprium vel commune,
nil dico quod divicias saperet, vel delicias redoleret, aut secularem
gloriam ministraret.’ Among the questions discussed by Peckham and others
at this time was, ‘Utrum habere aliquid in communi minuat de perfectione.’
Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch. IV, 46, &c.
[515] Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 86, dorse: ‘Veniunt ad nos diversi
seculares et religiosi comparacionem inter statum et statum facientes,
statum vestrum (i.e. Minorum) extollentes, et nostrum (Praedicatorum) in
hoc deprimentes, quod nos peccuniam recipimus, vos autem non recipitis,
judicantes nos in hoc minus perfectos mundi contemptores.’
[516] Phillipps, MS. 3119 fol. 86-88: printed in Appx. C.
[517] Wadding, III, p. 130. Cf. Nicholas III’s bull, ‘_Exiit qui seminat_’
(1279), and Clement V’s ‘_Exivi de Paradiso_’ (1312). Peckham held that
the ownership remained with the donors; Regist., Vol. III, Preface, p. c
(from Peckham’s declaration of the Rule in the ‘_Firmamentum trium
ordinum_’).
[518] On the whole subject see Ehrle’s articles in the Archiv für Litt. u.
Kirch. Gesch. on ‘Die Spiritualen;’ Vol. IV, p. 46 seq. contains a clear
exposition of the basis of the ‘theoretischer Armuthsstreit.’
[519] Lyte, Oxford, p. 118; Shirley, Introd. to Fasc. Zizan. p. xlix; R.
L. Poole, Wycliffe, p. 41.
[520] e. g. among the followers of Ockham was Friar Adam Godham; among the
realists, Friar John Canon, &c. Cf. Wood, Annals, I, 439.
[521] Lechler, Johann v. Wiclif, I, 218 seq. Fitzralph had been deputed by
Clement VI in 1349-1350 to inquire into this dispute; see his Liber de
pauperie Salvatoris, edited by R. L. Poole for the Wyclif Society, 1890
(p. 273).
[522] Select English Works of J. Wyclif, I, 76. Cf. ibid. p. 20; among the
‘fals lores’ sown by the friars, Wiclif mentions ‘of þe begginge of
Crist.’
[523] Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, p. 121 (7th edition).
[524] Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 4, m. 37 (printed in Appx. B). John Welle may
have been Warden, though the fact would probably have been stated in the
record; I have not been able to find any names of London Wardens between
1368 and 1398; Mon. Franc. I, 521, 523.
[525] This is clearly brought out in the history of the peasant revolt of
1381, if we may trust Walsingham’s account of Jack Straw’s confession
(Hist. Angl. II, 10): ‘Postremo regem occidissemus, et cunctos
possessionatos, episcopos, monachos, canonicos, rectores insuper
ecclesiarum de terra delevissemus. Soli mendicantes vixissent super
terram, qui suffecissent pro sacris celebrandis aut conferendis universae
terrae.’
[526] ‘Two short treatises,’ &c. p. 35 (cap. 17).
[527] Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. 442; Lechler, I, 217. His principal
opponent was also an Oxford man, Friar Roger Conway; see notice of him in
Part II.
[528] Ibid. 220 seq. (full analysis of the speech). The original is
printed in Edw. Brown’s Fascic. Rer. Expetend. (1695), Vol. II, under the
title, _Defensorium Curatorum_. A short summary in old English will be
found in Mon. Franc. II.
[529] Cf. statute of the University against ‘wax-doctors’ (A. D. 1358);
Mun. Acad. 207-8; ‘Nam pomis et potu, ut populus fabulatur, puerulos ad
religionem attrahunt et instigant;’ (from Richard de Bury’s Philobiblon),
quoted on p. 42.
[530] Mun. Acad. 204.
[531] Wood, Annals, I, 475 (W. Folvyle, Cambridge Minorite); Twyne, MS.
XXII, f. 103 c (W. Woodford). The Oxford Dominican (?) who writes under
the pseudonym of Daw Topias says in answer to this accusation, ‘To tille
folk to Godward, I holde it no theft.’ Polit. Poems, II, 83 (R.S.).
[532] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.
[533] Rolls of Parliament, Vol. II, p. 290.
[534] Ibid. Vol. III, p. 502, § 62.
[535] Lechler, J. v. Wiclif, I, 319, 374, 585 seq.
[536] Ibid. 588.
[537] Twyne, MS. XXI, 502; from Woodford’s _Quaestiones de sacramento
altaris contra Wyclefum_, qu. 63.
[538] ‘Quando concurrebam cum eo in lectura sententiarum.’ I do not know
the precise meaning of the phrase: cf. Mun. Acad. 393, ‘Statutum est quod
duo Magistri in theologia, si velint, possunt concurrere disputando.’
[539] See the curious account in the _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ of
the council of bishops and lords held at Westminster under the presidency
of the Black Prince in 1374, the subject of discussion being the papal
tribute. Four doctors of theology were present, namely, the Provincial of
the Friars Preachers, J. Owtred, monk of Durham, an opponent of the friars
(see MS. Ball. Coll. 149, ff. 63-5), J. Mardisle, Friar Minor, and an
Austin Friar. The Archbishop said, ‘The pope is lord of all; we cannot
refuse him this,’ ‘quod omnes praelati seriatim dixerunt.’ The Dominican
refused to give an opinion, and suggested a hymn or mass. The monk used
the old argument about the two swords. Mardisle promptly retorted with the
text, ‘Put up again thy sword into his place,’ showing that the two swords
did not mean spiritual and temporal power; ‘et quod Christus temporale
dominium non habebat, nec Apostolis tradidit sed relinquere docuit;’ which
he proved by a learned appeal to scripture, authorities, and history. The
subsequent proceedings are very humorously told; Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8.
Four Mendicant B.D.’s were, at John of Gaunt’s wish, present at Wiclif’s
trial in 1377, to support him by argument in case of need. Lechler, I,
369, and note.
[540] Mun. Acad. p. 208. He is called merely ‘Frater Johannes ... Doctor,’
the surname and Order being omitted; but his ‘heresies’ are those of the
Franciscans.
[541] Lechler, I, 586. Of the twelve doctors who condemned Wiclif’s
doctrines at Oxford in 1381 (or beginning of 1382), six were Mendicants;
Tyssyngton was the only Minorite. Wood, Annals, I, 499.
[542] These are clearly stated in his treatise ‘_De Blasphemia, contra
Fratres_,’ Select English Works, III, 402 seq.; Trialogus, Lib. IV, cap.
27-32. Ibid. cap. 37, another charge is added, namely, the opposition
offered by the friars to the ‘Poor Priests,’ of which Wiclif says: ‘Revera
inter omnia peccata, quae unquam consideravi de fratribus, hoc mihi
videtur esse sceleratissimum propter multa; emanavit enim integre ex
unicordi consilio et consensu omnium horum fratrum.’ The ‘Poor Priests’
resembled the early Friars Minors in many points, e.g. as itinerant
preachers: perhaps Wiclif, when organizing the former, was led to look
more closely into the ideal which the latter professed to follow; and if
so, he may well have been shocked at the contrast between that ideal and
the reality. One change in the life of the friars--their gradual
approximation to the seclusion of the older Orders, may be illustrated by
two passages from Matthew Paris and Wiclif (allowance being made for the
prejudices of the writers). The friars, says the Benedictine historian,
‘wandered through cities and villages,’ and ‘had the ocean for their
cloister’ (Chron. Majora, V, 529). Wiclif attacks them for living ‘closed
in a cloister,’ instead of going about among the people, ‘to whom thy maie
most profite ghostlie ... Charitie showld drive Friars to come out amongst
the people and leaue Caymes Castels that bin so needeless and chargeous to
the people.’ (Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 21.)
[543] Select English Works, III, 424.
[544] Wyclif, Latin Works, _Sermones_, II, xlvii. Jusserand, _La Vie
Nomade_, p. 186 seq.; Rogers’ Introd. to Gascoigne’s _Liber Veritatum_, p.
123.
