If, however, one of the vowels is homogeneous with the non-syllabic

(i. e. i, e with y and u, o with w) and is not stressed, it is

spoken shorter than a normal unstressed vowel: in such words as iyòn

that, buwàn moon, month the i, u are spoken shorter than in other

positions. So also in táwo (see preceding §) the o.

After consonants these short vowels are often entirely omitted: bwàn

beside buwàn, syà he, she beside siyà. The syllable-division remains,

however, as in the longer form: kápwà` fellow- beside kápuwà` is

pronounced ká-pwà` (not kap-wa`).

Even in other positions these reduced vowels are often omitted,

especially in frequently used combinations: Ano yòn? What's

that? beside Ano iyòn?, occasionally táw for táwo, táo.

28. Conversely, one hears now and then a superfluous short i, e with

a y, and an u, o with a w: iyaòn for yaòn that, máye for máy having,

uwalà` for walà` without.

29. The combinations ay and ai are occasionally replaced by a long

open e: kélan beside káylan when?, mé báhay beside máy báhay wife,

housewife, me áre` beside may áre` master, owner, ténga beside

taínga car.

b. In word-formation.

30. When in word-formation affixes or reduplicative syllables are

added to a root, the syllabication is as in a simple word: sulá-tan

be written to (súlat writing with suffix -an), sumú-lat wrote (same,

with infix -um-), umuwè`, umwè` (§ 27) went home (-uwè` go home,

with prefixed -um-).

When vowels meet, they are as a rule separated by the non-distinctive

intervocalic glottal stop: maà-á-re` will be possible (áre` property

reduplicated and with prefix ma-).

31. The intervocalic glottal stop is rarely reduced, except in

certain much-used combinations, the commonest being those with the

prefix i- and with the prefix ka- and the suffix -an in certain uses

(see Morphology): iniútos was commanded (útos command with prefixes

in- and i-), usually iniyútos; laruàn, toy (larò` play, game with

suffix -an), usually laruwàn, larwàn, but (with a different use

of the suffix -an) làrúan playground; kayibígan, kaybígan friend

(íbig love, desire, with prefix ka- and suffix -an), but kaìbígan

sweetheart and kaibigàn affection. For -íwan abandon with prefix i-

only the contracted form íwan be abandoned is spoken. Cf. further

ikaápat, ikápat fourth (ápat four with prefixes i- and ka-).

32. Conversely, an original y or w is sometimes under emphasis

replaced by glottal stop; thus, for patayìn be killed (patày dead

person, kill with suffix -in), occasionally pataìn.

33. When a word is doubled, when two words are united in a compound

word, and after the prefixes that end in g, the syllable-division is

however made as though separate words were meeting in a sentence,--that

is, according to the rules in the following paragraphs.

c. In the phrase.

34. When words come together in the phrase, the word-division is

maintained (as in English) as a syllable-division.

In the case of initial consonants the division is thus like that within

a word: Sumúlat ka. Write (thou), Sumúlat siyà, Sumúlat syà. He wrote,

Sumáma ka. Go along, Sumáma siyà, Sumáma syà. He went along.

Before a vowel-initial the word-division is maintained as a

syllable-division by the use of a non-distinctive glottal stop (as

in German): Sumúlat akò. I wrote, i. e. sumú-lat-`akò; Sumáma akò. I

went along, i. e. sumá-ma-`akò.

Doubled words, compound words, and forms with prefixes ending in

g (namely, mag-, nag-, pag-, tag-) are similarly treated (§ 33):

agàd-agàd immediately (agàd at once doubled), i. e. agàd-`agàd;

báhay-aklátan library-building (compound of báhay house and aklátan

place for books), i. e. bá-hay-`ak-lá-tan; pagsúlat an act of writing

(súlat writing with prefix pag-), i. e. pag-sú-lat; nagáral studied

(áral teaching with prefix nag-), i. e. nag-`á-ral.

Occasionally, in emphatic speech, the same division is made within

other formations: umakiyàt, umakyàt climbed (-akiyàt climb with

prefixed -um-), occasionally, but rarely, um-`akiyàt, usually umakiyàt,

umakyàt (by § 30).

35. Reduction of the glottal stop and contraction of vowels occur

only in a few much-used combinations of words: si Andrès (si is the

article of proper names), also siy Andrès, sy Andrès; Ano iyàn? What's

that?, also Ano yàn? and even An yàn?; na itò this (na is a particle

expressing attribution), also na yitò, na ytò.

36. Occasionally such reductions go even farther, as in anò in the

preceding paragraph, and occur where the glottal stop is not involved:

as, sà for isà one in sà m pù` ten, for isà ng pù`.

37. The words at, ay, and na have also a shorter form, t, y, and ng,

respectively, which occurs only (but not always) after a final vowel,

glottal stop, or n. When these forms are used, the final glottal stop

or n is lost (§§ 15, 20) and the t, y, or ng is treated in every

way exactly as though it were part of the preceding word: butò at

balàt, butò t balàt bone and skin, i. e. butòt-balàt; Iyòn ay mabúti,

Iyò y mabúti. That's good, i. e. iyòy-mabú-ti; ang báta` na mabaìt

(clumsy, as in the speech of a child just learning to speak, for:)

ang báta ng mabaìt the good child, i. e. ang-bá-tang-maba`ìt.

3. Accentuation.

a. Word-accent.

38. In a word of more than one syllable at least one syllable is

normally spoken with a greater degree of stress than the others.

The unstressed syllables have short vowels (about as long as the

vowel in English pit or put) and close syllable-stress (§ 25).

39. A non-final syllable ending in a non-syllabic (i. e. a closed

non-final syllable) never has the stress; such words as luk-sò jump,

muk-hà` face, ak-làt book are therefore always oxytone. The only

exceptions are syllables ending in ay; this combination seems to

be felt as a unit capable of open syllable-stress: káy-lan, ké-lan

when; further, the words mín-san once, pín-san cousin, and nàn-don,

by-form of ná-roòn is there; and, finally, unassimilated foreign

words: bès-bol, sèr-mon, kwàr-ta, kwàl-ta money (Spanish cuarto),

but also Tagalized kwaltà.

Words like ká-pwà` (beside ká-puwà`) are not exceptions, for the

first syllable is not closed (§ 27).

40. The stressed syllables fall into two grammatical classes which

are only in part phonetically distinct; we may call them primary and

secondary word-accent.

41. The primary word-accent on a final syllable or (in the cases

mentioned in § 39) on a closed non-final syllable, consists merely in

greater stress than that of an unaccented syllable, accompanied by

a pitch-rise of about half a note. [4] I use the grave accent-sign:

gabì night, hindì` not, kamày hand, buhòk hair, nàndon is there,

sèrmon sermon.

42. On a non-final open syllable the primary word-accent involves an

increase of stress (less than in English), a pitch-rise of two notes,

lengthening of the vowel to about one and one-half times the duration

of an unstressed vowel, and open syllable-stress (§ 25). I use the

acute accent-mark: báhay house, báyan town.

So also, irregularly, syllables in ay: káylan, kélan when?, and even

finally: káy, ké than, máy, mé having; also mínsan, pínsan.

If an unaccented syllable precedes, the pitch-rise really begins on

the latter: in sumúlat wrote, for instance, the first syllable is

spoken above the usual pitch, and the two-note pitch-rise is merely

completed in the accented syllable.

43. The secondary word-accent on a final syllable has weaker stress

than the primary accent in the same place, and ordinarily lacks the

pitch-rise. Grammatically, it is recognizable by the presence of

the primary accent on another syllable; I use the grave accent-mark:

áakiyàt, áakyàt will climb, nárinìg was heard.

44. On a non-final open syllable the secondary accent differs from the

primary accent in similar position in two respects: its pitch-rise is

less marked, varying from three-quarters to one and three-quarters

notes, and its vowel-lengthening is greater, reaching twice the

length of an unstressed vowel. I use the grave accent-mark: sùsúlat

will write.

When the primary accent is on the last syllable and therefore weak (§

41), the secondary accent often approaches a non-final primary accent

in character: the first syllable of a word like nàbuksàn came open is

often phonetically the same as that of a word like nárinìg was heard.

If an unaccented syllable precedes the secondary accent, the pitch-rise

really begins in the former: in such a word as sumùsúlat is writing

the first syllable is spoken with higher than normal pitch, in the

second syllable the pitch is brought up to a note and three-fourths

above normal, and in the third the two-note rise is completed.

Of two secondary accents following each other the preceding is

the more marked: nàràramdamàn is felt (nà- has more marked accent

than rà-). This helps to make the primary accent distinct, for it

is stronger than a preceding secondary accent: sùsúlat will write

(the second su- is stronger, not weaker, than the first); nàlàláman

is known (if the third syllable had a secondary accent, it would be

less marked than the first and second, but its pitch and stress are

actually higher).

b. Sentence-accent.

45. Certain words are atonic, i. e. are always spoken unstressed in

the phrase: e. g. ang áso the or a dog, sa ákin to me.

The atonic words are: ang, at, ay, kay to (not káy, ké than), kung,

na attributive (not nà already), nang, ni of (not nì nor), o or

(not ò oh), pag, sa, si.

The short variants of at, ay, and na, namely t, y, and ng (§ 37),

having no vowel, cannot be stressed; they are treated in every way

as though they formed part of the preceding word.

46. In closely united phrases the last word keeps its accent, while

the preceding ones often weaken theirs. Especially a final syllable

often loses its accent before another word in the phrase:

dáhil díto on account of this, often: dahil díto,

ang mangà báhay the houses, often: ang manga báhay,

ang kanyà ng báhay his or her house, ang kanya ng báhay,

ang malakì ng báhay the large house, ang malaki ng báhay.

47. Opposed to the preceding rule is the treatment of certain words

which we may call enclitics. These very frequently, to be sure,

receive the normal treatment: that is, they are stressed and the

preceding word either keeps its stress or, if oxytone, often loses it;

but frequently, instead, the enclitic loses its accent:

Umakyàt siyà, Umakyat syà. He climbed, but also Umakyàt sya.

Áakyàt siyà, Áakyat syà. He will climb, but also Áakyàt sya.

Gánu ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now? (kà, nà, bà are all

enclitic).

Enclitics have the further (and more easily recognized) peculiarity

that they follow the first orthotonic (i. e. neither atonic nor

pretonic, § 48) word of the expression to which they belong (either

as modifiers or as subject):

ang mahahába nya ng paà his (niyà, enclitic) long legs.

When several enclitics come together the last one is often

stressed. Monosyllabic enclitics precede disyllabic:

Nahánap na nyà ang sombréro. He has already looked for the hat. (nà

and niyà are enclitics; the latter is treated as disyllabic even when

in the contracted form nyà).

The enclitics are:

(1) always: the monosyllabic forms of the personal pronouns, namely

kà, kò, mò, and the words (particles) bà, bagà, dàw, dìn, màn, múna,

nà, namàn, nawà`, ngà`, pà, palà, pò`, sána, tulòy.

(2) frequently or in certain senses: the disyllabic forms of the

personal pronouns (including siyà, syà and niyà, nyà) except ikàw

(which is never enclitic), the demonstrative pronouns, and the words

díne, díto, diyàn, doòn, kayà`, lámang, ulè`; occasionally short

phrases (§ 88).

For details about these words see Syntax.

48. Opposed to the rule in § 46 are also certain words (particles)

which we may call pretonics. Their treatment is often regular: that

is, the pretonic as well as the following word keeps its accent, or

the pretonic loses its accent before a following word; but sometimes

the pretonic keeps its accent and the following word, if oxytone,

is unaccented:

máy sakìt, may sakìt having sickness, i. e. sick, but also máy

sakit. Only máy and nása actually appear with this accentuation.

The other pretonics are so classed because they share with these

two words the peculiarity that an enclitic belonging to the phrase

follows not the pretonic word, but the first orthotonic word:

Máy katawàn sya ng pára ng táo. He has a body like a human being. (siyà

he, enclitic follows not máy, which is pretonic, but katawàn body,

the first orthotonic word of the predicate).

The pretonics are the particles báwat, káhit, kapàg, kinà, mangà,

máy, nagìng (together with its other forms, § 250), nása (together

with its other forms, § 212), nì nor (not ni of), ninà, pagkà, sinà,

tagà (tigà). See Syntax.

49. A final syllable ending in glottal stop (§ 14) often receives

a higher degree of stress than a corresponding syllable with a

different final.

If the syllable ending in glottal stop has not the word-accent, it

often receives an accent resembling the secondary accent on a non-final

syllable; this is especially common if the glottal stop is lost before

another word in the phrase: páre`, párè` priest, Párì Hwàn Father Juan.

If the syllable has a word-accent and the glottal stop is lost in the

phrase, its accent is often spoken like a primary word-accent on an

open syllable: Walá sya. He has none (walà`), Naglálarú sya. He is

playing (naglálarò`).

If, however, the glottal stop is lost before t, y, or ng, this

heightening of accent does not take place, since the syllable

is then treated as ending in t, y, or ng: Syà y walà ng aklàt

(i. e. walàng-`ak-làt), Sya y wala ng aklàt. He has no book or

no books.

50. In a succession of otherwise unstressed syllables a rhythmical

movement is usually produced by means of grammatically insignificant

stresses weaker than a secondary word-accent; the distribution, and,

indeed, the occurrence of these is so variable that I have not tried

to indicate them in transcription, especially as they are never

distinctive. Thus, in the phrases in § 46 an accent of this kind

may fall on the next-to-last syllables of the words that lose their

normal word-accent: ang mànga báhay, ang kànya ng amà his father,

ang malàki ng báhay.

51. The successive accents in a sentence bear a well-marked relation

to each other: the early and especially the middle ones have higher

absolute pitch than the last; an accent on the last syllable of a

sentence often entirely loses its pitch-rise. As a consequence of

this rather fixed melody, the differences of pitch-movement between

statements, questions, commands, and exclamations of various kinds are

not so marked as in English; the higher stress of emotionally dominant

(emphatic) words, also, is less marked than in English.

In exclamation or under emphasis the accent of a final syllable may

be like that of a medial syllable, and may, in addition take on a

falling accent after the rise: Hwán! (with rising-falling stress and

pitch) Juan!, for normal Huwàn, Hwàn. Other disturbances of accent

also occur in exclamation.

B. SYNTAX.

1. Sentence and word.

a. Syntactic relations.

52. The sentence consists of one or more words:

Aráy! Ouch! Umúulàn. It's raining. Ina kò! Mother of mine! (as

exclamation). Sya y sumùsúlat. He or she is or was writing.

53. The relations between the words in a sentence are the usual ones:

(1) Attribution: Ina kò! Mother (of) mine! (2) Predication: Sumùsúlat

syà. Literally: Is-writing he. (3) The serial relation: butò t balàt

bone and skin.

54. Some of the particles (§ 55) seem, however, to stand in none of

these relations, but rather to express these relations themselves. Thus

the particle t and in the preceding example is expressive of the serial

relation. So further: malakì ng báhay large house; the particle ng

expresses the attributive relation; Sya y sumùsúlat. The particle y

expresses the predicative relation.

It is to be remarked, further, that the sphere of attribution includes

some cases in which the attribute markedly alters the sense: sakìt

sickness: máy sakìt (máy is an attribute) having sickness, sick. [5]

b. Parts of speech.

55. Tagalog distinguishes two parts of speech: full words and

particles.

The particles either express the syntactic relations between full words

(as illustrated in § 54) or act as attributes of full words (so máy

in the example in § 54): Hindí sya sumùsúlat. He is not writing. The

particle hindì` not is an attribute of sumùsúlat.

In contrast with the particles, full words act not only as attributes,

but also as subject or predicate, and any full word may, in principle,

be used in any of these three functions:

(1) Subject: Ang sumùsúlat ay si Pédro. The person writing is

Pedro. Ang pulà nang panyò ay matingkàd. The red of the handkerchief

is intense.