[545] He accuses them, e.g. of ‘stinking covetise,’ of ‘simonie and foule
marchandise;’ they are ‘worse enemies and sleers of man’s soule than is
the cruel fende of hell by himself;’ some of them are ‘damned divels;’ Two
Short Treatises, Select English Works, _passim_. Latin works, _Sermones_,
II. Cf. Polit. Poems (Rolls Series), I, 266:
‘Ther shal no saule have rowme in helle
Of frers ther is suche throng.’
[546] Two Short Treatises, cap. 48 (printed by Vaughan, p. 254).
[547] Polit. Poems, II, 49.
[548] Fascic. Zizan. 292-5: the letter is dated Oxford, ‘sub sigillo
priorum et gardiani conventuum et ordinum praefatorum.’ The part which the
Franciscans took in the peasant revolt still remains obscure. An undated
letter of Richard II ‘to the Minister of the Friars Minors of Dorchester’
refers to an individual friar agitating among the labourers about this
time; but whether before or after the rising I cannot say. The letter
occurs in MS. Dd. III, 53, p. 97, in the Cambridge Public Library. ‘Nous
auons entenduz coment votre Confrere et obedientier du dit ordre ffrere
Johan Gorry (or Grey?) fait excitacion et maintenance a les cotagiers et
autres tenauntz notre cher en dieu labbe de Midelton, laborers demorantz
dedeinz la Seigneurie mesme labbe, de rebeller contre le dite Abbe leur
seignur es choses queles ils sont tenuz et deuient fair a lui de reson
selonc la forme de lestatut fait des laborers,’ &c.
[549] Fascic. Zizan. p. 305.
[550] Lyte, 264. A Latin version of the sermon is in Twyne, MS. IV, 172-4.
[551] Fascic. Zizan. 287.
[552] Fascic. Zizan. 298, 301, 311, &c.
[553] Lyte, 273; Wilkins, _Conc._ III, 172.
[554] Polit. Poems, I, 259.
[555] Fascic. Zizan. 343-357.
[556] Twyne, MS. Vol. II, f. 229, letter of Archbishop Arundel to John
XXIII, dated Aug. 20 (1410?).
[557] Wood, Annals, I, 481.
[558] Mun. Acad. 289; the statute before it is dated 1431, that after it,
1432.
[559] Mun. Acad. 376; for other references see notice of William Russell
in Part II.
[560] Wood, Annals, I, 572.
[561] Ibid. 638.
[562] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 188.
[563] Close Roll, 12 Ric. II, m. 42 (Appx. B).
[564] The _Continuatio Eulogii Historiarum_ gives the reasons alleged by
two individual friars for their support of Richard:--(1) personal: ‘teneor
sibi et tota parentela mea quia ipse promovit illam,’ p. 390; (2)
legitimist standpoint: ‘electio nulla est, vivente possessore legitimo,’
p. 392.
[565] Eulog. Hist. III, 388 seq.; Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 36.
[566] Eulog. Hist. III, 392.
[567] Stubbs, _ut supra_.
[568] Eulog. Hist. III, 391: it is mentioned with less detail in most of
the chronicles of the time, e.g. Walsingham, Otterbourne. Adam of Usk’s
account differs in some points; ‘undecim de ordine fratrum minorum in
theologia doctores,’ &c., p. 82.
[569] Eulog. Hist. III, 391, where his defence before the King, or rather
statement of his position, is given. Before his execution he preached on
the text, ‘Into thy hands, Lord, I commend my spirit.’ ‘Et devote
recommendavit omnes qui causa mortis suae erant;’ ibid. 393. His name is
given by Wylie, _Henry IV_, Vol. I, p. 277. He was D.D. of Cambridge
(Fascic. Zizan. 287) and perhaps had no further connexion with Oxford than
that mentioned in the text.
[570] Nativitas (June 24) or Decollatio (Aug. 29)?
[571] Eulog. Hist. III, 394. The whole description of these events by the
anonymous continuator of the _Eulogium_ is extremely graphic and powerful;
his sympathies are strongly on the side of the rebels.
[572] Anal. Franc. II, 260.
[573] Ibid. 297; A. D. 1435: the Observants in answer to the reproach of
the Conventuals ‘quod non haberent magistros in theologia nec vellent
studere etc., dicebant, quod studere vellent et desiderarent, sed conqueri
de hoc merito deberent, quod ipsi de communitate omnes conventus, in
quibus habet Ordo studium generale, vellent ipsi habere et nullum
Observantibus dare, nec ipsi vellent permittere, quod ibi promoverentur ad
studia, sed promotiones darent illis de sua vita. Sed et propter
innumerabiles dissolutiones, quae multo adhuc amplius vigent in
conventibus studiorum generalium, sicut Parisius testatur locus, qui
dicitur infernus, propter inhonestates tacendas, ne aures audientium
tinnire contingeret, et propter exactiones pecuniarias ampliores quam apud
saeculares, multaque alia tacenda; dicebant, se cum puritate regulae non
posse ibi studere.’
[574] E. g. Gonsalvo of Portugal.
[575] The first according to Wadding (XIV, 252) was Greenwich, A. D. 1480.
[576] E. g. John Billing, Ralph Creswell.
[577] Mon. Franc. I, lxxi.
[578] Ibid. 8: ‘Unde accidit ut Frater Angnellus, cum Fratre Salomone,
gardiano Londoniae, vellet audire compotum fratrum Londoniae, quantum sc.
expendissent infra unum terminum anni, cumque audisset quod tam sumptuose
processisset vel satis parca fratrum exhibitio, projecit omnes talias et
rotulos, et percutiens seipsum in faciem, exclamavit, “Ay me captum!” et
nunquam postea voluit audire compotum.’
[579] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 124 b (2nd Sept. 1529), printed in Appx.
[580] Wadding (VI, 108) refers to the ‘tabula or index of the brethren who
died there (Cologne) such as is kept commonly in the monasteries of the
Order.’ See the curious necrology of the Observant Friars of Aberdeen,
Mon. Franciscana, II, 123-140. Lansdowne MS. 963 is said to contain notes
by Bishop Kennett, ‘ex obituario conventus Fratrum Minorum Guldefordiae,
MS. Norwic. 671:’ it is really notes from the obituary of the Friars
Preachers of Guildford, now in the University Library, Cambridge; MS. Ll.
II, 9.
[581] Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., Vol. II, p. 24 (R.S.). Chaucer’s
‘Sompnoure’ offers an explanation of the disappearance of these ‘tables’
(Poet. Works, Vol. I, pp. 367-8: Bohn’s edition):--
‘His felaw had a staf typped with horn,
A payr of tablis al of yvory,
And a poyntel y-polischt fetisly,
And wroot the names alway as he stood
Of alle folk that gaf him eny good,
Ascaunce that he wolde for hem preye.
* * * * *
And whan that he was out atte dore, anoon
He planed out the names everychoon
That he biforn had writen in his tablis.’
[582] Mon. Franc. II, preface, p. xxxi. Cf. Wills in Somerset House,
Holder, fol. 4 (will of J. Tate); Logge, f. 121 (J. Benet); Polit. Poems
and Songs, II, 29, 33; Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c. (Oxford, 1608),
cap. 15.
[583] Wadding, V, 299-300.
[584] Some of those relating to the German provinces are given in Nicholas
Glasberger’s Chronicle, Anal. Franc. II.
[585] Specimens will be found in Mon. Franc. II; Surtees, Hist. of Durham,
Vol. I, p. 27; Archaeologia, XI, 85; Mullinger, Cambridge, Vol. I, p. 317,
mentions a letter of fraternity of a somewhat different kind.
[586] Mon. Franc. I, 552; Appendix C.
[587] The deed of W. Wileford (Appx. A. 1) is not a Franciscan record, any
more than the Public Records are. I have not been able to find the seal of
the Oxford Minorites. It was attached to the original letter addressed by
the four Mendicant Convents to John of Gaunt, a copy of which is printed
in Fascic. Zizan. pp. 292-5. This is the only mention of the seal which I
can recall. There are a few special references to Oxford in the decrees of
the General Chapters; see Index, under Franciscan Order.
[588] See Testament of St. Francis: ‘Oure dyvyne servyce the clerkis saide
as other clerkis.’ Mon. Franc. I, 564. An article in the Dominican
statutes of 1228 (Dist. 1, n. 4) provides that ‘hours’ shall be said
rapidly, ‘ne fratres devotionem amittant et eorum studium minime
impediatur.’ Archiv für Litt. u. Kirch. Gesch., Vol. I, p. 189.
[589] Mon. Franc. I, 10-11; Bullarium Romanum, I, 250.
[590] Wiclif, Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31: ‘and who can best rob the
poore people by false begging and other deceipts shal have this Judas
office.’
[591] Bullarium, ut supra. Constitutions of Martin V, cap. vi: ‘Item quod
omnes fratres vadant pro eleemosyna confidenter juxta discretionem
Praelati praecipientis, cujus arbitrio committimus discernendum, qui
congrue mittendi sunt pro eleemosyna, vel qui non.’
[592] Wadding, IX, 438; complaint of the Minorites of Cambridge in 1395
that a house of the same Order at Ware was trespassing on their _limites_,
and bull forbidding the same. Cf. Polit. Songs and Poems, &c., Vol. II,
pp. 21, 78.
[593] In early days they carried the offerings themselves in their
‘caparones’ or under their arms. Mon. Franc. I, 10-11.
[594] Poet. Works, I, 382. This poem, though banished, owing to its
coarseness in some parts, from polite society, contains a more lifelike
and graphic description of the English mediaeval friar than is to be found
elsewhere in literature.
[595] Ibid. 367.
[596] Burney, MS. 325, quoted above, p. 56, n. 2. Cf. Twyne, MS. IV, 173,
sermon of N. Hereford in 1382: ‘Cum eorum limitatores satis mendicaverint
pro sua communitate, statim mendicant iterum pro seipsis, et sic falsi
pravi monstrant (se) esse apostatas et frangunt regulam,’ &c.
[597] Opera Ined. p. 16.
[598] _Familiares homines et pauperes_, prob. students or the common
people (see ibid. Pref. xx): the word translated ‘friends’ above is
_amici_. Cf. the frequent charges against the friars that they ‘devour
poore men’s almes in wast, and feasting of Lordes and great men.’ Wiclif,
Two Short Treatises, &c., p. 31; Polit. Poems and Songs, &c., II, p. 28;
Peacock, Repressor, 550 (R.S.).
[599] Bull of Martin IV, Kal. Feb. A{o} 2, recited and confirmed by Martin
V, Kal. Nov. A{o} 10. John XXII by his Bull ‘Ad Conditorem’ forbade the
Franciscans to use the Bull of Martin IV without special license of the
Pope; Martin V allowed them to use it ‘freely and lawfully.’
[600] Wadding, X, 130.
[601] Twyne, MS. XXIII, f. 266 (Oxf. City Archives): printed in Appendix
B.
[602] He is not called ‘_frater_,’ but the omission of this word before
‘_minor_’ is not infrequent.
[603] e.g. Placita de Scaccario, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~,
fol. 262 b.
[604] Placita de Scacc. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 d: cf. Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, fol.
124 b; &c.
[605] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.
[606] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, ff. 5 b, 158 b, 159 b, 167, 200 b, 258 b; EEE,
72, 107, 183, 202, 238 b, 251 b, 257, 272 b, 273.
[607] ~F~, f. 159 b.
[608] Ibid. 160.
[609] EEE, fol. 107 a-b.
[610] EEE, fol. 257, action to recover debt.
[611] ~F~ fol. 167.
[612] EEE, fol. 183.
[613] On the same page occurs a ‘W. Gos conductor (ut asserit) stabuli
cujusdam juxta collegium animarum.’
[614] EEE, fol. 239.
[615] Ibid. fol. 273.
[616] Ibid. fol. 272 b.
[617] Ibid. fol. 324 b-325.
[618] Denson refused to clear himself by compurgation and was sentenced to
three days imprisonment (commuted to a payment of 10_s._ to the
University) for his fornication, ‘to the terror of others.’
[619] And a more serious one against the Carmelites; EEE, fol. 249 b.
[620] EEE, fol. 230 (A. D. 1530).
[621] Ibid. fol. 238 b; in the margin occurs the entry, ‘ffryer Robert
hora 1{a} xvi{o}’ (sc. die Septembris).
[622] Ibid. fol. 257.
[623] Ibid. fol. 271 b (11th May, 1534).
[624] From this point the entry is crossed out.
[625] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, f. 158 b, ‘Friar Brian and J. Loo, tactis
evangeliis, swore that Brian had lent Garret Matthew 1 mark.’ EEE, f. 95
b.
[626] Cf. ~F~, f. 210, ‘Notandum quod magister Doctor Alyngdon, ord. frm.
minorum promisit se soluturum W. Hows 11{s} 4{d},’ &c. (Cf. ibid. fol. 194
b: ‘gardianus ... obligavit se pro vicecustode domus sue quod dictus
vicecustos restitueret Ric. Wynslo duas duodenas vasium electriorum 5 ly
(?) platers and dyschys and 1 pece more.’)
[627] EEE, f. 161: ‘R. Roberts petiit ... xxv{s} sibi debitos ab eodem
Roberto Puller fratre ex causa emptionis et vendicionis,’ &c.
[628] Ibid. f. 74 b (1528). Prob. the same as Friar Arthur above.
[629] Ibid. fol. 270 b-271 a (1534).
[630] Fleur de Lys, near Carfax: see Wood’s City of Oxford. Part of this
entry is in Latin, part English, as often.
[631] e. g. Friar Nic. de Burgo. See Chap. iii, on the maintenance of the
students. Wadding, IV, 255; VI, 8, on ‘personal annual incomes’ of friars.
Bequests to individual friars sometimes occur.
[632] See Part II, N. de Burgo and J. Kynton.
[633] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 212 b; 197 b., 210.
[634] See his will in Appx. B. To receive annual rents from lands was
declared illegal in 1302. Wadding, VI, 8. (Cf. Barth. of Pisa, _Liber
Conform._ fol. 98.)
[635] Not Henry III, as often stated. This is conclusively proved by Pat.
1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4. One entry on this membrane mentions the grant of
25 marcs to the Friars Minors, Cambridge, originally made by Henry III,
then follows an entry of the 27th Nov.: ‘Sciatis quod nos intelligentes
qualiter dominus Edwardus primus post conquestum et alii progenitores
nostri ... concesserint videlicet quilibet eorum tempore suo Gardiano et
Conuentui fratrum minorum Oxonie quinquaginta marcas percipiendas annuatim
ad Scaccarium suum, nos,’ &c. Cf. Pat. 1 Edw. II, pt. 1, m. 17, 1 Edw. IV,
pt. 3, m. 25, &c.
[636] The grant is mentioned in the following records:--Exchequer Q. R.
Wardrobe, 4/7 (17-18 Edward I); Patent Roll, 32 Edw. I, m. 13; Liberate
Roll, 34 Edw. I, m. 1; Pat. 1 Edw. II, part 1, m. 17; Liberate Rolls, 8
Edw. II, m. 3 and 5; 9 Edw. II, m. 2; Treasury of the Receipt, 3/35 (16
Edward II); Liberate Rolls, 10, 11, and 12 Edw. III; Issue Roll of the
Exchequer, 44 Edw. III, p. 78 (printed in 1835); Pat. 1 Ric. II, pt. 6, m.
21 (referring to Pat. 1 Edw. II, and 1 Edw. III); Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2,
m. 21; Rolls of Parliament, Vol. IV, 195-6 (A. D. 1422, referring to the
grant by Henry V); Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32 (referring to Pat. 1 Hen.