(2) Predicate: Sya y sumùsúlat. He is writing. Pulà ang panyo ng

itò. This handkerchief is red.

(3) Attribute: ang báta ng sumùsúlat the writing child, the child

who is writing; ang pulà ng panyò the red handkerchief.

56. Independent of this classification into parts of speech are

certain less important groupings of words and certain phrase types,

some of which will appear in the course of the analysis. Others,

however, demand mention at the outset.

c. Static and transient words.

57. Transient words express an element of experience viewed as

impermanent, i. e. belonging to some limited portion of time, so

sumùsúlat above, as opposed, e. g., to siyà, pulà, panyò, báta`,

Pédro. Words which are not transient may be called static. Only a few

particles are transient; among the full words the transient group is

large and important.

d. Personal names.

58. Except in exclamations and in address, names of persons (or

animals) are distinguished from other words by being always (but see

§ 78) preceded by the atonic particle si: Hwàn! Juan! si Hwàn Juan,

si Salamìn Glass, Mirror (as name of a dog).

59. Many terms of relationship and titles may be used in place of the

name of an individual and then belong to the personal name class: ang

amà the father, ang áki ng amà my father, but: si Amà Father. Thus

are used, further: si Inà Mother, si Tátay Papa, si Nánay Mama, si

Kúya or si Kúyang Oldest brother, si Atè Oldest sister, si Ingkòng

Grandfather, si Indà` or si Impò Grandmother, si Áli or si Tiyà Aunt,

si Máma` Uncle; si Bathála` God, but: ang Dyòs.

So also phrases in which these and other titles as attributes precede

a name, see § 256.

60. The particle sinà or silà, pretonic, in place of si forms an

expression denoting the person named together with his family or group

of adherents: sina Hwàn or sila Hwàn Juan and his family or Juan and

his crowd. With a series of names sinà implies that those named form a

group: si Hwàn, si Andrès, at si Mariyáno Juan, Andrés, and Mariano;

sina Hwàn, Andrès, at Mariyáno the group consisting of Juan, Andrés,

and Mariano; sina Hwàn, sina Andrès, at sina Mariyáno Juan, Andrés,

and Mariano, each with his group.

e. The object construction.

61. When a word or phrase denotes an element of experience viewed

as an object, it is, with certain exceptions, preceded by the atonic

particle ang: ang báta` the or a child, boy, girl; children, ang báhay

the, a house; houses, ang báyan the, a town, ang kabàítan goodness,

kindness; an act of kindness, ang kataúhan mankind, ang pagsúlat the

or an act of writing, ang mabúte that which is good, the best thing.

The following are the exceptions:

62. Personal names preceded by si or sinà (silà) do not take ang; they

always, of course, denote an object idea. See the examples in § 58 ff.

63. The personal pronouns (which always express an object idea) do

not take ang. They are: akò I; kità we, i. e. thou and I, inclusive

dual; táyo we, i. e. thou (or ye) and I (or we), inclusive dual and

plural; kamì we (but not you), exclusive dual and plural; ikàw, kà

thou (singular); kayò ye, you (dual, plural, and polite singular);

siyà he, she; silà they.

All of these except ikàw are often enclitic; kà is always so: Ikàw

ay talúnan. You are defeated. Sumúlat ka. Write (thou).

Siyà is used only of living beings, except for a single peculiar

construction to be described below (§ 106 f.).

Kità in the sense here given is not much used, táyo being commoner:

Palìt kità nang sombréro. Let's trade hats. Kità ay pumaroòn sa

teyátro. Or, more commonly: Táyo ay pumaroòn sa teyátro. Let us go

to the theatre. Kità is more used in another meaning, as we shall see

(§ 182).

Kamì differs from these two words in excluding the person or persons

addressed: Kàkáin táyo. We shall eat. Nakitúluy kamì kina Pédro. We

asked hospitality of Pedro's. In both of these sentences (as also

in that with táyo already given) two or more people may be meant. It

will be seen, therefore, that the distinction between dual and plural

is not categoric (obligatory).

That between singular and plural is categoric in these pronouns;

everywhere else it is not obligatory; the idea of plurality is inherent

in many words and forms, but these are used only where the idea of

plurality is explicitly prominent.

64. The demonstrative pronouns as object expressions also reject

ang. They are: irè this (on the person of the speaker or within his

immediate reach); itò this (more generally, of anything nearer to the

speaker than to the person addressed); iyàn, yàn that (nearer to the

person addressed); iyòn, yaòn, yoòn, yòn that (of things distant from

both speaker and person addressed).

Itò and iyòn are used also anaphorically: the former--the latter.

The demonstrative pronouns are often enclitic.

Ang is omitted also before an object expression in which a

demonstrative pronoun stands first as a modifier, see § 130.

65. Similarly before object expressions in which an interrogative

pronoun stands first as a modifier, see §§ 131.168.

66. The use of ang is optional before the numerative pronouns. The use

of ang seems sometimes to lend these greater definiteness, sometimes

to be indifferent.

The numerative pronouns used as object expressions are: ibà other,

ilàn few, karamíhan most, lahàt all. (The other numerative pronouns,

namely boò` whole and the particles bála any and báwat every are not

used as object expressions).

ibà others; ilàn a few; Ang ilàn ay malalakàs at ang ibà ay

mahihína`. Some are strong and others are weak. Lahàt nang táo

sa báya ng itò ay dápat umalìs. All people (who are) in this town

ought to leave (nang táo of people, of the people is an attribute

of lahàt). Ang lahàt nang táo sa báya ng itò ay máy sakìt. All the

people in this town are diseased. karamíhan sa kanilà most of them;

ang karamíhan the majority.

The use of ang is optional also before object expressions in which

a numerative pronoun stands first as an attribute, see § 132.

67. The use of ang is optional before the cardinal numerals: isà sa

kanilà, or: ang isà sa kanilà one of them.

The simple cardinal numerals are: isà one, dalawà two, tatlò three,

ápat four, limà five, ánim six, pitò seven, walò eight, siyàm,

syàm nine.

Similarly, the use of ang is optional before an object expression in

which a cardinal numeral stands first as a modifier, see § 133.

In dates and for the hours of the day the Spanish numerals are commonly

used; these demand ang: ang abéynte-kwátru nang Húnyo the twenty-fourth

of June.

68. Ang is omitted, further, before object expressions beginning with

the particle nì (§ 253) and optionally before those beginning with the

particle káhit (§ 248). All object expressions lack ang when forming

an indefinite object predicate (§ 109), in expressions of indefinite

quantity (§ 69), when used indefinitely after pára (§ 275), hanggàng

(§ 293), patì (§ 305), and in exclamation or address (§§ 75.78). [6]

f. Expressions of indefinite quantity.

69. Object expressions are used (without ang, § 68) to express

indefinite objects (roughly speaking such as would lack the article

the in English) or indefinite quantities of objects, when preceded

by certain modifiers. These modifiers are the pretonic particle

máy, expressing existence or forthcomingness (§ 252), and the

full words máy-roòn, equivalent with máy; walà` the negative of

these; malakì great; maláon long; marámi much, many (§ 138). The

phrases so formed may be described as expressions of indefinite

quantity. Beside the omission of ang before the object expression,

they have the peculiarity that in certain constructions they express

(without further accompaniments) the possessor of that designated:

may súngay there are horns or having horns, horned; máy-roo ng aklàt

there are books or having a book, books; wala ng aklàt there are no

books or without a book, having no books; malakì ng kagamitàn great

usefulness, there is great use, or having great usefulness; maláo

ng panahòn long time or taking a long time; marámi ng salapè` much

money, there is much money or having much money; marámi ng kaybígan

many friends, there are many friends or having many friends.

Máy expresses also approximateness (where the object expression is

one of number): may ápat na pu ng paà about forty feet or having,

measuring about forty feet.

70. An expression of indefinite quantity may, as a unit, stand in

object construction; in this case the first three have possessive

value, but not the others: ang máy sakìt the or a person having

sickness, the or a sick person; ang máy-roo ng aklàt the (a) person

who has a book or books; ang wala ng hiyà` the (a) shameless person;

but: ang malakì ng báhay the, a large house; ang marámi ng bágay the

many things.

71. Marámi may by itself stand in object construction; it then has

the meaning: ang marámi the many, the crowd, the people, hoi polloi.

2. Subject and predicate.

72. Most sentences consist of a subject and a predicate, showing the

construction of Sumùsúlat syà, Sya y sumùsúlat (§§ 53, 54). Indeed,

this goes farther than in English; many commands, for instance,

have the subject-and-predicate structure: Sumúlat ka. Write thou,

i. e. Write.

Nevertheless, much of the syntax is determined by the use of

constructions which lack subject-and-predicate structure.

a. Non-predicative sentences.

73. The sentences which lack subject-and-predicate structure are of

two general types: (1) exclamatory, and (2) impersonal-anaphoric.

74. To the exclamatory type belongs the use in independent

sentences of certain particles, the primary interjections:

Abà! Ah! Aráy! Ouch! Ó! Oh!

As in other languages, some of these violate the normal phonetic

structure, that is, are "inarticulate": Sss! Whew!, uttered when the

weather is very hot. One whistles when one wants the wind to blow.

75. To the exclamatory type belong, further, words and phrases used as

secondary interjections: Anò! What! (unpleasant surprise). Inà ko! or:

Ina kò! Mother of mine! Ano ng hína mo! What weakness of-you! i. e. How

weak you are!

As the second example shows, object expressions are here used without

ang (§ 68).

76. Certain words with the prefix ka- expressing high degree of

a quality (see Morphology), with their attributes: Kaitìm nang

gabi! What-blackness of-the night! i. e. How black the night is!

77. Certain words with the prefix ka- and reduplication expressing

recent completion of an act (see Morphology), with their modifiers:

Karárating ko pa lámang! Just-arriving by-me still only! i. e. I have

only just arrived.

78. Vocatives, in calling or address: Kayò ng manga makasalánan! Ye

sinners! In this use personal names lack si and all object expressions

lack ang (§ 68): Hwàn! Juan! Máma`! Sir! Áli! Madam! Wala ng

hiyà`! Shameless one!

79. Commands of certain brusque or familiar types, used, e. g.,

to children, servants, animals, in haste or excitement: Hintú

na! Stop! Ílag na! Get out of the way! Súlong! Go ahead! Hurry

up! Panáog nà sa báhay! Come down from the house! Come on out! Tàbí po`

Look out please! (Cry of drivers to people on the street. The accent

is irregular by § 51 for tabì).

80. Certain set expressions, such as greetings: Maganda ng áraw

pò`! Good-morning! Salámat. Thanks. Salámat sa iyò. Thank you.

81. Expressions of affirmation and negation: Óo. Yes. Oo ngà`. Yes

indeed. Táma`. That's right, Exactly. Hindì`. No. Walà`. None, Nothing,

There isn't.

82. The mere naming of an idea, as in counting or giving the title

of a story: Isà, dalawà, tatlò, ápat, limà.... One, two, three,

four, five....

83. (2) Of the impersonal-anaphoric type are many answers to questions

or continuations of dialogue: Kahápon. Yesterday. Akò. I, It's I,

It was I. (Never "Itò y akò," or the like).

84. Certain occurrences, especially meteoric phenomena,

are not analyzed into subject and predicate: Umúulàn. It's

raining. Kabilúgan nang bwàn. Roundness of-the moon, i. e. There is

a full moon. Bumábahà`. There is a flood. Naàáre`. It is possible,

allowable. Hindí nalaúnan. It did not take long, It was not

long. Taginit nà. It is summer already.

85. Very common in impersonal construction are expressions of

indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they express existence or

forthcomingness (or the opposite) of indefinite objects: Mày manga

babáye. There are women. Máy-roo ng aswàng sa báyan. There was a

vampire in the town. Walà ng papèl. There is no paper. Walà ng anu

màn! There is nothing. Also: Not at all! You're welcome! Malaki ng twà`

nang iba ng táo. There was great rejoicing by the other people. Sa

dalága ng itò y marámi ng manglilígaw. For this young woman there

were many suitors.

86. Less common in impersonal construction are expressions of

occurrences involving indefinite or indifferent persons or things:

Humúkay. One should dig. Nagumpisa nà nang pagsábuy. "They" have

already begun to throw.

87. There is great freedom as to presence or absence of anaphorically

determined elements (i. e., such as have been recently mentioned or,

less commonly, are about to be mentioned), including the subject;

when this is wanting, the subject-and-predicate structure is, of

course, lost: Hiníla nya sa pasígan. Was-dragged by-him to-the shore,

i. e. He dragged it or the tree (sc. itò, or: ang púno`, from the

preceding sentence) to the shore. Hindí makabùbúti sa kanilà. (It,

the scheme mentioned) will do them no good.

Many constructions later to be noticed depend on this habit of

omitting anaphorically determined elements, cf. e. g.: Ang púno`

ay tumúbo hanggàng sa magbúnga. The tree grew until (sc. it) bore

fruit. Pagdatìng niya ay sabíhin mo ng maghintày. At-the-coming of-him

be-said (impersonal) by-you that (sc. he) should-wait, i. e. When he

comes, tell him to wait.

b. The subject.

88. The subject of a sentence is always an object expression. The

only exceptions are complex sentences with entire predications (§

115) or quotations (§ 329) as subject.

89. The subject may have two positions:

(1) Non-enclitic: it precedes or follows the predicate; in the

former case the predicate is introduced by the atonic particle ay,

y (y often after syllabic vowel, n, or `; see Phonetics): Sumùsúlat

ang báta`. The child is writing; or: Ang báta` ay sumùsúlat. Ang

báta y sumùsúlat. Siyà ay sumùsúlat. Sya y sumùsúlat. He, she is

writing. Here siyà, syà is not enclitic.

(2) Enclitic: it follows the first orthotonic word of the

predicate: Hindí sya sumùsúlat. Not he is-writing, i. e. He is not

writing. Sumùsúlat sya nang líham. He is writing a letter, letters. In

these examples siyà is enclitic.

Not only enclitically used pronouns (§§ 63. 64), but even short phrases

are thus used: Pinapútol nila si Hwàn nang káhoy. Was-ordered-to-cut

by-them Juan (subject) some wood, i. e. They ordered Juan to cut

wood. Here the position of si Hwàn after the first orthotonic word

of the predicate (pinapútol) but before the rest of the predicate

(nang káhoy) shows it to be (like nilà) an enclitic element. With the

same subject not enclitically used the sentence would be: Pinapútol

nila nang káhoy si Hwàn, and this, indeed, is the more usual locution.

90. On the use or non-use of an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò)

see § 87.

c. The predicate.

91. The predicate may be (1) a transient word with its modifiers,

(2) a static word with its modifiers, or (3) an object expression.

(1) Transient predicate.

92. Transient words fall into four classes according to the four

relations which a subject may bear to them when they are used as

predicate. We may designate these classes by the following names:

1. active: the subject is viewed as an actor: Sumùsúlat sya nang

líham. He (subject) is writing a letter, letters. Sya y pumútol nang

káhoy. He (subject) cut some wood. Umalìs syà. He went away.

2. direct passive: the subject is viewed as an object fully affected

or produced: Sinúlat nya ang líham. Was-written by-him the letter

(subject), i. e. The letter was written by him, He wrote the

letter. Pinútol nya ang káhoy. Was-cut by-him the wood (subject),

i. e. He cut the wood.

3. instrumental passive: the subject is viewed as a means, an

instrument, something given forth or parted from: Isinúlat nya ang

kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story (subject), i. e. He wrote

the story. Ipinútol nya ang gúlok. Was-cut-with by-him the bolo

(subject), i. e. He used the bolo for cutting, He cut with the bolo.

4. local passive: the subject is viewed as an object partly

or less fully affected, as a place or sphere: Sinulátan nya

akò. Was-written-to by-him I (subject), i. e. He wrote me. Pinutúlan

nya ang káhoy. Was-cut-from by-him the wood (subject), i. e. He cut

a piece off the wood.

For a detailed description of these classes of transient words,

see Morphology.

93. In general the choice between these four constructions is made

in accordance with the logical situation: the definite, known object

underlying the predication as starting-point of discourse is chosen

as subject: Binigyàn nya akò nang aklàt. Was-given-to (local passive)

by-him I (enclitic subject) a book, books, i. e. He gave me a book,

books. Ibinigay nyà sa ákin ang aklàt. Was-given (instrumental passive)

by-him to me the book (subject), i. e. He gave me the book. In the

first example the speaker is talking about himself, in the second

about a certain book.

94. However, the active construction is avoided whenever any object

other than the actor is available as subject. Especially are active

constructions with an anaphoric subject (siyà, silà, itò) avoided

wherever a passive construction is at hand. Thus, in the instance in §

93, even if "he", the actor, were the real subject of discourse, one

would rarely use the active construction: Sya y nagbigày sa ákin nang

aklàt. He (subject) gave (active) me a book, books. Even elements which

we should look upon as somewhat indefinite are preferred as subjects

to an actor: Kinúha nya ang isa ng aklàt. Was-taken (direct passive)

by-him a book (subject), i. e. He took a (certain) book (he knew,

or I know which one or what kind).

The active construction is thus confined to instances in which the

object-ideas other than the actor are entirely vague and undetermined

or lacking: Umalìs syà. He went away. Sya y kumúha nang aklàt. He

took a book, some books (no matter to him or to me which one or what

kind). Sumùsúlat sya nang líham. He is writing a letter, letters. Sya

y pumútol nang káhoy. He cut some wood. Kumáin sya nang kánin. He ate

some boiled rice; but: Kináin nya ang kánin. Was-eaten (direct passive)

by him the boiled rice (subject), i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

If, in spite of the presence of other definite objects, the actor is

very decidedly emphasized, a different construction (§§ 104.107.) is

used.

(2) Static predicate.

95. The predicate may consist of a static word with its modifiers:

Ang bátà ay mabaìt. The child is good. Iyà y masamà`. That's bad,

wrong. Pulà ang panyo ng itò. This handkerchief is red.

96. This type of predicate is regular in word-questions: the

question word is used as predicate; it precedes the subject: Páno

ang pagkágusto ninyò sa trabáho-ng-kanyunéro? How (predicate) your

liking for (i. e. How did you like) the artillery-service? Papáno ang

pagsasábi sa wíka ng Tagálog nang salità ng Inglès na "scissors"? How

(predicate) the saying in the Tagalog language of the English word

"scissors"? i. e. How does one say "scissors" in Tagalog? Gaáno

ang pagkakagalìt nila? How great, How serious was (predicate)

their quarrel?

97. This is the construction of the interrogative pronouns in questions

asking for the identity of an object,--unless, indeed, these belong

rather under type (3). The interrogative pronouns are the following:

(a) síno who? (singular and plural), síno-síno (explicit plural, § 63,

end) is used of persons only, and then only when the answer expected

is a name or the equivalent; it asks for the identity of a person:

Sínu ka? Who are (predicate) you (subject)? Sínu yàn?--Akò. Who's

that? i. e. Who's there?--I. Sínu ya ng tumútuktók? Who's that

knocking? Síno ang nagbigày sa iyò? Who (predicate) the one-who-gave

(sc. it, anaphoric) to you (subject)? i. e. Who gave it to you? Síno

ang nagsábi sa iyò? Who told you? Who told you so? Síno sa kanila ng

dalawà ang nagnákaw? Which of the two committed the theft? The two are

known by name or, at any rate, as personalities. Síno-síno sa manga

báta` ang iyo ng nàhúle sa panguumìt? Which ones of the children

(predicate) did you catch pilfering? literally: the ones caught by

you at pilfering, subject.

(b) anò what? what kind of? how?, explicit plural anò-anò, asks for

the identity of a thing or for the description, character, condition

of a person or of a thing: Ano yàn?--Itò y librò. What (predicate)

is that you have there (subject)?--This is a book. An yòn?--Yo y

súnog. What's that over there?--It's a fire. Anò ang ngálan mo? What

is your name? Ano ang sábi mo? What do you say? Ano ang íbig mo? What

do you want? Ano-anò ang pinagsabè ni Hwàn sa iyò? What things did

Juan tell you?, literally: What things (predicate) the things said

by Juan to you? Anu kà? What sort of person are you? Anò ang lagày

nang manga báta`?... nang asáwa mo? ... nang mé báhay? What (or How)

is the condition of (i. e. How are) the children? ... your husband

or wife? ... your wife?

(c) alìn which? which one? which ones?, explicit plural alìn-alìn,

is used of persons and things; it asks neither for identification

(persons, síno; things, anò) nor for characterization (anò), but

for indication, by pointing or by description of the place or some

other unessential feature, of persons or things: Alìn ang gustu

mò? Which one, Which ones do you want? Alìn sa kanila ng dalawà ang

nagnákaw? Which of the two (e. g., of these two strange men) committed

the theft? Alin-alìn sa manga púnu-ng-káhoy ang iyo ng tinagà`? Which

ones of the trees did you cut down?

98. Of the numerative pronouns (§ 66), boò`, ibà, and ilàn (in this

use interrogative) are used as static predicates: Itò y buò`. This

is entire, complete, unbroken. Hindí ko gusto iyàn; ibà ang áki ng

gustò. Not by-me wanted (static predicate) that (subject); different

(predicate) that by-me wanted (subject), i. e. I don't want that; what

I want is different, I want something else. Ilàn ang manglilígaw? How

many are the suitors?

99. Of the modifiers of indefinite quantity (§ 69) several are used

as static predicates: Sya y walá na. He is or was gone already. Itò y

walà`. This does not take place, does not appear, falls away. Malakì

ang súnog. The fire was great. Marámi ang nagsàsábi nitò. Many are

they who say this.

100. For the disjunctive forms of personal pronouns and of síno as

static predicates, see § 169. For local expressions, see § 211. For

entire predications as static predicates, § 112 f., quotations, § 114.

(3) Object expression as predicate.

101. If the predicate is an object expression, it may have three

different forms: (A) definite, (B) circumlocutory definite, and

(C) indefinite.

102. (A) A definite object predicate consists simply of a word or

phrase in the object construction (§ 61 ff.); it has therefore the

same structure as a subject. Usually this predicate precedes and

is emphatic (emotionally dominant): Itò ang áki ng tìráhan. This is

(predicate) my dwelling (subject), i. e. Why, it's here I'm at home!

103. The definite object predicate is especially emphatic in sentences

that have as subject a transient word (with or without modifiers)

in object construction: Si Hwàn ang nagnákaw. It was Juan who did

the stealing. Siya rìn ang kanya ng inìíbig. It was he whom she

loved. Both nagnákaw and inìíbig are transient.

104. When an emphatic actor cannot be used as subject of a transient

predicate (owing to the presence of other definite object ideas, §

94), it is often used as the predicate in this construction,--the

transient part of the sentence being put into object construction and

used as subject. Thus, if, in the sentence: Itò y ginawá ni Hwàn. This

(subject) was-done (direct passive) by Juan, the idea of "Juan", the

actor, should become dominant, one would not use the active transient

predicate ("Si Hwàn ay gumawá nitò"), for the idea of "this" is too

definite to allow of the actor's functioning as subject; one says

instead: Si Hwàn ang gumawá nitò. It was Juan who did this, with

"Juan" as definite object predicate and the rest of the sentence,

objectivized, as subject. So: Siyà ang nagbigày sa ákin nang aklàt. It

was he that gave me the (or a) book, books. (cf. § 93). Ikaw ngà`

ang nagsábi niyàn. It was you yourself who said that.

105. Less commonly the subject precedes the predicate. In this

case the construction is quite normal and unemphatic; if there is a

transient element it usually stands in the predicate: Itò y ang áki ng

tìráhan. This (subject) is my dwelling. Si Hwàn ay ang nagnákaw. Juan

is the one who did the stealing.

106. (B) In the circumlocutory definite object predicate the

central element is the pronoun siyà (in this use never enclitic),

which is followed by modifiers which express the real content of the

predicate. In this use siyà may apply to inanimate objects and to

two or more objects (§ 63). The subject, which has always a moderate

degree of emphasis, usually precedes: Itò ay sya kò ng tìráhan. This

is what is my home, i. e. This is where I live. In most cases the

real content of the predicate is a transient word (with or without

modifiers): Si Pédro ay sya ng tumútuktòk. Pedro is the one (siyà)

who is knocking. (Less emphatic than the violently transposed Si

Pédro ang tumútuktòk. It's Pedro who is knocking, of type A). Ang

pagkátahol nang áso ay syà ng ikinágising nang báta`. The barking of

the dog is what woke up the child. Ang manga pangparikìt ay sya kò ng

pinamutúlan. The kindlings are what I have cut up. Occasionally the

predicate precedes: Baká sya ng ikapútol nang pinggà ang kabigatàn nang

buhángin. Perhaps that which may break the carrying-pole (predicate)

the weight of the sand (subject), i. e. See that the weight of the

sand doesn't break the carrying-pole.

107. This construction, like that of type (A), is often used when a

transient predicate is not permissible with an actor-subject; here,

however, the sentence is not, as in (A), reversed, but the actor

is used as subject and the rest of the sentence as true content of

the circumlocutory predicate: Si Hwàn ay syà ng gumawá nito. Juan

is the one who did this. Si Pédro ay syà ng nagbigày sa ákin nang

aklàt. Pedro is the person who gave me the book.

108. A predicate of this type may, in its entirety and as a unit,

be objectivized with ang and used as subject of a sentence of type

(A): Ang médiko lámang ay sya nyà ng màkàkatálo. The doctor alone will

be the one to oppose him (literally: he by-him who will-be-opposed,

direct passive): Ang médiko lámang ang sya nyà ng màkàkatálo. It is

the doctor alone who will be the one to oppose him. Ang bintána ng

iyàn ang syà ng kahùhulúgan nang báta`! It's that window that will

be the place where the child will fall out!

109. (C) The indefinite object predicate has the structure of an object

expression, but lacks ang (§ 68). In meaning it corresponds, roughly,

to an English noun-predicate without the: Itò y librò. This (subject)

is a book (predicate). Yo y súnog. That's a fire. Itò y mabúti ng

librò. This is a good book. Si Hwàn ay isa ng magnanákaw. Juan is

a thief. Masípag na táo itò. Industrious people (predicate) these

(subject), i. e. These are industrious people.

110. As indefinite object predicates occur especially the expressions

of indefinite quantity (§ 69). In this use they have possessive

value: Sya y máy famílya. He has a family. May ápat na pu ng paà ang

hába`. Having forty feet (predicate) the length (subject), i. e. The

length is about forty feet. Sya y máy-roo ng aklàt. He has a book,

books. Sya y wala ng aklàt. He has no book, no books. Sya y marámi

ng salapè`. He has much money. Hindí maláo ng panahòn ang kanya ng

paghihimatày. Her fainting-spell did not last long. Itò y malakì ng

kagamitàn. This has great use, is much used.

It is to be noted that all the modifiers of indefinite quantity, except

máy, which is pretonic, are orthotonic and therefore followed by an

enclitic subject (§ 89): Máy-roon sya ng aklàt. He has no book. But:

May dalawà sya ng anàk. He has two children.

d. Subordinate predications.

111. An entire predication may be used as subject, predicate,

or attribute in a longer sentence. The use of such subordinate

predications is, however, limited (as opposed, e. g., to English usage)

by the habit of freely using transient words (with their modifiers)

as attributes: ang súpot nang kwaltà na kanila ng ibinigày pagdáka

sa kanila ng magúlang the bag of money by-them given at once to their

parents, i. e. ... which they gave.... It is limited, further, by the

freedom of omitting anaphoric elements (§ 87): Ang púno` ay tumúbo

hanggàng sa magbúnga. The tree grew until (sc. it, subject) bore fruit.

112. Predications as predicates occur very frequently. Ang ginawá

nya ay umalìs sya. That done by-him (subject) was went-away he

(predication, as predicate), i. e. What he did was, he went away. Ang

mabúti ay itápun nilà ang manga báta`. The best thing (to do) was

that they should abandon the children. Ang ísip ko y balat lámang nang

itlòg itò. My thought was (i. e. I thought) this was only an egg-shell.

113. Especially common is a whole predication as a predicate describing

or characterizing the subject: Ang kúba ay mahína` ang katawàn. The

hunchback was: weak was his body, i. e. was weak of body. Ang ikapitu

ng báta` ay hindí kináin ang kanya ng tinápay. The seventh child

was: not was-eaten his bread, i. e. did not eat his bread. Ang isa

nyà ng anàk ay pitò nà ng taòn ang gúlang. His one child was now

seven years of age. This construction, together with the use of

impersonal expressions (§ 84) makes possible such a sentence as:

Ang manga karitòn ... ay gabì kung ipalákad. The wagons ... were:

it-was-night when (sc. they, anaphoric subject) were-made-to-go,

i. e. The wagons were driven at night.

114. Direct quotations as predicates are frequent: "Isà!" ang sábi

nang bulàg. "One!" was what the blindman said. "Túnay bagà ng akò y

inìíbig mo?" ang tanòng nang dalága ni Andrès sa kanyà. "Is it really

true that you love me?" was the question of Andrés' young lady to him.

115. A predication as subject is rare: Mabúti táyo y dumoòn sa isa

ng lugàr.... It is best (predicate) that we go to a place.... Hindí

bihíra` ang manga táo y nanghùhúle nang buhày na unggò`. It is not

rare that people go catching live monkeys. It will be noted that

these predications are not objectivized, cf. § 88.

116. Occasionally, however, the predication used as subject is

objectivized: Hindí bihíra` ang magkalunòd ang manga táo. It is

not rare that people get drowned, or The occurrence that people get

drowned is not rare. Súkat nà ang ikàw ay magpasalámat. It is fitting

now that you be thankful.

117. For predications as attributes see the section on attribution.

e. Omission of predicate.

118. The use of a predicate, or of the central element of a predicate

is (like that of any other element, § 87) optional when, if used, it

would be anaphoric: (Si Hwàn namàn ay sumagòt: "Matàr!" at sa hulè)

si Andrès ang kanya ng "Sì!" (Then Juan answered "Matar!" and last)

Andrés his "Si!" The form of the sentence with the predicate (which

is anaphoric from the preceding sumagòt answered) would be: ... si

Andrès ay isinagòt ang kanya ng "Sì!" ... Andrés was: was-answered

his "Si!", i. e. Andrés answered his "Si!",--a sentence of the kind

described in § 113.

3. Attributes.

119. We may distinguish four constructions in which an attribute

may stand: 1. Conjunctive attribution: the attribute is joined by

means of the particle na or ng: isa ng táo a person, one person;

2. Disjunctive attribution: the attribute, which is always an object

expression, stands in a special disjunctive form, ang, for instance,

being changed to nang: ang púno nang unggò` the tree of the monkey;

3. Local attribution: the attribute, which is always an object

expression, stands in a special local form, ang, for instance,

being always changed to sa: nalìlígo sa ílog bathing in the river;

4. Absolute attribution: the attribute merely precedes or follows:

hindí táma` not correct.