VI); Pat. 1 Edw. IV, pt. 3, m. 25; Pat. 17 Edw. IV, pt. 2, m. 28; Rolls of
Parliament, Vol. V, 520, 597; Vol. VI, 90; Harl. MS. 433 (1 Ric. III);
Pat. 1 Hen. VII, pt. 1, m. 4; Pat. 1 Hen. VIII, pt. 1, m. 7; Cromwell
Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, fol. 710 b.
[637] Regist. Palat. Dunelm. (ed. Hardy), Vol. II, p. 980 (11th Dec. anno
7).
[638] Ibid. p. 1065, ‘in partem cujusdem annuae eleemosynae, quam de nobis
percipiant annuatim.’
[639] Ibid. pp. 1027-8. Cf. Stubbs, Constit. Hist. II, 130 (3rd edition).
[640] The Durham Register contains six writs on the subject.
[641] Ibid. p. 1085.
[642] Pat. 1 Hen. IV, pt. 2, m. 21.
[643] Pat. 31 Hen. VI, pt. 2, m. 32: ‘Que quidem littere nostre (Pat. of
10th Dec. A{o} 1) ... ratione cuiusdam actus in parliamento nostro sexto
die Novembris anno regni nostri vicesimo octavo editi vacue existunt et
adnullate.’ Stubbs, Const. Hist. III, 143, 150 (2nd edition).
[644] Pat. _ut supra_.
[645] Placita de Scaccario, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20.
[646] Ibid. 3 Hen. VII, m. 35.
[647] Ibid. m. 35 _in dorso_.
[648] Ibid. 4 Hen. VII, m. 34 _in dorso_.
[649] In the first three of these pleas, Jacobus Bartelet was attorney for
the friars; in the fourth Ric. Salford appeared all through ‘in propria
persona.’
[650] Twyne, MS. XXI, 812.
[651] Wood, MS. D 2, p. 344.
[652] Valor Ecclesiasticus, Vol. II, p. 191.
[653] Ibid. p. 223.
[654] Oxf. City Rec. Old White Book, fol. 55 b. The Warden of Merton says,
‘He died in 1351, it is said of the plague.’ Memorials of Merton Coll. (O.
H. Soc.), p. 157.
[655] Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 250 a.
[656] Ibid. 254 b.
[657] Some of the wills are not complete, e. g. those of Phil. Kemerdyn
(1446), T. Cartwright (1532), and E. Standish (1533).
[658] As the Hustings Court was only concerned with freehold property in
Oxford, it is rarely that the whole will is found in the Old White Book.
About thirty date from 1348-9, but I do not think that any one of them is
entire. Two Oxford wills of this date are among the ‘Early Lincoln Wills’
(p. 39), those of Ric. Cary and Alice his wife, but contain no bequests to
the friars. This is perhaps the Ric. Cary who granted land to the
Franciscans in 1319; his son, who died 1352, was old enough to make a will
(Old White Book, f. 54).
[659] Cf. Mon. Franc. II, pp. xxvi-xxvii. ‘An analysis of a considerable
number of wills ... from the Registers of the Norwich Consistory Court
..., shows that at a time when the Grey Friars were falling out of favour,
every third will conveyed a gift to them.’ The wills proved in the court
of the Archdeacon of Oxford (now under the care of Mr. Rodman at Somerset
House) begin in 1529. Between 1529 and 1538 I found twenty-nine wills, in
which the town of Oxford, or some person or persons resident in Oxford,
are referred to; of these, thirteen contain bequests to friars, nine of
them containing bequests to the Grey Friars, either alone or (more
usually) in conjunction with other Orders. In the same register, out of
forty-three wills, taken at random from the years 1529-30, 1534-5, five
only contained bequests to friars, three of them mentioning the Minorites.
[660] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 89. His executors according to Twyne were the
Chancellor and Dean (?) of Oxford; ‘sed probatum est illius testamentum
... per A. Archidiaconun Oxon;’ prob. Adam of St. Edmundsbury, who held
the office of Archdeacon in 1223 and 1234.
[661] _Durham Wills_ (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, p. 9.
[662] Wadding, IV, 240, quotes his will (dated 1264) from ‘Historia
Guicenonii,’ Tom. 2, fol. 59 and 60-7, i.e. Samuel Guichenon.
[663] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 105.
[664] See abstract in Bp. Hobhouse’s Life of W. of Merton, p. 45.
[665] Hist. MSS. Commission, Report V, p. 560. ‘This Thomas Waldere,’ says
Mr. Riley, ‘was probably the wealthiest man of his time in Wycombe.’
[666] Roman Transcripts at the Record Office, ‘Archivio Vaticano Armar. I,
Capsula 9, Num. 9.’ Le Neve, Fasti, III, 159.
[667] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).
[668] Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills proved in the Court of Hustings, London, Vol.
I.
[669] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 59 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).
[670] Wood-Clark, II, 388 note. Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 540.
[671] Lambeth Registers; Islip, fol. 105-106; proved in the court of the
Archbishop in Oct., in that of the Bishop of Lincoln in Nov. 1354.
[672] Twyne, MS. XXIII, 68; he belonged to the parish of St. Mary
Magdalen.
[673] Ibid. 758, ‘ex munimentis Coll. Merton, B 7. 13.’ Twyne says he was
Mayor in 29 Edw. III; but J. de St. Frideswide was then Mayor, and J. de
Bereford a leading burgess. Twyne, MSS. Vol. II, fol. 8.
[674] Nichols, ‘Royal and Noble Wills,’ pp. 46-7.
[675] Balliol Coll. Archives, B 17. 2.
[676] Norfolk Antiq. Miscell. Vol. I, p. 400 (Early Wills from the Norfolk
Registry). Sharpe’s Cal. of Wills, &c., Vol. II, p. 205.
[677] Oxf. City Records, Old White Book, fol. 69 b.
[678] Ibid. fol. 71.
[679] Lambeth Registers; Arundel, Part I, fol. 155, where a memorandum is
added to the effect that he was not buried at Oxford.
[680] Twyne, MSS. Vol. XXIII, 427.
[681] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 32 (at Somerset House).
[682] Register Arundel, Pt. I, fol. 198.
[683] A. Gibbons, ‘Early Lincoln Wills,’ p. 94 (from Burghersh’s
Register).
[684] Ibid. p. 96.
[685] Regist. Arundel, Pt II, fol. 164 b: he was buried in the church of
the Friars Preachers, at Oxford.
[686] Regist. Chichele, Pt. I, fol. 392 b.
[687] Ibid. fol. 425 b.
[688] Old White Book (Oxford), fol. 90.
[689] Mun. Acad. p. 543 (Acta Curiae Cancell.).
[690] Ibid. 557:. ‘pro refectione unius jentaculi sive coenae inter eos
habenda,’ &c.
[691] Lambeth Registers; Stafford, fol. 162.
[692] P.C.C. Rous, fol. 129.
[693] Regist. Kempe, fol. 263 a-265 b; and Mun. Acad. 639-657.
[694] Early Lincoln Wills, p. 186.
[695] Acta Cur. Cancell. A a a, fol. 194 b.
[696] Ibid. fol. 213.
[697] Old White Book, fol. 125 b.
[698] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 61 (Lincoln Coll. Archives).
[699] P.C.C. Wattys, fol. 174.
[700] _Testamenta Eboracensia_ (Surtees Soc.), Pt. III, p. 284. The will
was proved at Oxford and York.
[701] Old White Book, fol. 135.
[702] Ibid. 136.
[703] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~D~, fol. 48 b. Memorials of Merton Coll., 238.
[704] Ibid. f. 61.
[705] Ibid. f. 209.
[706] Ibid. ~F~ f. 26.
[707] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 28.
[708] Ibid. f. 59.
[709] Ibid. fol. 96.
[710] P.C.C. Fetiplace, quire 1 (Shifford-on-Thames).
[711] Ibid.
[712] Ibid. qu. 2.
[713] Ibid. qu. 1-2: he bequeaths sheep to various parish churches.
[714] Ibid. qu. 7: Lambourn, Berks.
[715] P.C.C. Holder, qu. 2.
[716] Ibid. qu. 6.
[717] P.C.C. Maynwaryng, qu. 2.