In a sense the last three constructions, which do not employ the

particle na, ng, stand opposed to the first, which does. Constructions

2 and 3 make it possible to speak, in a very wide sense, of three

"cases" in which an object expression may stand: "subjective" ang

ílog the river, "disjunctive" nang ílog of the river, and "local"

sa ílog in the river; but it is to be observed that these "cases"

are not confined to any class of words, but appear in any word or

phrase when it stands in the object construction. [7]

120. In position attributes may be:

A. Loosely joined. In this position occur only attributes of a

predicate (or of an entire non-predicative sentence). Their treatment

resembles that of a non-enclitic subject (§ 89): they either precede

the rest of the sentence with ay, y, or follow at the end of the

sentence: Doòn ay syà y nahigà`. There (doòn, loosely joined) he lay

down. Nahánap ko nà ang sombréro sa lahàt nang súlok. I have looked

for the hat in every corner. The phrase beginning with sa is loosely

joined; it follows all the rest of the sentence, including even the

subject, ang sombréro.

In the placing of enclitics a loosely joined attribute is ignored:

Pagulàn ay gamítin mo ang kapóte. When it rains use your rain-coat. The

enclitic mò follows the first orthotonic word of the predicate (which

it modifies), not counting the loosely joined pagulàn.

When a loosely joined attribute precedes, the ay, y is in some cases

left off: Dahil díto tináwag nya ang kaybígan nya. Therefore he called

his friend. The position of the enclitic niyà shows that dahil díto

is loosely joined, but ay, y is not used.

Occasionally a loosely joined attribute is preceded by the subject

and only one ay, y is used: Karanyúwa y ang kosinéro y upahàn. Usually

(loosely joined) the cook is hired; but also: Ang kosinéro karanyúwa

y upahàn.

B. Closely joined. The attribute immediately precedes or follows that

modified: hindí táma` not correct; ang púno nang unggò` the tree of

the monkey.

C. Enclitic. They follow immediately on the first word of the

expression modified, counting closely joined attributes, but not

loosely joined: Hindí ko nàlàláman. Not by-me (it) is-known, i. e. I

don't know. ang mahahába nya ng paà his (niyà enclitic) long legs.

121. Some attributes always precede (so e. g. hindì`, § 239); others

always follow (so, for instance, disjunctive attributes, § 171).

a. Conjunctive attributes.

122. A conjunctive attribute is connected with the word or phrase

which it modifies by the atonic particle na. Normally ng takes the

place of na after a vowel, n, or the glottal stop (see Phonetics):

mabúti ng aklàt good book, or: aklàt na mabúti.

However, na and ng are not exactly equivalent. Predications, longer

phrases, and, frequently, transient expressions are joined with na

even where ng is possible: isa ng malakì ng higànte na nalìlígo`

a big giant who was bathing.

On the other hand, some constructions use na rarely or not at all:

where ng cannot be used the particle is then omitted and we have

absolute attribution. These constructions will be described under

the latter heading.

In the formation of compound words (see Morphology) na is never used,

while ng is a regular element. This latter circumstance sometimes

makes it difficult to determine whether a given expression is a

conjunctive phrase or a compound word.

123. Conjunctive attributes are closely joined and either precede

or follow; for this reason it is sometimes undetermined which of the

elements connected is the attribute, which the element modified.

124. The elements connected by conjunctive attribution are viewed

as constituting a single larger element. Conjunctive attribution is

the normal and general relation between modifier and modified and

includes relations that in many other languages (such as English)

are viewed in manifold ways. We may divide the construction roughly

into three types, although these actually merge into each other:

(1) quality, (2) manner, and (3) complement.

Not included in this division are the cases where conjunctive

attribution alternates with absolute (§ 122), which will be treated

of under the latter heading, and a type which in meaning is so closely

parallel with disjunctive attribution that it will be more economical

to treat it under this head (§§ 165.168).

(1) Conjunctive attributes of quality.

125. Conjunctive attributes of the quality type are used chiefly in

object expressions. They have no fixed order: ang mabúti ng aklàt the

(a) good book, or: ang aklàt na mabúti. ang sumùsúlat na báta` the

writing child, the child that is writing, or: ang báta ng sumùsúlat.

126. When they precede a personal name the whole expression is preceded

by ang, but when they follow si suffices: ang báta ng si Hwàn the

child Juan, little Juan, si Hwà ng Talúnan Juan who is always defeated

(as a nickname).

127. Conjunctive attributes of quality tend to precede when they are

emphatic or in contrast; when fixed they tend to follow: Ang marúnong

na pagòng at ang ulòl na unggò`. The clever turtle and the foolish

monkey. Si Hwà ng Pípe ay nàkíta námin sa tulày. We saw Dumb Juan on

the bridge. ang báo ng babáye the lower half of the cocoanut shell, ang

báo ng malambòt the soft shell of the cocoanut, ang wíka ng Kastíla`

the Spanish language. Especially those expressing material tend to

follow: ang báhay na batò a stone house, ang koróna ng tinìk a crown

of thorns, ang atsára ng papáya papaw salad, pickled papaw, ang tinóla

ng manòk chicken stew, ang sáko ng pálay a sack of rice. A modifier

expressing the special kind always follows: ang sála ng pagnanákaw

the crime which is (i. e. of) theft, ang bísyo ng paginòm the vice

of drinking, ang larò ng taguàn the game which consists of hiding,

the game of hide-and-seek, kanína ng umága a little while ago in the

morning, i. e. this morning, ilà ng óras na pagsasàlitáan a few hours

of conversation, ang bandà ng kataasàn (or: itaàs) the direction

(which is) north, i. e. the north; so: ang bandà ng kababáan (or:

ibabà`) the south, silángan (or: sìlangánan) the east, kalunúran the

west, ang gawì ng kánan the right-hand side, kaliwà` the left.

128. Titles and the like precede: ang báo ng si Maryà the widow Maria.

129. The personal pronouns precede their conjunctive attributes:

sila ng tatlò they three, Si Pédro ay syà ng tumútuktòk. Pedro is

the one who is knocking (§ 106 ff.).

130. The demonstrative pronouns as conjunctive attributes usually

follow: ang táo ng itò this person, this man, ang tatlò ng itò these

three, Ang korbáta ng irè ay bágo. This necktie is new.

Occasionally, however, they precede, especially with a longer

expression. In this case ang is not used (§ 64, end): ito ng súpot ko

nang kwàlta this bag of money of mine; iyo ng úna ng kumalabòg that

first thing which made a thud; Itò ng báhay ang binili kò. This house

is what I bought, It's this house I've bought, This is the house I've

bought (§ 102 ff.).

Under emphasis the demonstrative pronoun may both precede and follow:

ito ng táo ng itò this man here, iyo ng táo ng yaòn that man over

there.

131. The interrogative pronouns precede; ang is not used (§ 65). See

also kaníno, § 168. The meanings of the interrogative pronouns as

conjunctive attributes are:

síno which? (of several known people): sínu ng táo? which one? which

ones?

alìn which? (of several known things): alì ng lugàr which place,

which places? alì ng bandà? which way? (e. g. at a cross-roads)

alì ng manga búnga? which fruits? which ones of the fruits?

anò what? what kind of? (of persons or things not known), also, in

exclamations, what...! what great...! Anu ng ílog itò? What river

is this? ano ng bandà? what direction? which way? (of all possible

points of the compass) anu ng táo what sort of a person? what sort

of people? who? Ano ng hína`! What weakness!

132. The numerative pronouns mostly precede, and the use of ang

is optional (§ 66, end); ibà other, however, requires ang when, as

conjunctive attribute, it begins an object phrase. Of the others,

karamíhan most and the particle báwat every are not used in this

construction, and lahàt all occurs only as modifier of the personal

pronouns, which (by § 129) precede. The particle bála any, on the

other hand, occurs only as conjunctive attribute: ang iba ng báhay

the other house, another house, sila ng lahàt they all, all of them,

bála ng táo any person, anyone, ang bála ng táo any one (of a given

group), boò ng báyan all the town, everybody in town, ang boò ng báyan

the entire town, everybody in the town, ilà ng táo ng matalíno a few

intelligent men, ang ilà ng sandalè` a few moments.

133. The cardinal numerals usually precede; ang is optional (§ 67):

isa ng itlòg one egg, an egg; ang isa ng itlòg the one egg.

134. The tens, hundreds, etc. of the cardinal numerals are always

modified by isà one or a higher unit. The phrase so formed precedes

that counted. The higher numerals are: pù` ten, daàn, raàn hundred,

líbo thousand, laksà` million, yúta` billion: isa ng pù ng táo,

sà m pu ng táo ten men, ápat na raà ng báhay four-hundred houses.

135. The teens are expressed by labì preceding the simple numerals

as conjunctive modifier: labì ng isà ng aklàt eleven books, labì ng

tatlò ng áraw thirteen days.

136. The Spanish numerals, however, (used in dates, § 67) follow:

ang taò ng míle-nobisyèntos-dòs the year 1902.

137. saríle self (see § 175) is used as a conjunctive attribute in

the sense of own: Walá sya ng saríli ng baìt. He has no self-respect

(literally: own respect).

138. Of the modifiers that form expressions of indefinite quantity

all except máy precede as conjunctive attributes; for examples see §

69 f. In object expressions maláon, malakì and marámi do not differ

from normal conjunctive attributes; examples in § 70.

139. Expressions of indefinite quantity as units may stand in

conjunctive attribution. They then have possessive value: ang háre

ng may súngay the king who had horns; ang kapútol na wala ng dáhon

the part without leaves.

140. Conjunctive attribution includes many cases which in English

would be envisaged rather as appositions of two objects: ang báta

ng si Hwàn the boy Juan, si Hwà ng Bíbas Juan the Jester, Sya y may

tánga ng pamálo`. He has hold of a stick. Tángan that grasped, thing

grasped is conjunctive attribute of pamálo` club, stick. ang magának

na sina Bantòg the Bantog family, tatlò ng magkakayibíga ng estudyànte

ng magkababáyan three friends (ng) students (ng) fellow-townsmen,

i. e. three student friends from the same town; ang tatlú ng

magkakaybíga ng si Pédro, si Hwàn, at si Andrès the three friends,

Pedro, Juan, and Andrés; ang salità ng "bámos" the word "vamos".

141. When a longer expression is used as a conjunctive attribute

of quality, it usually follows, and na is often preferred to ng:

ang parúsa na hindí mo gustò the punishment not by-you liked,

i. e. the punishment you don't like; isà ng usà ng nangìngináin sa

gúbat a deer grazing in the jungle; ang isà (sa manga kaybígan nilà)

na sya ng magíging hukòm one (of their friends) who will be judge;

cf. the predicates described in § 106. ang manga kúra na sya ng manga

maliliìt na háre` the priests (who are) those (who are) little kings,

i. e. the priests, those veritable little kings.

142. An object expression is frequently followed by an entire

predication of the type described in § 113, as conjunctive attribute:

Ang tagahúle ay isa ng táo ng ang katungkúlan ay humúle nang ano màn o

síno màn. A catcher is a person (whose) duty is to catch anything or

anyone. ang manga púno-ng-káhoy na masasaràp ang búnga trees (whose)

fruits are tasty; isa ng táo ng malakì ang kapangyaríhan a person

(whose) power is great.

(2) Conjunctive attributes of manner.

143. Conjunctive attributes of manner precede or follow. When they

precede a predicate they stand as the first orthotonic word and are

immediately followed by enclitics (such as an enclitic subject pronoun,

§ 89), after which comes the na or ng, and then the central element of

the predicate: Syà y mabúte ng tumugtòg. She plays (music) well. This

example illustrates the identity of conjunctive attributes of manner

and of quality, for mabúte ng tumugtòg may be looked upon indifferently

as a transient predicate (§ 92) with mabúte well as attribute of

manner, or as an indefinite object predicate (§ 109) a good player,

in which mabúte good is an attribute of quality. Other forms of

the same sentence are: Mabúti sya ng tumugtòg. (siyà enclitic),

Syà y tumugtòg na mabúti. So further: Isípin mo ng mabúti. Consider

it well. Literally: Be-considered by-you (mò enclitic) well. Iyòn

ay tùtúbo na mabúti. It will grow well. Silà y magkakasáma ng

nagsipamarìl. They as-companions (i. e. in company, together) went

hunting. Or: They were companion (quality) hunters. Madalí sya ng

tumakbò. Quickly he ran. Talagà ng mahigpìt ang tapòn nang bóte ng

iyàn. The stopper of that bottle is certainly tight. Mahigpìt tight,

as central element of the predicate, is modified by talagà fated,

by fate, by nature, certainly. Putikà ng dumatìng si Salamìn sa

báhay. "Mirror" (as name of a dog) came home all muddy. Or: ... was a

muddy comer. Paputòl nya ng tinagà` ang bisìg ni Hwàn. He cut Juan's

arm transversely. Kinalaykay kò ng patipòn ang manga sangà ng maliliìt

nang káhoy. I raked into-a-heap the twigs of-the trees.

144. A phrase of more than one word usually follows that modified;

frequently na is used instead of ng: Nádala nyà na hindí sinásadyà`

sa kanya ng pagalìs ang áki ng páyong. Was-taken by-him not intendedly

in his departing my umbrella, i. e. In leaving he inadvertently took

my umbrella.

145. The numerative pronoun lahàt is used as a conjunctive attribute of

manner in the sense of entirely, completely. It follows that modified:

Ang manga lalagyàn ay pùnúa ng lahàt. The containers are entirely full.

146. Expressions of indefinite quantity as conjunctive attributes

of manner follow: Ang manga táo ay nagtakbúha ng walà ng túto. The

people all ran without order, in disorder.

147. The particles lubhà` very and lálo` more usually precede: Lubhà

ng malakì ang gálit ni Pédro. Pedro's wrath was very great. Lálu ng

lumakì ang kanya ng gálit. His wrath grew still greater.

148. The particle mulí` again follows: Tátakbo sya ng mulì`. He will

run again. Ang kamakalawà ay hindí na dárating na mulè`. The day

before yesterday will never come again.

149. A conjunctive attribute of manner may express the time throughout

which: Syà y nanggupìt at nangáhit na maláo ng panahòn. He did

hair-cutting and shaving for a long time. Silà y nagtítira na tatlu

ng áraw. They stay three days. May ila ng bwà ng ang manga útos ay

mahihigpìt. For several months (literally: having several months, §

69, end) the orders were strict.

150. A word repeated as its own conjunctive attribute of manner

expresses a high degree (intensity): Sya y bingì. He is deaf. Sya

y bingì ng bingì. He is stone deaf. Inìt si Pédro. Pedro is hot,

is angry. Inìt na inìt si Pédro. Pedro is in a rage. líhim na líhim

very secretly, malakì ng malakì very large.

(3) Conjunctive attributes as complements.

151. The general sphere of conjunctive attribution includes cases where

one element involves another as result or content. The latter follows

and is in many instances plainly viewed as the attribute. In some

instances, however, the former may just as well be looked upon as a

modifier, usually of quality, sometimes also of manner. The transition

from these latter types to that of the complement appears, indeed,

in all possible stages, and no real boundary can be drawn. Sya y

mabúti ng tumugtòg (nang piyáno). She is a good player (of the piano),

or She plays (the piano) well,--see § 143--can be analyzed also: She

is good that (she, anaphoric subject omitted, § 87) plays the piano;

and in some instances this last analysis is the only possible one.

Other examples illustrating the merging of the three types we

have set up are the following: Malápit na siya ng makatápos nang

karéra. He was already near that (he) end his course, i. e. near

ending his course, almost through his course; or: a near ender,

cf. isa ng báya ng malápit a near-by town. Ang pagmamarúnong ni Hwàn

ay ginágawa ng katatawanàn nang manga nakàkàkilála sa kanyà. Juan's

pretending to be wise is made fun of by those who know him, literally:

... is-being-made (ginágawà`) that (it) is a laughing-stock, or else:

... a being-made laughing-stock. Cf. ang gawì ng húkay the to-be-made

ditch, i. e. the ditch that is to be made, where only the quality

interpretation is possible. Magtúlin ka ng lumákad. Walk faster. This

can be interpreted as Be a fast walker, or Walk faster, or Be-quick

that (you) walk; and this last interpretation comes nearest to the

original in so far as magtúlin is an active transient form used

in commands rather than an expression suited to an idea of quality

or of manner. Sya y nagdàdahilà ng may sakìt. He alleges that (he)

is sick. Ang pagsakày sa kabáyo ay hindí magaà ng pagarálan. Riding

horseback is not easy that (it) be-learned, i. e. not easy to learn,

or: not an easy thing-to-be-learned. ang pinakamahúsay na magsalità`

nang Latìn the best that (he) should speak Latin, or: the best speaker

of Latin; Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don't go as a spy (or to

be a spy), Juan. Ginawá nya si Hwàn na barbéro nang háre`. Was-made

by-him Juan that (he) be barber of-the king, i. e. He made Juan barber

royal. Si Hwàn ay pinamàmagatàn nang marámi na isa ng doktò. Juan is

reputed by the people that (he) is (i. e. as) a learned man.

152. The simplest cases are those where both of the expressions

connected by na, ng refer to the same person or thing, as in the

above examples. The following are less doubtful cases of complement

construction of this kind: Nagpùpumílit sya ng màtúto. He strives to

get educated. Si Hwàn at si Maryà ay nagkásundo ng pakasàl. Juan and

Maria have agreed that they (i. e. to) get married. Inanyáhan silà

ni Hwàn na magpasyàl. They were invited by Juan that they (i. e. to)

go walking. Maári mo ngà ng ihúlug sa koréyo ang áki ng súlat? Can

you please mail my letter? Literally: maári ... ng ihúlug a possible

thing-to-be thrown or capable that (it) be thrown. Naàári akò ng malígo

makálawa maghápon. I am able that (I) bathe (i. e. to bathe) twice

a day. Pinabayáan niya kamì ng umalìs. We were permitted by him to

depart. Hinantày nya ng matápus ang mísa. The mass was-awaited by-him

that it end, i. e. He waited until the mass was ended. Anò ang gustu mu

ng sabíhin? What is desired by-you that (it) be-said? i. e. What do you

mean to say? Hindí ko gustò ng màkatálo si Hwàn. Not by-me desired that

(he) be-opposed is Juan, i. e. I don't want Juan to be my opponent.

153. Clear cases of the complement construction are those in which

the two elements connected refer to different persons or things:

Nagyayá sya ng umuwè`. He advised that (they, anaphoric) go home. (34,

12.) Ang pagkámasìd nya sa lángit ay syà ng nagpakilála sa kanyà na

úulàn. His glance at the sky was what showed him that (it, see § 84)

was going to rain.

154. When the former of the two elements is an object expression (or

similar element) the complement construction is evident: ang kaibigà

ng màtúto the desire that (he) get educated, i. e. the desire to

get an education. ang pagkágusto nyà na kumáin nang nyòg his desire

that (he) should-eat cocoanuts, i. e. to eat.... Anu ng tagàl nya ng

sumísid! What endurance of-him that (he) stay under water! i. e. How

long he stays under water! Ano ng hína mo ng lumákad! What slowness

of-you that (you) walk! i. e. How slowly you walk! Ang tagasulsè ay

isa ng babáye ng may katungkúla ng manahì` o manulsè nang manga púnit

nang damìt. A darning-woman is a woman having the duty that (she) patch

or mend the small holes in clothing, i. e. ... whose duty is to....

155. A further sign that the speech-feeling envisages the complement

construction as different from the constructions of quality or

manner appears when enclitics follow the first word of the complement

(i. e. of the second of the connected elements) rather than the first

word of the sentence: this shows that the complement is viewed as a

relatively independent element within the sentence: Maári ngà ng ihúlug

mo sa koréyo ang áki ng súlat? Should-be-capable that (it) be-thrown

by-you into the mail (predicate) my letter (subject)? i. e. Can you

please mail my letter? Cf. under § 152 above.

156. Very frequently the complement is an entire predication: ang

panukála` na ang púno` ay tùtúbo` the thought that the tree will

grow; pagkátanaw nyà na dumárating ang susò` (at the) seeing by-him

i. e. when he sees that the snail is arriving; ang áraw na kayò ay

dápat magsipagsísi the day that (i. e. when) you ought to repent;

Nagkàkapálad ang manùnúbok na màkíta nya ang kúlam. The spier has the

good fortune that be-seen by-him the magic principle, i. e. ... to

see....

157. A predication as complement is often parallel with a disjunctive

object modifier, i. e. with an object expression used as direct,

instrumental, or local object (§ 184 ff.): Sya y nagsábi ng sya

y marúnong gumupìt nang buhòk. He said that he knew how to cut

hair. Ang bulàg ay nagakála ng gawì ng katatawanàn ang pagkahúlog nang

kúba`. The blindman thought that the falling of the hunchback should

be made (sc. niyà by-him, anaphoric) that (it) be a laughing-stock,

i. e. decided to make fun of the falling ...; that which one says or

thinks, with sábi and akála`, is also expressed as a direct object.

158. Similarly, predications as complements are, in impersonal

constructions, parallel with a subject: Sinábi nya ng sya y marúnong

gumupìt nang buhòk. Was-said by-him that he was able to cut hair,

i. e. He said he knew how to cut hair. Hindí bihíra` na ang isa ng

táo y pamagatà ng médiko-ng-mangkukúlam. It is not rare that a man is

reputed as a witch-doctor. Cf. the example of predication as subject

in § 116. Hinilìng nya sa unggò` na dikdikìn sya sa lusòng. It was

begged by him of the monkey that he be brayed in the mortar, i. e. He

begged the monkey to bray him in the mortar. Pinabayáan niya na kamì

y umalìs. It was allowed by him that we depart, i. e. He allowed us

to depart, a less usual form than that in § 152. Totoo ngá na akò

y naparoòn sa Balíwag. It is true that I went to Baliwag. Maàári pú

ba ng kayò y maghintò`? Will it be possible please that you should

stop? i. e. Can you please stop? Inísip nya ng magnákaw sa isa

ng tindáhan. It was planned by him that (he) rob a shop, i. e. He

planned to.... Iniyútus nya ng humúkay. It was ordered by him that

(one, see § 86) should dig, i. e. He ordered people to dig. Hindí

mo gustò ng màhúle ka. Not by-you it-is-desired that you be-caught,

i. e. You don't want to be caught.

159. A direct quotation may have the same construction as a

predication: Sinábi nya ng "Bámos!" It-was-said by-him, namely

"Vamos!" i. e. He said "Vamos!"

b. Disjunctive attributes.

160. Only object expressions are used as disjunctive attributes,

and all object expressions have a special form for this use.

161. Those beginning with ang substitute for this particle the atonic

particle nang: ang púno nang unggò` the tree of the monkey, ang laruwàn

nang báta ng si Hwàn the toy of the boy Juan; little Juan's toy, toys.

162. Those beginning with si (§§ 59. 126) substitute for this

the atonic particle ni; those beginning with sinà (or silà, § 60)

substitute nilà (or ninà), pretonic: ang amà ni Hwàn Juan's father,

ang báhay nila Hwàn the house of Juan and his family.

163. The personal pronouns as disjunctive attributes take the

following forms: kò my, nità of us two, nátin our (inclusive),

námin our (exclusive); mò thy, niniyò, ninyò your; niyà, nyà his,

her, nilà their.

The monosyllabic forms kò and mò are always enclitic, the others

usually: Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don't know, literally: Not by-me (it)

is-known. ang báhay nya his, her house, ang mahahába nya ng paà his

long legs, ang hindí karanyúwa ng talíno nyà his unusual talents

(niyà not enclitic).

164. When these enclitics meet an enclitic subject, they precede,

unless by the general rule (§ 47) the monosyllabic subject kà

precedes a disyllabic disjunctive (including niyà, nyà): Saàn mo sya

nàkíta? Where by-you he was-seen? i. e. Where did you see him? Binigyàn

nya akò nang aklàt. Was-given by-him I a book, i. e. He gave me

a book. Baká mo iyàn màbúlag. Perhaps by-you it might-be-blinded,

i. e. See that you don't blind it. Hindí ka námin dinatnàn. Not you

by-us were found-there, i. e. We did not find you in.

165. The personal pronouns have another form, which is used as

a conjunctive attribute of quality (cf. § 124, end) and always

precedes that modified: its meaning, however, is the same as that of

the disjunctive forms just given. These prepositive forms are: ákin

my, kanità thy and my, átin our (inclusive), ámin our (exclusive);

iyò thy, iniyò, inyò your; kaniyà, kanyà his, her, kanilà their,

kaní-kanilà their respective, several, various.

Examples: Anò ang iyo ng ngálan? What is your name? or: Anò ang ngálan

mo? ang áki ng amà my father, or: ang ama kò, ang kanya ng báhay his,

her house, ang kanyà ng mahahába ng paà his long legs, ang kanità

ng kwaltà our money (i. e. thine and mine), ang kaní-kanilà ng báhay

their several houses.

Only a demonstrative pronoun modifier precedes these prepositive forms:

iyà ng iyo ng sambalílo ng lúma` that old hat of yours. Exceptions

are rare: ang karanyúwa ng kanila ng kantahìn their usual song;

what they usually sing.

166. The demonstrative pronouns, whether standing alone (§ 64)

or as modifiers at the beginning of an object expression (§ 130),

have the following disjunctive forms: nirè of this (right here),

nitò of this, niyàn, nyàn of that, niyòn, nyòn, noòn of that (over

there). Ang kúlay nirì ng korbáta ng irè ay nàpàpagítan sa itèm at

sa pulà. The color of this necktie (I have on) is between black and

red. ang dúlo nitò the end of this, ang anàk niyòn that one's child

(e. g. with pointing gesture), ang báhay niyo ng táo ng yaòn the house

of that man over there, ang anàk noo ng táo ng iyòn the child of that

man over there. The form noòn is used chiefly when the disjunctive

attribute expresses time (§ 192).

167. The interrogative pronoun síno, whether used alone or standing

first in an object expression as attribute (§ 131), has the disjunctive

form níno whose? This form, however, is little used, for, while the

interrogative pronoun is usually emphatic and tends to come first

(§ 96), a disjunctive attribute follows that modified (§ 171). Hence

the form níno is used only under peculiar conditions of emphasis: Ang

sambalílo níno? Whose hat (did you say)? Ibinigày sa iyò níno? Given

to you by whom? Sinábi sa iyo níno? Told to you by whom?

168. Instead of níno a prepositive form, kaníno, explicit plural

kaní-kaníno, is ordinarily used; like the prepositive forms of

the personal pronouns it stands in conjunctive attribution and

precedes that modified. Before it the use of ang is optional (§§

65.131); when ang is used the expression is more definite: Kaníno

ng sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of a given hat is inquired

after) Ang kaníno ng sambalílo? Whose hat? (the ownership of each

hat is known; the question asks merely which of them is involved)

Kaníno ng aklàt iyàn? Whose book have you there?

169. The prepositive forms of the personal pronouns and of síno are

used also as static predicates expressing possession: Ang librò ng

binàbása mo kahápon ay ákin. The book you were reading last night is

mine. Kaníno ang aklàt na iyàn? Whose is that book? Kaní-kaníno ang

manga báhay na itò? Whose are these houses? The personal pronouns

may be followed by saríle own (cf. § 137): Ang laruwà ng itò y áki

ng saríle. This toy is my own.

170. All other expressions which lack ang,--that is, the remaining

interrogative pronouns, the numerative pronouns, the cardinal numerals,

and object expressions in which these as modifiers stand first (§

131 ff.),--prefix nang, atonic, when used as disjunctive attributes:

Sa itaàs nang anò? On top of what? Takìp nang alì ng kahòn itò? Of

which box is this the cover? ang panukálà nang karamíhan the opinion

of the majority; Nakàkíta akò nang isa ng táo. I saw a man.

171. All disjunctive attributes are closely joined and follow that

which they modify. The only exceptions are the enclitic pronoun forms

and expressions of time (§ 192). A disjunctive attribute precedes a

subject: Binigyàn nya nang aklàt si Hwàn. He gave Juan some books. When

the subject is enclitic, it of course precedes: Binigyàn nya si Hwàn

nang aklàt. Real exceptions, in which a non-enclitic subject precedes

a disjunctive attribute, are not common: Ipinakìkipagpútol ni Hwàn si

Pédro nang labòng. Juan is asking someone to cut some bamboo-shoots

for Pedro.

172. In meaning disjunctive attribution includes almost all cases

in which an object element is viewed as the attribute of another

element in the sentence. The only exception is the sphere of relations

expressed by local attribution (§ 195 ff.). The meanings may, very

roughly, be divided into seven groups: (1) possessive-partitive, (2)

agent, (3) direct object, (4) instrumental object, (5) local object,

(6) manner, (7) time.

173. (1) Possessive-partitive modifier: ang kanya ng báhay, ang

báhay nya his house, ang púno nang unggò` the tree of the monkey,

ang púno nang káhoy the tree (literally head of wood), ang púno nang

ságing the banana-tree, Sa itaàs nang anò? On top of what? Nasúnog

ang kalahátì nang púno`. Half of the tree got burned up. Ang báyad

sa útang ni Pédro ay lábis nang dalawà ng píso. The payment made to

settle Pedro's debt is too great by two pesos. ang óras nang alaskwátro

the hour of four o'clock, Isà ng sundálo ng marúnung nang Latìn. A

soldier who knew Latin, literally: having-knowledge of Latin. ang

sáko nang pálay a rice-sack (cf. § 127), ang larú nang baráha a game

of cards, cf. ang larò ng taguàn (§ 127) a game consisting of hiding,

hide-and-seek, ang katapusàn nang gabì the end of the night; cf. ang

katapusà ng gabì the night which was the end, the last night, ang

ilà ng sandalì nang pagsasàlitáan a few moments of the conversation;

cf. ang ilà ng sandalì ng pagsasàlitáan a few moments (which consisted)

of conversation. Note: ang báyan nang Balíwag the town of Baliwag,

ang provìnsya nang Pampànga the province of Pampanga.

174. The pronoun lahàt as an object expression is followed by this

kind of attribute: lahàt nang táo all (of) the people.

175. As an object expression saríle self is modified by disjunctive

pronouns: ang kanyà ng saríle his self. Similarly saríle as conjunctive

attribute, in the sense of own: Walá sya ng baìt sa kanya ng saríli. He

does not do even himself any good. ang saríle nila ng bànda nang

músika their own band of music; Ang kanya ng saríli ng barìl ang

kanya ng ginámit. It was his own gun he used, What he used was his

own gun. Cf. §§ 137 and 169, end.

176. The modifier may be an entire predication: sa lugàr nang magkasirá

silà in place of the (occurrence that) they should become enemies,

i. e. instead of their becoming enemies.

177. Here belongs further the disjunctive attribute with words

expressing association, companionship, or equality: Si Hwána ay

siyà ng kabùlúngan ni Maryà. Juana is the one with whom Maria is

whispering. Ang mésa ng itò ay kasingkúlay nang kahòn. This table is

of the same color as the chest. Si Hwàn ay kapantày ni Pédro. Juan

is of the same height as Pedro. Kalákip nang súlat ko ng itò ay limà

ng píso. Enclosed with this my letter are five pesos. gáya ko like me.

178. Similar is the use of a disjunctive modifier expressing one of

the objects, with expressions involving dual or plural ideas: silà

ni Maryà they with Maria, i. e. Maria and he (88,42), silà ng dalawà

ni Maryà (92,17).

179. Here belongs the disjunctive attribute in exclamatory sentences

expressing the high degree of a quality; these are formed with anò

(§ 131) and with words with prefix ka- (§ 76): Ano ng hína mo! What

weakness of-you! i. e. How weak you are! Anu ng luwàt nang hindí

nya pagdatìng! What duration of his not arriving! i. e. How long he

is getting here! Kapulà nang panyo ng iyòn! What-great-redness of

that handkerchief! i. e. How red that handkerchief is! Karúnong nang

báta ng si Hwàn! How much little Juan knows! Kaytipìd na báta` ni

Hwàn! How-saving a child of Juan! i. e. What an economical boy Juan is!