[718] Ibid. qu. 24.
[719] Wood, MS. B 13, p. 14.
[720] P.C.C. Porch, qu. 9: see Appendix B.
[721] Ibid. qu. 19.
[722] Acta Cur. Canc. EEE, f. 283 a.
[723] Ibid. fol. 300 b.
[724] Oxf. Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, f. 2.
[725] Oxford Wills, Series I, Vol. I, fol. 18 b. He had land in Steeple
Aston, Hooknorton, &c.: among his bequests are, ‘Item to our lady of pyte
a shepe. Item to seynt Antony a shepe.’
[726] Ibid. f. 36 b.
[727] Ibid. fol. 58 b.
[728] Ibid. fol. 68 b. One of his sons was a canon of Osney.
[729] Ibid. fol. 103.
[730] P.C.C. Hogen, qu. 26. See notice of him in Part II.
[731] Prob. not ‘religious students.’
[732] Oxford Wills, ut supra, f. 119: no date is given; the will seems to
have been proved in the early part of 1536; Sowche was an owner of pasture
lands.
[733] Ibid. fol. 127.
[734] Wood, MS. D. 2, p. 613.
[735] Ibid. fol. 65. The overseer of the will was Dr. J. London, Warden of
New College; the witnesses Alderman Banister and W. Plummer.
[736] Oxford Wills and Adminis. Series I, Vol. I, fol. 87 b: cf. ibid.
fol. 5, &c.
[737] Wadding, Vol. V, 342-3 (privilege of Boniface VIII, 1295); Mon.
Franc. II, Pref. p. xvii.
[738] Wadding, Vol. XVI, p. 134.
[739] Restricted by Constitutions of 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K. Gesch. VI,
92. Cf. Wiclif, Two Short Tracts, &c., p. 37: ‘The Friars suffren men to
lie in sinne, fro yere to yere, for an annual rent.’
[740] Cf. Grey Friars at Cambridge, in Willis and Clark, Architect. Hist.
II, 724.
[741] Cf. Chaucer’s Sompnour’s Tale. Forbidden 1260; Archiv f. L. u. K.
Gesch. VI, 92.
[742] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 135 b: ‘... Confessus est coram nobis
Ric. Barlow quod debet magistris Gilde Sancte Marie in ecclesia fratrum
minorum tresdecim nobilia que mutuo a predictis magistris recepit,’ &c.
[743] Mon. Franc. I. 541.
[744] Lyte 196, and note 1.
[745] Mon. Franc. II, preface.
[746] See their designations or surnames, of London, York, Nottingham,
Hartlepool, &c.
[747] See e.g. John Cardmaker in Part II. The proselytising tendency has
already been referred to. The number of ‘apostate’ friars must have been
very considerable to judge from the frequent edicts against them.
[748] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, p. 607. Wadding, V, p. 139,
Pope Martin IV was buried in a Franciscan habit, A. D. 1285. Cf. Ibid.
XIV, p. 58; Polit. Poems and Songs (R.S.), II, 19, 32.
[749] The Franciscans still maintained a certain reputation as
theologians: one of them was appointed each year to preach the University
sermon on Ash-Wednesday; Acta Cur. Canc. ~F~, fol. 263 a, 264 a and b;
EEE, fol. 362, 363, 366 b: the custom was probably of ancient origin. Cf.
also the notice of John Kynton.
[750] Lyte, Oxford, p. 435.
[751] Calendar of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. III, Nos. 929, 965. Cf.
Seebohm’s Oxford Reformers, 326-7.
[752] See notices of R. Brynkley and N. de Burgo.
[753] Erasmus, Opera, III, 840: ‘Ego peperi ovum, Lutherus exclusit. Mirum
vero dictum Minoritarum istorum magnaque et bona pulte dignum. Ego posui
ovum gallinaceum, Lutherus exclusit pullum longe dissimillimum’ (quoted by
Mullinger, Cambridge, I, 588, n. 2).
[754] Kynton, e. g., took part in the condemnation of Luther’s doctrines
and books at the conference in London, April 21, 1521.
[755] See notices of John Rycks and Gregory Basset. Foxe (Acts and
Monuments, IV, 642, A{o} 1531) says that Dr. Call, ‘by the word of God,
through the means of Bilney’s doctrine and good life, whereof he had good
experience, was somewhat reclaimed to the gospel’s side.’ William Call,
D.D. of Cambridge, was at this time Provincial Minister of the English
Franciscans. In this connexion attention may be drawn to the lectures on
St. Paul’s epistles delivered by Minorites; see J. Porrett and W. Walker.
[756] See notices of E. Ryley, Gregory Basset.
[757] See Thomas Kirkham (?), R. Beste, John Joseph, Guy Etton, J.
Cardmaker, R. Newman.
[758] One only, J. Cardmaker, appears to have been burnt.
[759] See E. Bricotte, J. Crayford, H. Glaseyere.
[760] Eulog. Hist. III, 337-8. See notice of J. Mardeslay.
[761] Cf. _Munimenta Academica_, p. 208. In this respect the Franciscans
were at one with Marsiglio of Padua and Wiclif.
[762] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. II, Nos. 1313, 1314: Brewer,
Henry VIII, I, 250-3. Cf. R. L. Poole’s Wycliffe, 32-3.
[763] Gasquet, Henry VIII and the English Monasteries, I, 215.
[764] Dixon, Church of England, I, 213; but see Gasquet, I, 248, note.
[765] Dixon, ibid.
[766] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.
[767] Lyte, Oxford, 475.
[768] Wood, Annals, anno 1530.
[769] Boase, Register, 128. Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. IV, Nos.
1334, 6619; Vol. V, 623; cf. V, No. 593.
[770] Wood, Annals, sub anno 1530; Lyte, Oxford, 474.
[771] Wood, ibid.
[772] See notice of N. de Burgo in Part II.
[773] Wright, Suppression, p. 212 (Camden Soc.).
[774] ‘We have sett Dunce in Bocardo,’ &c. Wright, Suppression, p. 71
(quoted by Wood, Dixon, Lyte, Gasquet, &c.).
[775] Wright, ibid.
[776] Gasquet, I, 255. The articles and injunctions are printed in
Wilkins, Concilia, III, 786, _seq._ They were drawn up with reference to
the monks, not friars; but no distinction seems to have been made between
the various classes of religious students at the Universities.
[777] Gasquet, I, 255-7.
[778] Wright, Suppression, 71.
[779] Of the nine Minorites (namely J. Tomsun, T. Tomsun, W. David, R.
David, W. Browne, G. Etton, H. Glaseyere, J. Crayford, and H. Stretsham)
who were admitted to opponency or to B.D. between 1534, when the troubles
began, and July 1538, only one appears in the list of those desiring
‘capacities’ at the dissolution. Many brethren in other convents, and
perhaps in this, fled to the Continent. Gasquet, II, 245-6. Cal. of State
Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. VII, Nos. 939, 1020.
[780] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 711 a (J. London to T.
Cromwell, Aug. 14).
[781] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd Series, Vol. XXIII, f. 709 a (J. London to T.
Cromwell, Aug. 14).
[782] The White Friars had already sold an annuity and divided the
proceeds among themselves. Ibid.
[783] Or ‘vow’?
[784] Ibid. f. 709 b.
[785] Ibid. f. 711 a.
[786] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, f. 29 (Rec. Off.).
[787] Mazer, a large drinking bowl (Skeat); ‘trees’ seems to mean merely
wood.
[788] ‘Knob.’
[789] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, fol. 710 b.
[790] Ibid. fol. 711 a.
[791] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.
[792] Warden of the Grey Friars.
[793] Chapter House Books, A 3/11, fol. 31 b.
[794] The request that he may live in Oxford, &c., is here inserted in
Latin.
[795] Cromwell Corresp. _ut supra_, f. 710 b.
[796] Several words illegible in MS.
[797] W. Vavasour is I think the only Franciscan who studied at Oxford
whose pension is recorded. Cf. Gasquet, II, 453-5.