180. In the preceding and related constructions the attribute may be an

entire predication: Kamuntí nang màtamaàn ang báta`! What-little-lack

of the (occurrence that) the child should-be-hit! i. e. How near

the child came to being hit! Muntí nang máliguwak ang dala nyà ng

pulòt. Little-wanting of-the (occurrence that) should-be-spilled

the borne by-him honey, i. e. The honey he was carrying came near

being spilled.

181. (2) A disjunctive attribute expressing the agent corresponds

in sense to the subject of an active transient predicate. When it

modifies a transient word, the corresponding active can be formed:

Sinúlat nya ang líham. He wrote the letter; literally: Was-written

by-him (agent) the letter. Isinúlat nya ang kwènto. He wrote down the

story. Sinulátan nya akò. He wrote to me. The corresponding active

is: Syà y sumúlat.... He wrote.... Cf. § 92. So further: Pinútol

nya ang káhoy. The wood was cut by him; active: Syà y pumútol nang

káhoy. He cut some wood. Kinúha nya ang librò. The book was taken

by him; active: Syà y kumúha nang librò. He took some book. Áki ng

binitíwan ang bóte. By-me was-let-go-of the bottle, i. e. I let go of

the bottle; active: Bumitìw akò.... Ang hiniràm nya ng kampìt ay iyo

ng kúnin. The borrowed by-him (agent) kitchen-knife by-you (agent)

is to be taken, i. e. Take the kitchen-knife he borrowed.

When the word modified is not transient no clear line can be drawn

between disjunctive attributes of agent and of possessor: ang kanyà

ng pagdatìng his arrival, his arriving, or: the arriving by him,

ang gámit nya ng librò the book used by him, ang paupó ni Hwà ng

sùgálan the gambling-party invited by Juan, ang dala nyà ng pulòt

the honey he is or was carrying, Ang larò ng taguàn ay gustò nang

manga báta`. The game of hide-and-seek is liked by children. Hindí ko

gustò ang librò ng itò; ibà ang áki ng gustò. I don't want this book;

it is a different one I want.

182. When disjunctive agent is the speaker (kò by me or its substitute

áki ng) and the subject is the person addressed (ikàw, kà thou), the

pronoun kità usually takes the place of both. This is the commoner

value of kità (cf. § 63): Sùsungangáin kità. I'll smash your face; the

subject of this direct passive expression is the person addressed, the

agent the speaker: Ikàw ay áki ng sùsungangáin would be an unidiomatic

equivalent. Ipaglálaba kità nang damìt. I shall wash your clothes for

you. The predicate is instrumental passive, with you, the person for

whom, as subject. Hàhatdan kità nang gátas. I shall deliver milk to

you; local passive.

Occasionally the agent is redundantly added: Kità ay áki ng

parùrusáhan. I shall punish you.

183. A disjunctive agent is used with the words expressing recent

completion of an act with prefix ka- and reduplication: (§ 77):

Karárating ko pa lámang! I have only just arrived. Kakàkáin ko pa

lámang! I have only just finished eating.

184. (3) A disjunctive attribute expressing the direct object

corresponds to the subject of a direct passive transient predicate: Sya

y kumáin nang kánin. He ate some boiled rice. Passive: Kináin nya ang

kánin. Was-eaten by-him the boiled rice, i. e. He ate the boiled rice.

It will be seen that when the direct object is definite it is more

likely to serve as subject of a passive predicate (§ 94); hence

the disjunctive attribute expressing a direct object has often an

indefinite partitive value. Syà y sumúlat nang líham. He wrote some

letters. Syà y pumútol nang káhoy. He cut some wood. Bigyàn mo akò

niyà ng túbig. Give me some of that water. Katátagpi ko niyòn! I

have just finished mending that! Sya y naghintày nang sàsabíhin nang

sundálo. He awaited that which was going to be said by the soldier.

185. (4) A disjunctive attribute expressing the instrument corresponds

to the subject of an instrumental passive transient predicate:

Syà y sumúlat nang kwènto. He wrote down a story, stories. Passive:

Isinúlat nya ang kwènto. Was-written-down by-him the story, i. e. He

wrote down the story.

The indefinite value of the disjunctive attribute is here due to the

same relation as in the preceding type. Pinútol nya nang gúlok ang

káhoy. The wood was cut by him with a bolo; instrumental passive:

Ipinútol nya nang káhoy ang gúlok. Was-used-for-cutting by-him of

wood the bolo, i. e. He cut wood with the bolo. Binigyàn nya akò nang

aklàt. He gave me a book.

186. So a direct quotation or an entire predication: Ang bulàg

ay sumigàw nang "Tatlò!" The blindman shouted "Three!"; passive:

Isinigàw nang bulàg ang "Tatlò!" Ang báwat isa sa kanilà ay sumagòt

nang súngay ang kanila ng nàkìkíta. Each one answered that horns were

what they saw.

187. (5) Disjunctive attributes of place correspond to the subject of

a local passive transient predication: Syà y pumanhìk nang báhay. He

entered a house; passive: Pinanhikàn nya ang báhay. He entered the

house. Ang pagòng ay nagumpisà nang pagsisigàw. The turtle began (a)

shouting; passive: Inumpisahàn nang pagòng ang pagsisigàw.

These attributes are in meaning rather close to local attributes

(§ 203); as opposed to the latter they are, however, the real

correspondents of the subject of a local passive transient predication,

expressing a real participation of the object in the action or

occurrence,--whereas the local attributes express the place of the

action as something more or less unaffected and independent.

188. (6) Disjunctive attributes of manner do not correspond to any

kind of subject. When they are used with a transient word the sentence

may, however, be reversed so as to make of the attribute a transient

predicate of a sentence in which the action (as subject) is spoken

of as being "made such and such". Tumakbò sya nang matúlin. He ran

fast. The words nang matúlin are the disjunctive form of an object

expression, ang matúlin, which would resemble German das schnelle. Our

sentence corresponds to: Tinulínan nya ang pagtakbò. Was-made-fast

by-him his running, He ran fast. Syà y tumáwa nang malakàs. He

laughed aloud, cf. Inilakas nyà ang pagtáwa. He made his laughing

loud. ... mànákaw nang hindí nito nàlàláman should be stolen in the

manner of not by-him known, i. e. should be stolen without his knowing

it. mataàs nang kauntè` higher by a little, a little higher.

189. Expressions of indefinite quantity are used in this way: Silà

y nagtakbúhan nang wala ng hintò`. They ran without stopping. This

construction is in rivalry with that of conjunctive attribution

(§ 146).

190. The demonstrative pronouns and the interrogative pronoun anò are

not used as attributes of manner; for this value they have separate

derivatives: ganitò, ganiyàn, gayòn or ganoòn, and gaáno or gáno. These

forms, moreover, occur also as static predicates and as conjunctive

attributes of quality: ang báwat sumagòt nang ganitò every one who

answered in this way; this could be viewed also as an instrumental

object. Ganitò ang kalàgáyan nilà. Their condition was like this. ang

ganitò ng manga paglalarò` such games as this; Ganyàn ba lámang ang

kínis mo? Is your skill merely like that? Nakàsúlat akò kay Hwàn nang

gayòn dahilàn sa malakì ko ng pagkagálit. I came to write like that

(or such things, cf. instrumental object) to Juan through my great

anger. Ganoòn ang áki ng pagkárinìg. That was the way (i. e. the form

in which) I heard the thing. Ang gayù ng pananalità` that manner of

speaking, that expression. gánu ng pagpílit? how much effort? Gaáno ang

pagkakagalìt nila? How great, how serious is their quarrel? (Cf. § 96).

191. A special case of the disjunctive attribute of manner is the

repetition of a word as its own disjunctive modifier, expressing

continuity or insistence of action: Humábà nang humába`. It grew

longer and longer. Ang kanila ng báon ay umuntí nang umuntì`. Their

provisions grew less and less. Si Hwàn ay táwa nang táwa. Juan laughs

and laughs. Bilì nang bilì si Hwàn nang pálay. Juan keeps buying rice.

192. (7) Disjunctive attributes of time express the time when of an

occurrence in the past. They differ from other disjunctive attributes

in being often loosely joined, in which case they may precede. Pumaroòn

sila nang hápon. They went there in the afternoon. So: nang umága

in the morning, noò ng tagáraw (nang taò ng míle-nobisyèntos-dòs)

in the summer (of the year 1902). Nang umulàn ay ginámit ko ang

kapóte. When it rained I used my rain-coat. Nàlákad sina Pédro nang

hindì óras. Pedro and his party had to start at a time not planned;

literally: when not time.

193. Complete predications as disjunctive attributes of time are

common. It is as though the whole predication were objectivized:

Nang dumatìng ako doòn ay sya y walá na. When I arrived there he

was already gone. Noo ng sya y bágo ng táo pa lámang.... When he was

still but a young man....

194. Anaphorically determined disjunctive attributes are often

omitted. Íbig nya ng kánin ang súha`. Desired by-him that

be-eaten (by-him) the grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the

grape-fruit. Nanghingí sya sa kanya ng manga kapatìd. He asked his

brothers and sisters (for some). Hindí nila sya binigyàn. He was not

given (any) by them, They did not give him any.

c. Local attributes.

195. An object expression in local attribution expresses a local

circumstance of that which is modified, such as the place in, to,

or from which, that from whose midst, that about which or owing to

which, the person to whom, etc.

196. In this construction initial si is replaced by kay (atonic),

sinà by kinà (pretonic), and ang by sa (atonic); object expressions

which begin with none of these particles take sa: Si Pédro ay galìt

kay Hwàn. Pedro is angry at Juan. Nakitúluy kamì kina Pédro. We asked

hospitality of Pedro's family. Syà y nanáog sa báhay. He came out of

his house. sa boo ng báyan in the whole town.

Rarely both sa and kay precede a personal name: Itò y nàtúto sa kay

Mayèstro ng Hwàn. This one got his training from Teacher Juan. ang

pagkàbúhay nang médiko sa kay Hwàn the doctor's saving of Juan's life.

197. The personal pronouns and síno take their prepositive forms after

sa: Ibinigày nya sa ákin ang aklàt. Was-given by-him to me the book,

i. e. He gave me the book.

198. In a peculiar construction these prepositive forms are preceded

by the particle ganà as a conjunctive attribute, in the sense of so

far as ... is concerned: Sa ganà ng ákin sya y maàári ng umalìs. So

far as I am concerned he may leave.

199. The demonstrative pronouns and anò never stand in local

attribution, see § 263 f.

200. Whole predications are rarely used as local attributes:

Dumatìng ang dalága ng itò sa dalawa ng pù ng taòn ang gúlang. This

young woman arrived at (the time when) her age was twenty years,

i. e. reached the age of twenty years.

201. Local attributes are mostly closely joined and as a rule follow

that which they modify, taking precedence of a disjunctive attribute

or of a subject: ang nagbigày sa ákin nang aklàt na itò the giver to

me of this book, the one who gave me this book (Bayad nà) ang útang

sa ákin ni Hwàn. Juan's debt to me (has been paid). Ibigày mo kay Hwàn

ang librò. Be-given by-you to Juan the book, i. e. Give Juan the book.

Often, however, a disjunctive attribute which is felt to belong closely

to what precedes, comes before a local attribute: Bayad-útang ni Hwàn

sa ákin ang relòs na itò. This watch is Juan's debt-payment to me.

Occasionally the local attribute precedes the expression modified:

Syà y sa bangkà` nang manga babáe nakíkisakày. He goes along into the

canoe of the women. Sa kabilà ng bandà mo ibwàl ang púno ng iyàn. Make

that tree fall in the direction away from me.

202. Very frequently, however, local attributes are loosely joined,

preceding or following; in the former case ay, y is sometimes omitted:

Sa Báya-ng-San-Migèl ay nangyáre ang isa ng nakawàn. In the town of San

Miguel a robbery took place. Hindí makadádala si Pédro nang kahòn sa

kabigatàn nilà. Pedro will not be able to carry any boxes, on account

of their heaviness. Sa ganà ng ákin sya y maàári ng umalìs. So far

as I am concerned he can go. (§ 198).

203. We have seen that disjunctive attribution expresses the relation

of objects (direct object, local object, instrumental object, §§

184, 185, 187) to an action, provided that these objects are more

or less indefinite. If they are quite definite, they are preferably

made subjects in a passive construction. Frequently, however, they

are instead put into local attribution, which thus competes with these

types of disjunctive attribution, but involves a more definite object:

Ang báhay na batò ay ang áki ng pinaghàhatdàn nang gátas. The stone

house is the place to which I am delivering milk (instrumental object),

i. e. I am delivering milk to the stone house; but: Ang báhay na batò

ay ang áki ng pinaghàhatdàn sa báta`. The stone house is where I am

bringing the child. (nang báta` would be a child or children).

It follows that the personal pronouns, which always refer to definite

persons, cannot stand as disjunctive objects of transient words,

but stand instead in local attribution: Ang báhay na batò ay ang áki

ng pinaghàhatdàn sa kanyà. The stone house is the place where I am

taking him.

Similarly a personal name: Ibigày mo kay Hwàn ang librò. Give Juan

the book; cf. Bigyàn mo nang librò si Hwàn. Give Juan a book; "Juan"

could not figure as disjunctive local object.

204. In many cases, however, these local attributes differ from

disjunctive attributes and from the corresponding subjects of passive

constructions: the local attribute represents the object as more

externally involved and less thoroughly concerned in the occurrence:

Humúkay sila nang bakúran. They dug up some yards. Hinukáyan nilà ang

bakúran. They dug up the yard. In both sentences a serious change,

such as unauthorized tampering, is implied; but: Humúkay sila sa

bakúran. They dug in the yard, merely tells where they did their

digging. Sya y pumanhìk nang báhay. He entered a house (or houses),

perhaps illicitly; the house is viewed as in some way affected

or intimately involved in the action; so also: Pinanhikàn nya ang

báhay. He entered the house; but: Sya y pumanhìk sa báhay. He went

into the house, He went into his house.

205. In other cases, where a transient predicate is not involved,

the same difference appears: the local attribute is a mere scene or

attendant circumstance, the disjunctive a real factor: Ang pagtatábon

nang manga húkay na itò ay tapus nà. The filling up of these ditches

is now finished, i. e. These ditches are filled up now; but: Ang

pagtatábon sa manga húkay ay mahírap. Filling earth into ditches is

hard work. karamíhan nang manga táo most of the people; karamíhan sa

kanilà most of them; sa ganitò under these circumstances; nang ganitò

(§ 190) thus, in this manner.

206. Expressions of time as local attributes denote future time when;

occasionally also past time: Páparoòn akò sa makalawà. I shall go

there the day after tomorrow. So: sa lúnes next Monday, cf. noò ng

lúnes last Monday. Pího akò ng páparoòn sa alasìngko. I will surely

go there at five o'clock. Sa gabi ng iyòn.... That night....

207. With jussive words with prefix pa- (see Morphology) the person

ordered to do so-and-so is viewed as a local feature: Ipinagupìt ko sa

barbéro ng si Hwàn ang buhòk ni Andrès. Was-ordered-to-be-cut by-me

of-the barber Juan the hair of Andrés, i. e. I ordered the barber

Juan to cut Andrés' hair.

208. Rarely an expression in local attribution is used as a conjunctive

attribute in an object expression: it precedes and has the meaning

of a disjunctive attribute of possessor: ang sa ibà ng táo ng kawáyan

other people's bamboo, or: ang kawáyan nang ibà ng táo.

209. This construction is much commoner when that owned is

anaphorically omitted: ang sa pagòng that of the turtle, the turtle's,

i. e. ang púno nang pagòng. So: ang sa kanyà his, hers.

210. In other cases anaphoric omission of an element modified by a

local attribute is less common: ang pagsakày sa trèn sa lugàr nang sa

karumáta the riding on the train in place of the (sc. pagsakày riding)

in the carriage.

211. A static predicate may have the form of a local attribute: Sa

linggò ang áki ng lúlan sa trèn. On (next) Sunday my embarking on the

train, i. e. Next Sunday I shall take the train. Ang uupà ng itò ay

sa háre`. This seat is for the king.

212. The particle sa has a number of derivatives which are transient

in meaning, but otherwise have the same construction as sa; they are

pretonic. Sya y nása Mayníla`. He is in Manila. Sya y nása kanya

ng báhay. He is in his house. Ang tinterúhan ay nása bíngit nang

lamésa. The inkwell is at the edge of the table. For these forms

see Morphology.

d. Absolute attributes.

213. Absolute attribution, in which no particle is used, is confined to

certain expressions and types of expressions. Some absolute attributes

and some of the particles introducing absolute attributes end in -ng

or -t; these may contain the particle ng or at (§ 313).

We may divide the cases of absolute attribution into six types,

although these are not fully distinct from one another: (1) enclitic

particles, (2) prepositive particles, (3) single words used as

attributes of manner and time, (4) absolute complements, (5) words

used with disjunctive and local attributes, (6) words introducing

subordinate phrases or predications.

(1) enclitic particles.

214. The enclitic particles which are used as absolute attributes

follow a monosyllabic enclitic pronoun (kà, kò, mò) but precede a

disyllabic enclitic pronoun (including niyà, nyà, siyà, syà). Among

themselves they follow the general rule: monosyllabic enclitics

precede disyllabic enclitics (§ 47).

215. bà is expressive of interrogation in yes-and-no questions

and often in others: Máy-roon ba silà ng ginawà`? Have they

done anything? Máy-roon ka bà ng gàgawìn? Have you anything to

do? Ipinùpútol mo ba akò nang tubò? Will you cut some sugar-cane for

me? Pinapagpùpútol ba nila syà nang káhoy? Does he get ordered by them

to cut wood? i. e. Do they have him cut wood? Ano bà ang inilùlútu

mo? What is it you are cooking? Anu ba kayò? What sort of people are

you? Hindí mu ba nàkíta si Hwàn sa teyátro? Didn't you see Juan at

the theatre? Ang iyo bà ng kapatìd? Your sister? See §§ 223. 229.

216. bagà throws more stress on the interrogation: Ikàw bagà y

nagasáwa? Did you (ever) get married? See §§ 290. 317.

217. dàw, ràw expresses that the sentence represents the saying of

someone other than the speaker; the person so quoted may be the agent

of the sentence itself: Pagkà pinapagpútol mo ràw sya nang kawáyan ay

làláyas syà. When he is ordered by you to cut bamboo, he will leave,

I am told, or: he will leave, he says. Ang paguupú raw nya sa damò ay

mabúti sa kanyà. He says (or: They say) his habit of sitting on the

grass is good for him. It is sometimes used pleonastically, see the

example in § 278.

218. dìn, rìn expresses that the expression modified (which may

be the whole sentence or an element within the sentence) is like a

corresponding earlier idea: Ako rìn ang nagpalígo sa báta`. It was I,

too, that bathed the child (beside the other things I did), i. e. I

also bathed the child. Si Hwan dìn ang naglínis nang kabalyerésa. Juan

also cleaned a stable or stables (beside the other things he did). Si

Hwàn ay naglínis rìn nang kabalyerésa. Juan, too, cleaned stables. Here

dìn is an attribute of naglínis nang kabalyerésa: this act has been

performed by Juan even as by others previously spoken of or known

of. Si Hwána ay naglúto nang estopádo; kamakalawà naglútu rin akò

nang estopádo. Juana cooked meat-stew; day-before-yesterday I too

cooked meat-stew. Iyo ng úna ng kumalabòg ay akò, ang ikalawà ay ako

rìn. That first thing which came down with a thud was I, the second

was I again. Nahúlog dìn syà. He fell down again. Káhit na madilìm

ang gabì ay nagpasyal dìn si Pédro. Although the night was dark,

Pedro none the less (i. e. even as at other times) took a walk.

Thus dìn is especially common in expressions of identity: Kahápon

ay nakàkíta ako nang isa ng táo sa Mayníla`, at ngayòn ay nàkíta ko

ang táwo rì ng iyòn sa báya ng itò. Yesterday I saw a man in Manila,

and today I saw the same man in this town.

In some instances dìn modifies an element not actually identical

with another. Nagtalòn sya sa bintána`, dátapuwat sinundàn din syà

nang amà. He jumped out of a window, but he was followed, too, by

the father. See §§ 221. 227. 238. 239. 262, (11).

219. kayà` expresses doubt or possibility of choice: Anò kayà`

ang ipinagútos mo sa kanyà? What perchance did you order him to

do? Màpàpagkúro` kayá nya sa súlat na iyàn ang íbig mo ng gawìn

nya. Perhaps he may be able to make out from this letter of yours what

you want him to do. Baká kayà` magkaputòl ang manga tubò sa kalakasàn

nang hángi ng itò. I am afraid that perhaps the sugar-cane may all

break off, what with the strength of this wind.

For another use of kayà` see § 297; cf. §§ 317. 321.

220. lámang only: Isà lámang ang mansánas na nátira sa lamésa. Only one

apple is left on the table. So: íisa lámang only a single one. Sila ng

tatlò ay walà ng pagkáin kung hindí ang itlòg lámang na nàtìtirà. The

three had no food except only the egg that was left.

Occasionally lámang follows the expression it modifies: isa ng ikápat

na partè lámang only a fourth part.

Sometimes a na is left off after lámang: Ákin lámang pinùputlàn nang

buhòk. By-me (for ákin ... na, ng) only (he, anaphoric) is-getting-cut

of hair, i. e. I am only cutting his hair. siya lámang kàkáin nang

itlòg he (who; normally this relation is expressed by na, ng) will-eat

the egg, i. e. the one who is alone to eat the egg. See §§ 227. 243.

221. màn expresses contrast with what precedes; it is the opposite of

dìn, and the two are often used in one sentence to emphasize the point

of difference and that of identity: Si Hwan màn ay naglínis (rìn)

nang kabalyerésa. Juan, too, cleaned stables (as did others). Lálù

nà lumakì ang gálit ni Hwàn, nang màbalitáan niya ng ang ikalawà màn

nya ng anàk ay nagsundálo rìn. Juan's anger grew even greater when he

learned that his second son too had (like the other) become a soldier.

With interrogatives màn produces indefinites: Walà ng anu màn. There

is nothing at all; also: Not at all, i. e. You're welcome. ang ano

mà ng pasákit any kind of injury; ang alin mà ng pangkàt any team;

sínu màn any person whatever, anyone at all. See §§ 227. 248. 262,

(7. 10). 290. 317.

222. múna expresses that that modified precedes another thing:

Magàwítan múna táyo, bágo táyo maghiwá-hiwalày. Let's sing a song

together (first) before we part. Mangáko ka múna... First promise....

223. nà takes into view the maturity of a situation (cf. German

schon): Ang librò y gamit nà. The book is used already, i. e. is

second-hand. Agad nà ng lálamìg. It will soon be cold now. Paálam na

akò (sa iyò). Good-bye (to you). Nahánap ko nà ang sombréro. I have

already looked for the hat. Nahánap na nyà ang sombréro. He has.... ang

maláon na nila ng pagpupuyàt gabi-gabì their long staying up now

every night, i. e. the fact that they have staid up late every night

now. íisa na lámang pangkàt only a single group now. It precedes bà (§

215): Nakahandá na ba ang áki ng pangpalígo`? Is my bath ready? Gánu

ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you by this time?

It is used also in brusque or familiar commands: Pálù na sa

kanya ng kamày! Hit him on his hand! Sáma na sa ákin. Come

to me (to a child). Ílag ka na riyàn! Be off there! See §§

224. 226. 227. 229. 242. 244.

224. namàn expresses transition to another subject, hence often

also mild contrast: Hábang si Hwána ay naglùlúto`, si Hwàn namàn

ay naglìlínis nang báhay. While Juana is cooking, Juan cleans the

house. Anu ka ba namà ng táo? What sort of person are you, anyway? Ibà

namàn ang gawìn mo ng lúto sa manòk. You are to cook the chicken in a

different way. siya rìn namàn nyà ng karanyúwa ng kinàkáin that which,

however, is usually eaten by him.

The combination nà namàn means again: Maínit na namàn. It's hot again.

225. nawà` pray, please expresses imprecation: Kaawaàn nawà` ninyo

kamì, poo ng Dyòs! Take pity on us, O Lord!

226. ngà` is assertive and emphasizing: Oo ngà`. Yes indeed. Ikaw

ngà` ang nagsábi niyàn. You yourself are the one who said that. It

is used in polite requests: Itúru nga ninyò sa ákin ang daàn. Please

show me the way. Ipakipútol mo ngà`, Hwàn, ang tinibàn sa áki ng

bakúran. Please, Juan, cut down for me the banana-stump in my yard. It

follows nà: Pakipútol na ngà` ang sinúlid na itò. Please cut this

string for me. See § 229.

227. pà expresses the immaturity or continuance of a situation

(cf. German noch) and stands in contrast with nà. Its meaning is

often emphasized by lámang: mabúti pà better yet, Íbig ko pà nang

kánin. I should like some more rice. Hampasìn mo pa syà. Whip him some

more. Saríwà pa ang damìt. The clothes are still wet. It precedes dìn

and màn (cf. § 248): ang isa pa rì ng káluluwa another (i. e. one more)

soul; Hindí pa rìn lubhà ng maliwánag. It was, however, not yet light

enough. Kagìgísing ko pa lámang. I have only just waked up. See §§

243. 248.

228. palà, used after hindì` (§ 239), expresses contrast with one's

expectation, reversal: Ang ísip ko y balat lámang nang itlòg itò, hindí

palà, kun dí` itlòg na boò`. I thought this was only an egg-shell,

but no, it was a whole egg.

229. pò` is expressive of politeness toward the person addressed:

Oo pò`. Yes, sir; Yes, ma'am. Patàtawárin pò`! Pardon me; used also

in refusing to give alms. Patàtawárin po nang ilà ng sandalè`. Excuse

me for a few moments, please. Maghintú pu kayò. Please stop (plural

or polite singular). Magsihintú pu kayò. Please stop (explicit

plural). Umupú po kayò. Please sit down. Maupú po kayò. Please be

seated. Ikinalúlungkot ko pò` ang kasawià-ng-pálad na nangyáre sa

inyò. I lament the misfortune which has come to you. ang iyo pò

ng Kamàhálan your Majesty. pò` precedes bà and follows nà and ngà`:

Kaawaàn na pò` ninyo kamì, poo ng Dyòs! Take pity on us, O Lord! Maàári

pu bà ng kayò y maghintò`? Can you please stop? Occasionally pò`

follows that modified: Magandà ng áraw pò`! Good day; How do you do?

230. sána expresses unreal futurity in the past or doubtful futurity

in the present; in the latter sense it expresses modesty in a request:

Ipaglálaba sána kità nang iyo ng damìt, ngúnit walà` ako ng sabòn. I

would wash your clothes for you, but I have no soap. Isinúlat ko sa

kanyà ng pilítin sána niya ng màparíto sa átin, pag sya y nàrìritò

sa báya ng itò. I wrote to him to try to get round here to us when

he gets to this town.

231. tulòy further, in continuation: Sinábi tulòy niyà.... He said

further....

232. ulè` again, equivalent with mulì` (§ 148), has two irregularities:

it is often not enclitic but closely joined postpositive, and, in

this case, it may, entirely like mulì`, be conjunctive instead of

absolute: Nahúlog ulí sya. He fell again; but: Umakyàt sya ulè`. He

climbed again; and even: ... nang magdaàn sya ng ulè` sa pasíga ng

itò.... when he again walked on this beach.

(2) prepositive particles.

233. Certain particles used as absolute attributes always precede

that modified. They fall into two groups: (A) regular closely joined

modifiers, and (B) particles which immediately precede single words

or short phrases.

234. (A) The closely joined particles usually receive regular

treatment, being followed, for instance, by enclitics. Occasionally,

however, the feeling seems to be that the particle is, as it were,

placed before the whole sentence; in this case a non-enclitic subject

or a loosely joined attribute or a second closely joined attribute may

follow the particle, and the last-named may (instead of the particle)

be followed by some or all of the enclitics.

In the case of huwàg (§ 240) we meet for the first time alternation

of absolute and conjunctive attribution, which mostly follows the

principle that the latter construction is used where ng (as opposed

to na) is possible (§ 122).

235. bakà` is expressive of an undesired contingency; it is the

negative of wishes and fears: Baká ka maputúlan nang dalíri`, Hwàn. You

might get your finger cut off, Juan, i. e. See that you don't ... or I

hope you won't.... Baká nya ikátawà ang iyo ng sàsabíhin. Perhaps what

you intend to say will only make him laugh. Baká táyu ang pagbintangàn

nang páre`. I am afraid the priest may suspect us. See § 317.

236. bákit why? Bákit ka naparíto? Why have you come here? Bákit

mo inakála`...? Why do you think...? Bákit hindí ka magáral...? Why

don't you learn...?

237. dì` not is often used instead of hindì` (§ 239) before shorter

expressions: dí maláyo` not far, dí karanyúwan unusual, Si Hwàn ay

dí natákot na sumakày. Juan was not afraid to mount. See § 301.

238. gayòn (§ 190), in this use always followed by dìn (§ 218), also,

furthermore: Sya y isa ng táo ng may kauntì ng talíno at gayon dìn

may kauntì ng tápang. He was a man of some cleverness and also of

some courage.

239. hindì` not is used where the specific negatives áyaw (§

267), bakà` (§ 235), huwàg (§ 240), and walà` (§§ 61. 81. 89)

are not applicable. Occasionally it is replaced by dì` (§

237). Hindì`. No. Hindí akò. (It is, was) not I; I don't, didn't,

etc. Hindí bále. It doesn't matter. Hindí ko nàlàláman. I don't

know. Hindí ko sya nàkíta. I didn't see him. Hindí ko mabása iyàn. I

can't read that. Ang túnay na lakì nang buwàn ay hindí sya ng nàkìkíta

nang manga táo kung gabè. The real size of the moon is not that which

people see at night. ang kanya ng tákot na baká hindí nya abúta ng

buhày ang kanya ng inìíbig his fear that (perhaps) he should not see

his loved one alive.

Hindì` negates only the material part of a word, not its grammatical

(affixal) elements: Ang kamahalàn nang manòk ay sya ng hindí ikabilì

nitò nang marámi ng táo. The high price of chicken is that which

not causes-to-buy it many people, i. e. causes many people not to

buy it; the idea of buying is the material element of i-ka-bilì (see

Morphology); the causal idea, which is expressed by the prefixes i-ka-

is not negated. Ang pagkukublì nang manga sundálo ay siyà nilà ng

hindí ikinamatày. The hiding of the soldiers is what caused them not

to be killed, i. e. saved them from death.

Note hindí rìn (§ 218) also not, nor, and gayòn dìn hindì` (§ 238):

Ang dalága ng si Mariyà y sumayàw sa bála ng táo ng humilìng sa kanyà

sa sàyáwa ng pinaroonàn niya kagabè: sya y hindí namíli nang kanya ng

sinamáhan at hindí rin namàn namíli nang tugtòg na kanya ng sinayawàn;

gayon dìn hindí nya ininò ang bílang at ang kadalasàn nang kanyà

ng pagsayàw. Miss Maria danced with any man that asked her at the

dance to which she went last night: she chose neither her partners

nor the music to which she danced; nor did she mind the number and

the frequency of her dances. See §§ 228. 237. 301. 319.