[798] See Part II.
[799] Boase, Register, p. 222; Munk, Roll of the Royal College of
Physicians, 2nd ed., Vol. I, p. 64. Oxf. Univ. Arch. Reg. I, 8, fol. 138b,
139, 139b, 190, 190b, 192b.
[800] Some dozen instances will be found in Part II; a few are rather
doubtful.
[801] See J. Cardmaker, J. Crayford, Guy Etton.
[802] Private masses though declared to be meet and necessary and
agreeable to God’s law, in the Six Articles, were no doubt falling into
disfavour.
[803] Chapter House Books A 3/11, 9-10.
[804] Cromwell Corresp. 2nd series, Vol. XXIII, f. 710 a-b.
[805] Augmentation Office Miscell. Books, Enrolment of Leases, Vol. CCXII,
fol. 195 (Record Office).
[806] Particulars for Grants, Augm. Office, 35 Hen. VIII, sec. 4 (Record
Office). It is among the deeds relating to Richard Andrews, but there is
nothing to show that he and Howe were at that time in any sense the
‘farmers’ of the property.
[807] Cf. Dixon, Church of England, II, 212.
[808] Pat. Roll, 36 Hen. VIII, Part 3, m. 37; Originalia Rolls, 36 Hen.
VIII, Pt. 4; V, m. 12.
[809] Originalia, 36 Hen. VIII, Pt. 4, m. xl.
[810] Wood-Clark, II, 411.
[811] Ibid. I, 310, note.
[812] Wood-Clark, II, 361, 396, note.
[813] Wood-Peshall, Ancient and Present State, p. 270.
[814] Dugdale, Vol. VI, Part 3, p. 1529: Wood-Clark, II, 389.
[815] Wood-Clark, II, 411.
[816] Hearne’s Pref. to Otterbourne; Parkinson was the author of
_Collectanea Anglo-Minoritica_.
[817] None of the printed books, so far as I know, contain any notice of
the uses to which the materials of the Franciscan convent were put. Among
MS. sources, I have examined the church-wardens’ accounts of Carfax (to
which the Rector kindly gave me the fullest access). Wood MSS. C. 1, ‘ex
archivis S. Petri de Bailly;’ and D. 2 (notes from parish archives). The
early records of St. Ebbe’s and St. Giles’ are no longer to be found.
[818] Jessop, Coming of the Friars, p. 36.
[819] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.
[820] Ibid. p. 10.
[821] Ibid. p. 21.
[822] Ibid. p. 27.
[823] Mon. Franc. I, p. 18.
[824] Ibid.
[825] Ibid. p. 30.
[826] When Eustace de Merc was warden, and Peter custodian.
[827] Ibid. p. 6. Phillipps, MS. 3119, fol. 71, contains the following
note in an old hand (cf. Bale, Scriptores, II, 41): ‘Hic (W. de Esseby)
aliquando temptatus a carne amputavit sibi genitalia zelo pudicicie; quo
facto papam peciit et ab eo graviter correptus celebrandi divina meruit
dispensacionem. Hic eciam Willelmus post multos annos quievit London.’
[828] Mon. Franc. I, p. 6.
[829] Ibid.
[830] Mon. Franc. I, 31, 43, 58, 61: see Part I, Chapter I.
[831] Mon. Franc. I, 52.
[832] Ibid. 53, 54.
[833] Ibid. 28.
[834] Ibid. 48-9.
[835] Ibid. 378.
[836] Ibid. 377, 56.
[837] Grostete, Epist. 334.
[838] Mon. Franc. 63, 308, 313: Grostete was at the Roman court at this
time. Cologne was constituted a separate province in 1239. Anal. Franc. I,
290.
[839] Ibid. 71. For date, see W. of Nottingham.
[840] Ibid.: letter LXVIII.
[841] Mon. Franc. 64.
[842] Ibid. 63-4.
[843] Ibid. 537, 559.
[844] Ibid. 389.
[845] This is proved by Grostete’s Letters, No. cxiv. From a passage in a
letter of Adam Marsh written at Lyons to the English Provincial, it would
seem that Adam was at first accompanied by another ‘Friar J.’ and
afterwards joined by J. de Stamford: ‘Rogo salutari obsequio meo
carissimos patres, fratres Ric. de Wauz, J. de Stanford, reliquosque
fratres socios sc. et filios vestros; in quorum, si placet, sanctis
recordationibus me et fratrem J. renovare velitis in Domino.’ Mon. Franc.
I, 378.
[846] Mon. Franc. I, 376-378.
[847] Grostete, Epist. p. 334.
[848] Mon. Franc. I, 71.
[849] Ibid. 338, 387.
[850] Ibid. 340.
[851] Ibid. 537, 559, 305.
[852] See Adam’s letters to him in Mon. Franc. I, p. 387, seq.
[853] Ibid. 305, 306.
[854] Ibid. 512.
[855] Dugdale Monast. VI, Pt. 3, p. 1522. Wadding says he became
Archbishop of Dublin in 1284 (V, 134): this was J. of Sanford; Rymer, I,
655.
[856] Mon. Franc. I, 537; 42-43; 305, note.
[857] Letters CLXXVI and CCIII. Letter CLXXV was no doubt written to W. of
Nottingham (P. of Tewkesbury being mentioned in it), but it is unsafe to
ascribe the following letter to the same date. He is probably the warden
referred to in Letter CC.
[858] Mon. Franc. I, 8.
[859] Ibid. 25.
[860] Ibid. 27. In Phillipps MS. fol. 74, is the note, ‘Iste frater
Martinus (de Barton) obiit Northamton.’
[861] Appendix C.
[862] Wood-Clark, II, 387.
[863] Exchequer of Pleas; Plea Roll, 6 Edw. IV, m. 20 (cf. chapter VII);
MS. Cotton Vitell. F xii, f. 289 b.
[864] Exchequer of Pleas, Plea Rolls, 3 Hen. VII, m. 35 (printed in App.
B); 3 Hen. VII, m. 35, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 17, dorse; 4 Hen. VII, m. 34,
dorse.
[865] MS. Corp. Chr. Coll., Oxon, 227, fol. 46, contains _Antonii Andreae
tractatus de tribus principiis naturalibus_: (In calce) scriptus per me
fratrem Wyllelmum studentem Oxonie, a{o} incarnacionis Dom. 1419 [1491?].
Ibid. fol. 118 _Duns Scotus super Metheororum libros ires priores_: (In
calce) ‘Expliciunt questiones ... scripte per manum fratris Wyllelmi
Vavysur eiusdem ordinis, A. D. 1491.’ MS. 228 was also written by him in
1490.
[866] Wood, Fasti, p. 5.
[867] Cal. of State Papers, Hen. VIII, Vol. V, §§ 6, 18.
[868] Eighth Report of the Dep. Keeper, App. 2, under York.
[869] Misc. Books, Augment. Office, 233 (30-31 Hen. VIII), fol. 154 b.
[870] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 53 b: in the margin he is called
‘custos fratrum Minorum.’
[871] Reg. G 6, fol. 55. He was still at Oxford in June 1509; Acta Cur.
Cancell. ~F~, f. 92.
[872] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277 b. Mr. Brodrick seeks to identify
Robert Burton, Fellow of Merton in 1480, Proctor in 1489, with the
Minorite (Mem. of Merton Coll. 241); this seems to me more than doubtful.
[873] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, fol. 194: see App. B.
[874] The series of graces, &c., relating to W. Goodfield is printed in
App. D.
[875] Boase, Register, p. 298.
[876] MS. Cott. Vitell. F, XII, fol. 277: ‘frater Walterus Goodfield,
S.T.P. et gardianus loci.’
[877] Ibid.
[878] Acta Cur. Cancell. ~F~, f. 212 b.
[879] Ibid. f. 261 b, 262 b.
[880] Ibid. EEE, f. 124 b. See App. B.
[881] Boase, Reg. p. 68. Reg. G 6, f. 220. Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, 124 b.
Reg. H 7, fol. 211 b.
[882] Reg. H. 7, fol. 185.
[883] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 393 b, 270 b.
[884] Reg. H. 7, f. 152 b, 153; Boase, Reg. 143.
[885] Reg. H. 7, fol. 257, 262 b.
[886] Ibid. fol. 263 b, 271 b; in the latter place he is called ‘pater
edmundus Baskerfell frater ordinis minorum.’
[887] Foxe, V, p. 20: the Martyrologist calls him ‘an unlearned doctor.’
[888] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, fol. 173, 270, 322, 387, &c.
[889] See Part I, Chapter VII: Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 321 a, ‘Datum in
edibus ffranciscanis,’ &c.
[890] Part I, Chapter VII.
[891] Acta Cur. Cancell. EEE, f. 336.
[892] Wright, Suppression, p. 217.
[893] Reliquary, Vol. XVIII, p. 21.
[894] See Part I, Chapter III. Eccleston begins the list with the words:
‘Ipsi vero inceperunt ut magistri.’
[895] Except perhaps Friar W. Lemster, but it is not certain to which
Order he belonged; see notice of him, A. D. 1290.
[896] Trivet, Annals, p. 243.
[897] Roger Bacon calls Grostete Adam’s ‘master.’ Op. Ined. 187.
[898] Mon. Franc. I, 145, _ab annis juvenilibus_.
[899] Ibid. pref. lxxvii-lxxviii.
[900] Lanercost Chron. p. 58, where Adam after his death is said to have
appeared to a friar and said it was well with him, ‘because I have escaped
the judgment, but that cursed church which I held for three years nearly
gave me over to damnation.’
[901] Close Roll, 10 Henry III, m. 6.
[902] Mon. Franc. I, 15: ‘fuit autem tunc socius Magistri Adae de Marisco
et ad robas suas.’
[903] M. Paris, Chr. Maj. V, 619-20.
[904] Ibid. p. 16. The date of his entry must have been between 1226 (when
he was _Magister_ not _Frater_, Close Roll, _ut supra_), and 1230. See
Grostete’s Letters, pp. 17-21 written before 1231; and Wadding, II, 240.
He probably entered the Order in 1227, or perhaps at the end of 1226. The
entry on the Close Roll about the Bp. of Durham’s library is dated
Worcester, Sept. 3. Canon Creighton puts the date of Adam’s entry into the
Order ten years later. Dict. of Nat. Biogr.
[905] Wadding, II, 48. Evers, Analecta (Hist. of Friar Nic. Glasberger),
p. 33. I have not been able to find any early authority for these
statements. A letter from Adam to the Abbat of St. Andrew’s is extant.
Mon. Franc. I, 206. The University of Vercelli was founded in 1228, and it
is probably in this year, if at all, that Adam went there. Denifle, Die
Universitäten des Mittelalters, I, 290.
[906] Wadding, II, 240-1. St. Anthony died 1231.
[907] The account in Eccleston refers to the deposition of Elias in 1239.
Mon. Franc. I, 45-7.
[908] Cf. Trivet, Annals, p. 306.
[909] Mon. Franc. I, 135. Wood-Clark II, 364: Wood refers to Gascoigne,
Liber Veritatum, I, 663: I have not seen the passage, which does not occur
in the extracts edited by Hearne or Rogers; but Gascoigne cannot be
regarded as an authority in this matter.
[910] Ibid. 232 (prob. Nov. 1252), 281, 335 (Jan. 1253), letter CXC was
however probably written before this time, c. 1250, but I can find no
other reference to either of the lawsuits mentioned there.
[911] Brewer in one place calls him Provincial of the Minorites (p. 613):
this is a slip. Nor was he warden of the London convent; ‘Frater A.
Gardianus Fratrum Minorum Londini’ (Mon. Franc. p. 181) was not A. de
Marisco. See ibid. p. 396.
[912] Ibid. 49.
[913] Ibid. 77. Boniface was elected in 1240.
[914] Ibid. 355.
[915] Ibid. 414, seq.
[916] Ibid. 438-489.
[917] Ibid. 95, 609-612.
[918] Ibid. 342.
[919] Wadding, IV, _anno_ 1256.
[920] Mon. Franc. I, 139.
[921] Ibid. I, 99, 347.
[922] Grostete, Letters, 334.
[923] Cf. ibid. p. 302.
[924] Mon. Franc. I, p. 105.
[925] Ibid. p. 152.
[926] Ibid. p. 275.
[927] Lanercost Chron. p. 24.
[928] Ibid.
[929] Liberate Roll, 31 Hen. III, m. 4 (App. B).
[930] Ibid. 42 Hen. III, m. 3.
[931] Mon. Franc. 294, 295, 298, 299.
[932] Ibid. I, 264.
[933] Mon. Franc. I, 225, 264; and the long account of his trial, p. 122.
Cf. Part I, p. 32.
[934] Ibid. 268, &c.
[935] Ibid. 266-7. A sentence at the end of the letter seems to refer to
the defeat of St. Louis at Mansourah. Cf. pp. 278-9. (The translation is
Brewer’s.)
[936] Ibid. 137, 244, 398. See also Brewer’s preface.
[937] Ibid. 305, 348, 367.
[938] Nic. Trivet, Annals, p. 243; Mon. Franc. I, p. 185.
[939] M. Paris, Chron. Majora, V, 619. Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 412.
[940] Mon. Franc. I, 305.
[941] Liberate Roll, 42 Hen. III, m. 3.
[942] W. of Worcester, _Itin._ p. 81, from Franciscan Martyrology of
Salisbury.
[943] Lanerc. Chron. p. 58.
[944] Bale and Pits give lists of his works, but produce no authority.
Leland states on the evidence of the _Catalogus de eruditis Franciscanis_,
which he had seen in the Minorite convent at Oxford, that Adam wrote ‘a
fair number of commentaries on Holy Scripture.’ One edition of Barth. of
Pisa (Bononiae, 1620) mentions as his works, Elucidarium Scripturae, and
Theological Lectures. This passage is not in the edition of 1510. It is
not probable that the ‘Ordinances for the household of Bishop Grostete,’
or rather Grostete’s Rules for the Countess of Lincoln, are by Adam. Mon.
Franc. I, 582. Royal Hist. Soc., _Walter of Henley_, pp. xlii, 122.
[945] Not his contemporaries, as Brewer states. I do not know when the
title first originated.
[946] Chron. Majora, V, 619.
[947] Epist. Nos. XX and XCIX.
[948] Op. Ined. 70, 74-5, 88, 186, 428.
[949] Mon. Franc. I, 39, and n. 1. Cf. ibid. 542, ‘Rodulphus de Corbrug.’
Cf. Collect. Anglo-Minoritica, 48.
[950] The good effects of Eustace’s conversion were commented on by
‘Peter, minister of England,’ 1251-1256 (Mon. Franc. I, 40). But Eustace
entered the Order during the ministry of W. of Nottingham. Two of the
letters (Nos. 178 and 200) in which Adam Marsh mentions Eustace as a friar
are addressed to ‘Friar W., minister of England,’ but several of these
superscriptions are undoubtedly wrong and the rest consequently of little
value. Letter 179, however, written at the same time as 178 and stating
Eustace’s refusal to lecture at Norwich, is addressed to Robert of
Thornham, who was then evidently custodian of Cambridge (Mon. Franc. I,
62). In a letter to W. of Nottingham (No. 173) Adam states that this
Robert was just starting for the Holy Land, and as he certainly went (Mon.
Franc. I, 62), there is no reason to suppose that he delayed long. What
then is the date of letter 173? That the superscription is correct is
shown by the mention in the letter of Peter, minister of Cologne, i.e. P.
of Tewkesbury, William’s successor in England; Adam also mentions his
regret at being unable to accompany Grostete to the Roman court owing to
his having to assist the Archbishop of Canterbury. These details fix the
date of Robert’s departure (or resolution to depart) to Palestine at 1250:
thus letter 179 cannot have been written later than 1250, and Eustace must
have entered the Order in that year at latest. He witnesses a charter as
friar in 1251; Wood, MS. D 2, p. 537.
[951] Le Neve and others place his chancellorship in 1276; Eccleston
certainly says _fuerat_. Mon. Franc. I, 39, note 2, 41; Phillipps, MS.
fol. 76 a.
[952] Mon. Franc. I, pp. 319, 321.
[953] Ibid. p. 39.
[954] Ibid. p. 555.
[955] Mon. Franc. I, 378. Cf. p. 395 (letter to Th. of York, 1252?),
‘Mittit vobis frater Laurentius (Adam’s secretary) quaternos matris
prophetiae (?) pro quibus misistis,’ &c.
[956] Ibid. p. 90-1. When John Erlandi became Bishop of Roskild, I do not
know: he was translated to the Archbishopric of Lundia in 1254; Langebek,
Script. rer. Dan. Vol. V, p. 583.
[957] Ibid. 114-5.
[958] Ibid. 392. In the same letter is the sentence: ‘Nuper mihi de curia
Romana allatum est Apostolicae Sedis privilegium, pro quo laborare sui
gratia voluit amantissimus frater J., domini papae nuntius.’ Cf. reference
to the same on p. 313 (A. D. 1250).
[959] Mon. Franc. I, 357.
[960] Ibid. 338, 346.
[961] Part I, Chapter III.
[962] Ibid. 39: but see ibid. p. 552, ‘Notandum,’ &c.; the last words
should be ‘et quintus ponitur frater T. de Eboraco.’
[963] Ibid. 555.
[964] Ibid. 357, 392-5.
[965] Ibid. 115. Cf. 393, ‘Bene fecistis ... qui pro patre secundum carnem
dilecti fratris J. de Beverlaco in negotio suae salutis tam consultum
vigilantiae fidelis adjutorium, nec non et in caeteris praesertim ad
salutem animarum pertinentibus, tam exquisita circumspectione exhibere
voluistis.’
[966] Leland, Scriptores, _sub nomine_; cf. Part I, p. 58.
[967] That Ric. Rufus and Ric. of Cornwall were one and the same is proved
by Cotton MS. of Eccleston, f. 77, where ‘rufus’ is added in an old hand
in the margin, and by Phillipps, MS. of Eccleston, fol. 76 a, ‘Ricardus
Rufus Cornubiensis.’ Cf. Mon. Franc. I, 16. He is probably identical with
‘Ricardus le Ruys,’ whose commentary on the sentences Bale saw at Norwich,
‘in claustro monachorum.’ Script. II, 81.
[968] Mon. Franc. I, 16, 39.
[969] Phillipps, MS. 3119, f. 76 a. ‘Iste Ricardus veniens in Angliam
narravit in capitulo Oxon’, quod, cum unus frater Parisius extasi staret,
visum erat ei quod frater Egidius laicus sed contemplativus sedit in
cathedra legens autenticas septem peticiones dominice oracionis cuius
omnes auditores erant tamen fratres in ordine lectores. Intrans autem S.
Franciscus primo siluit et postea sic clamavit, O quam verecundum est
vobis quod talis frater laycus excedit vestra merita sursum in celo (?).
Et quia inquid sciencia inflat, caritas autem edificat, plures sunt
venerati fratres clerici ... in eterno regno dei.’ (MS. imperf.)
[970] Mon. Franc. I, 330, 365, 366.
[971] Ibid. 360, 365. In an agreement drawn up in 1252, after a quarrel
between the Northerners and the Irish in Oxford, and signed by
representatives of the two parties, the name of ‘Ricardus Cornubiensis’
appears among the Irishmen (Wood, Annals, 246). This was no doubt a
namesake of the friar, who is often confused with the friar; he is
mentioned in Grostete’s Epist. p. 138, Mon. Franc. I, 135, Le Neve, Fasti,
II, 184, &c.
[972] Mon. Franc. I, 366.
[973] Ibid. 349.
[974] Ibid. 39. Bacon says, ‘solemniter legebat;’ see below.
[975] It may be considered certain that Thomas of York became lector in
1253 and that Richard succeeded him--whether immediately or not is a
little doubtful; the Cotton MS. of Eccleston calls Richard _sextus_
(_lector_), instead of _quintus_.
[976] Royal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 7 F, VII, fol. 81; cf. Charles, Roger Bacon,
415; the MS. is very inaccurate, Charles still more so.
[977] _Auctorem_, not in MS.
[978] MS. _errorem_.
[979] Charles reads _priusquam_.
[980] MS. _legeret_.
[981] ‘Cui conversationis honestas et claritas scientiae, pietas
affectionis et opinionis integritas, facultas erudiendi et disserendi
subtilitas,’ &c. Mon. Franc. I, 365.
[982] Durham Wills (Surtees Soc.), Vol. I, pp. 10-11.
[983] Mon. Franc. I., 542.
[984] See notice of H. de Brisingham.
[985] Barth. of Pisa, Liber Conform. fol. 81.
[986] Wadding, IV, 325.
[987] Peckham’s Register, II, 421-2.
[988] Hist. Litt. de France, t. xxv, p. 178.
[989] This MS. belonged to the London Franciscans.
[990] Probably the _Summa_ of John Lector of Freiburg; see p. 150.
[991] Ascribed to Thomas Wallensis.
[992] Stated to have been composed at the request of _Episcopus
Maglonensis_, i.e. Magalona, Narbonne.
[993] Mentioned again by Tanner, as a different work under the title, _De
ordinatione universali_.
[994] i.e. _Breviloq. de IV virtutibus_.
[995] The name of the author is given in a hand considerably later than
the MS.
[996] _Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions_, t. XXX, pp. 45-55: Peter
was a Benedictine who lived and wrote at Avignon from 1320 to 1340. M.
Hauréau has no doubt made out his case.
[997] Another handbook for confessors is occasionally found bound up with
works of John Wallensis. See MSS. St. Omer 622, § 6, _Tract. de
instructione confessorum_, and Charleville 113, § 2, _Libellus de modo
audiendi confessiones_. Inc.: ‘Simpliciores et minus expertos
confessores.’ It is by John Lector of Freiburg: MS. Mazarine 1322. Hist.
Litt. xxv. 269.
[998] There is an error in Tanner’s extracts from Bury (p. xxxiii):
‘Quoniam misericordia’ given as the _incipit_ of _De disciplina_ belongs
to the preceding work, _Compendiloquium_. Cf. Bale, MS. Seld. supra 64,
fol. 83; Tanner, Bibl. 435.
[999] Royal MS. 3 B. XII (sec. xv): ‘Liber magistri Thome Gude, i.e. Boni,
Doctoris sacre Theologie Oxonie et Ordinis Minorum, vocati Dockyng, eo
quod natus fuit in villa vocata Dockyng.’
[1000] Mon. Franc. I, 359-360: the letter mentions ‘the irrevocable
intention of Friar R. of Cornwall.’
[1001] Or 1265? See notices of H. of Brisingham and W. of Heddele.
[1002] App. C.
[1003] Hist. of Norfolk, IV, 111; no authority is given.
[1004] He is probably the ‘Bokkyng’ quoted by William of Ockham (Goldast,
p. 957); and he is often referred to by Thomas Gascoigne.
[1005] At the end of this commentary: ‘Explicit lectura H. M. et d.
Dockyng super Epistolam ad Ephesios.’
[1006] At the end of this MS. (sec. xv): ‘Explicit expositio ffratris
Thome Dockyng super preceptis decalogi secundum formam textus deutronomii
quinti.’ The same volume contains an anonymous treatise on the creed (‘de
sufficientia articulorum in Simbolo,’ &c.: _Inc._ ‘Est quedam mensura
fidei’), which Bale (MS. Seld. sup. 64, f. 177) carelessly identifies with
Docking’s _Epos. decalogi_; and an anonymous treatise on the decalogue,
which Tanner ascribes to Docking (_Inc._ ‘Si autem vis ad vitam ingredi’):
cf. MS. Laud. Misc. 524, fol. 67 b (olim Laud. F. 12).