240. huwàg, hwàg is the negative of commands, purpose,

obligation. Where ng is possible conjunctive attribution takes the

place of absolute: Ang hangàd ay ang huwàg bayáa ng lumagpàk sa lúpà

ang bóla. The aim is not to let the ball fall to the ground. (46,

36) Sinàsábi nya ríto na hwàg sunúgin ang ámi ng báhay. He told

them not to burn our house. Ang túro sa ákin nang mayèstro ay hwàg

akò ng mapagawày. The teacher's order to me is that I must not be

quarrelsome. Hwag mò ng tawánan si Hwàn. Don't laugh at Juan. Hwag

kà ng umyàk. Don't cry. Hwag kà, Hwàn, pumásuk na sekréta. Don't go

as a spy, Juan. See § 239.

241. kaniyà`, kanyà` therefore, as a result, consequently: Bumitìw

ang báta` sa lúbid, kanyá náparapà` ang kanyà ng kahatakàn. The

child let go of the rope, and so the one he was pulling against

fell. Kanyà` hindí tulà` ang kanya ng kinantà. Therefore what he sang

was disconnected. Kanyà` sa katapusàn ay sinábi nya... Therefore in

the end he said.... Occasionally it is loosely joined: Kanyà y sya

y umalìs. Therefore he went away. See §§ 295. 324.

242. lálo` (§ 147), in this use always followed by nà (§ 223),

especially, very: Lálù na kung isa ng tahòl nang áso ang makàgísing sa

kanya, sya y nàpàpaluksò. Especially when the barking of a dog awoke

him, he would involuntarily jump. Sya y nangàngáin nang táo lálù nà

nang manga báta`. It makes its food of people, especially children.

243. sakà` after that, then: Pagkà pinapagpùpútol ko nà sya nang

káhoy ay saká sya nagdàdahilà ng may sakìt. As soon as I order him

to cut wood, (then) he alleges that he is sick.

Especially saká pa lámang (§ 227) only then, not till then: Kapag

ipinamùmútol na nya nang káhoy ang lagári` ay saká mo pa lámang kúnin

itò sa kanyà. When he uses the saw for cutting wood, only then do

you take it from him.

244. tuwè` when followed by nà (§ 223) is used as a loosely

joined prepositive attribute: every time: Tuwí nà y syà ang nagìng

mánanalò. He turns out victorious every single time. See §§ 307. 317.

245. (B) The particles of the second group are mechanically prefixed,

as it were, to that modified.

246. The pretonic particle báwat every precedes that modified, forming

an object expression with or without ang (§ 66, end): Báwat marúnung

nang leksyòn ay makaáalìs pagdatìng nang alasìngko. Everyone who knows

the lesson will be allowed to leave at five o'clock. Ang báwat hindí

marúnung nang leksyòn ay màtìtirà hanggàng alasès. Every one of those

who do not know the lesson will have to stay till six o'clock. báwat

táo everyone, each person.

247. gaáno, gáno how? (§ 190) is used absolutely before words with

prefix ka- expressing high degree of a quality (see Morphology and

cf. §§ 76. 179): gáno katabà`? How fat? gáno kaláyo`? How far? Gánu

ka na bà kakínis? How clever are you now?

248. The pretonic particle káhit precedes interrogatives and isà one

absolutely or with na; its force is generalizing, more emphatically

than màn (§ 221). The expression so formed is an object expression

used with or without ang (§ 68): ang káhit na síno, ang káhit síno,

káhit na síno, káhit síno anyone, anyone whatever, no matter who,

káhit anò anything whatever, káhit na anu ng táo any sort of person

whatever, káhit na sínu ng táo any person whatever, sa káhit alì ng

bandà in any direction, káhit isà anyone whatever, even one.

These expressions are often strengthened by màn (§ 221) or pà màn (§

227): Hindí na sya sumakày sa káhit ano pa màn. This time he did not

ride on anything. káhit sínu màn anyone at all.

Expressions beginning with káhit have the peculiarity that in the

two normally conjunctive constructions in which they stand na, ng is

often omitted before them:

After walà` (§ 138): Walá káhit anò. There isn't a thing. Walá

sila káhit anò. They haven't a thing. So even when walà` does not

immediately precede: Nàbuksàn ang pintú nang wala ng nakàmálay káhit

sínu màn. The door came open without anyone noticing it. Walá pa sila

ng nàhùhúli káhit anò. They had not yet caught anything, literally:

anything that was caught. Walá sya ng nàlàláman káhit isa ng hóta. He

did not know a single iota. Occasionally na, ng is used: Walá sya ng

màkíta ng táo ng káhit anò. He saw no person whatever.

As (normally conjunctive, § 149) attribute of time during which:

Sya y hindí màtahímik káhit isà ng sandalè`. He cannot keep quiet

even for a single moment. See §§ 253. 294.

249. kápuwà`, kápwà` fellow-, equally, applied to one of a pair,

is sometimes used with personal pronouns: in this case it follows

(cf. § 129): Si Pédro at si Hwàn ay dalawa ng kápwa magnanákaw. Pedro

and Juan are two fellow thieves. ang kápwa nya magnanákaw his

fellow-thief, Kápuwa maínam ang tinìg nila ng dalawà. The voices of

the two are equally pleasant. Kápwa sila malakàs. They are equally

strong. Sinàsaktan silà kápuwa`. They both get hurt. Redundantly:

Namílog si Hwàn nang úlo nang kápwa nya kalarò`. Juan fooled

(literally: rounded the head of) his (fellow) playmate.

The word modified may be anaphorically omitted: Ang táwo y hindí

dápat sumakìt nang kanya ng kápwa`. One must not injure one's fellow

(sc. táo man).

250. The transient pretonic particle magìng and its other transient

forms (see Morphology) express that the word or phrase modified is

something coming into being, arising, at the time specified by the

tense-form of the particle: Sya y nagìng hukòm. He became judge. ang

nagìng pagkáhulè the falling-behind which arose, Nagìng isa syà sa

manga hindí nátanggàp. He turned out to be one of those who were

not accepted.

251. The pretonic particle mangà is the sign of explicit plurality

with object expressions. It precedes the central element immediately,

not even the na, ng necessitated by a preceding conjunctive attribute

comes between; only ibà may come after mangà: ang kanyà ng magúlang,

or: ang kanyà ng manga magúlang his, her parents, ang manga ibà

ng táo other people. Redundantly: Sa tapàt nang báhay ni Pédro ay

marámi ng manga bulaklàk. In front of Pedro's house there are many

flowers. Ang áraw ay sya ng pinópoon nang ilà ng manga salbáhe sa

Áfrika. The sun is worshipped by some savages in Africa. And even:

ang manga ilan pà ng manga tanòng several further questions. With

mangà compare the prefix of the same form, see Morphology.

252. The pretonic particle máy belongs here. For examples see §§

69. 70. 85. 110. 139.

253. nì pretonic, is a frequent substitute (Spanish) for káhit (§

245) in negative sentences. The object expressions which begin with it

never take ang (§ 68): Ní isa y walà ng nátira. There isn't a single

one left. Walá ní isa. There isn't a single one. Nàbuksàn ang pintú

nang wala ng nakàmálay nì sínu màn. The door came open without anyone

noticing it. Walà ng nátira ní isa nang manga péras sa mésa. Not one

was left of the pears on the table.

Occasionally nì seems to take the place of nang before káhit: Bákit

hindí sya makátagpo nì káhit isà nang manga bágay na itò? Why could

he not meet even a single one of these things? Cf. § 319.

254. The pretonic particle tagà, tigà preceding an expression of place

forms an expression denoting a person from that place: Sya y isa ng

taga Kapampángan. He is a Pampangan. ang taga búkid, ang tiga búkid:

ang isa ng táo ng túbo sa búkid a country-man: a person raised in the

country, ang mayáma ng taga iba ng báyan the rich man from another

town, stranger, foreigner, ang manga taga iba t ibà ng lupaìn people

from various countries. So: taga báyan, tiga báyan townsman, taga

Filipínas Filipino, taga Amérika American, taga Espánya Spaniard

(beside Amerikáno, Kastíla`). Cf. in Morphology, the prefix taga-.

255. Numerative pronouns and cardinal numerals are used as absolute

attributes before katáo persons, men: sa m pú katáo ten people, ten

men; or: sa m pù ng táo; Ilàn katáo (or: Ilà ng táo) ang bumúhat sa

báhay? How many men lifted at the house?

256. The terms of relationship and titles which are treated as personal

names (§ 59) precede a name as absolute attributes; after most of those

that end in a syllabic, n, or `, ng is however used. Some titles occur

only in this construction: si Kúya ng Pédro my oldest brother Pedro,

si Atè Lóleng my oldest sister Lola, si Ingkòng Píro Grandfather Pedro,

si Indà ng Hwána, or: si Impò ng Hwána Grandmother Juana, si Áli ng

Maryà, or: si Tiyà Maryà Aunt Maria, si Mà ng Andrès Uncle Andrés,

Don Andrés, si Ginoò ng Polikàrpiyo Mr. Policarpio, si Gíning Màrkes

Miss or Mrs. Marques, si Párì Hwàn Father Juan, si Mayèstro ng Pédro

Teacher Pedro, Master Pedro, si Báo ng Mariyà Widow Maria, si nasíra

ng Mariyà the deceased Maria.

(3) words used as absolute attributes of manner and time.

257. The words used as absolute attributes of manner and time resemble

in meaning conjunctive attributes and are frequently used in the latter

construction. As a rule they are loosely joined and absolute. In this

way are used:

258. Derivatives by doubling of words of time, in the sense of every

(day, night, etc.). With these goes the compound áraw-gabè day and

night. For both formations see Morphology. Hinàhatdan nyà akò nang

gátas áraw-áraw. He delivers milk to me every day. Gabi-gabì ay

tinùtulúgan nang bantày ang áki ng báhay. Every night the sentry

makes our house his sleeping-place.

259. Words with prefix ka- referring to past time (see Morphology):

Ang pàtáya ng nangyári kagabì ay paglalasìng ang nagìng sanhè`. The

killing that occurred last night had drunkenness as its cause. Ang

manga áso sa báya ng itò ay nagtàhúlan kagabè. The dogs in this town

all bayed last night. Ang kabáyo ay namatày kahápon. The horse died

yesterday. Pumaroòn akò kamakalawà. I went there day before yesterday.

These may be followed by a disjunctive attribute telling the specific

time when: Nagsipútol kamì nang tubò kahápon nang hápon. We cut

sugar-cane yesterday afternoon. So: kahápon nang umága yesterday

morning.

260. Words of time with prefix kinà- and suffix -an expressing actual

past time (see Morphology): Kinàháti-ng-gabihàn ay nágising syà. When

midnight came he woke up. Kinàbukásan hinánap silà nang kanila ng

amà. On the next day they were called by their father.

With disjunctive attribute telling the special time: Kinàbukásan nang

hápun ay naparoòn sila sa simbáhan. On the next day in the afternoon

they went to church.

261. Words of time preceded by the pronouns boò` and isà as conjunctive

modifiers: Sila y nagsipagsugàl gabi-gabì boò ng magdamàg. They

gambled all night every night. Isa ng áraw naupó sya sa taburéte. One

day he sat down on his chair. Ang iyò ng kapatìd ay nalígo isa ng

hápon. Your sister bathed one afternoon. Isa ng gabì ay nárinig

ko.... One evening I heard.... So: isa ng katanghalían one midday,

isa ng linggò one Sunday, isa ng tanghále` one noon, isa ng umága one

morning. As conjunctive attributes: Sya y naglálakad na isa ng gabì. He

was walking one night. Páparoon sya ng isa ng linggò. He will come

one Sunday. Those with boò` also as local attributes: Nakatahul nà

ang manga áso sa boò ng magdamàg. The dogs have been barking all night.

262. Various words of time:

(1) antimáno beforehand (Spanish).

(2) búkas tomorrow: Magpàpapútol ba táyo nang káhoy búkas? Are we

going to have some wood cut tomorrow? With disjunctive attribute of

specific time: Magsìsipútol kamì nang tubò búkas nang umága. We are

going to cut sugar-cane tomorrow morning.

(3) dáti for a long time already; formerly; it is sometimes closely

joined: ang mukhá nang babáye, na dáti y nagpàpakilála nang malakì ng

paghihírap the face of the woman, which before had been showing great

suffering; Dáti náriyàn ang mansà ng iyàn. That spot has been there

for a long time. As conjunctive attribute: Dáti sya ng napàparíto sa

áki ng báhay. He has been coming to my house since long ago.

(4) kadalasàn often, usually: Ang kanya ng pinasàsakítan kadalasà y

nagáanyo ng pára ng ulòl. The person he is injuring usually acts as

if crazy.

(5) kanína a little while ago, just now: Sinábi ko na pò sa inyo

kanína, na.... I just told you a little while ago that....

With a conjunctive attribute of the specific time in the phrase

kanína ng umága this morning, which may be closely joined: Kumáin ka

ba kanína ng umága nang karnè?--Hindí ako kumáin nang karnè kanína ng

umága. Did you eat meat this morning?--I did not eat meat this morning.

(6) karanyúwan mostly, usually: Ang kosinéro karanyúwa y upahàn. The

cook is usually hired.

(7) káylan, kélan when? Káylan ako malìlígo`? When shall I

bathe? Káylan pa kayà panghìhinayángan nang manga táo ang manga áni

ng taòn-taò y nàsìsíra nang luktòn o nang túyot? When, pray, will

the people regret the harvests every year destroyed by locusts or

by drought? So káylan màn at any time, ever, always (§§ 221. 317):

Káylan mà y hindí nilìlimútan si Maryà. Maria was never forgotten.

(8) makálawà twice, when with maghápon per day: Naàári ako ng malígo

makálawa maghápun, dahilàn sa kainítan. I can bathe twice a day

on account of the heat. Alone makálawà is a conjunctive attribute:

Makálawa ko ng itinanùng kung saàn sya páparoòn, dátapuwat hindí nya

ako sinagòt. I asked him twice where he was going, but he did not

answer me. Maghápon does not occur alone.

(9) mámayà`, mámyà` after a while, soon, with a disjunctive attribute

of the specific time when: Mámyá nang kauntì` ay áalis akò. In

a little while I am going. As conjunctive modifier; the phrase so

formed is used like mámayà` alone: Mámaya ng gabì ay pàpások táyo sa

teyátro. This evening we shall go to the theatre.

(10) mínsan once, once upon a time: Mínsan sila y nakáraàn nang isa ng

púno-ng-nyòg. Once upon a time they came across a cocoanut-tree. With

màn at any one time (§ 221): Mínsan màn ay hindí sya náuna. Not a

single time did he succeed in getting ahead. As conjunctive attribute:

Ang tatlo ng itù y nagtìpána ng mínsan. These three once made an

appointment.

(11) ngayòn now, just now, today (cf. § 302): Sya y nása Mayníla

ngayòn. He is in Manila today. Ngayòn ay mangàkàkatúlog silà. Now

they will be able to sleep. So ngayon dìn right now (§ 218): Umalìs

ka ngayon dìn. Go away this minute.

(12) paráti often: Mahína ang kanyà ng katawàn at paráti sa sakìt. Her

body was weak and often in sickness. Also conjunctive: Akò y paráti

ng nàhàhábol. I am often pursued.

(13) siyèmpre (Spanish) always: Ang paggalàw na pagtagílid ay syèmpre

(or: káylan màn ay) sa kaikliàn nang bangkà`, dátapuwat ang pagtikwàs

ay sa kahabáan. The movement of rocking is always along the short

axis of a boat, but pitching is along its length.

263. Four words of place, which serve also as local forms of the

demonstrative pronouns (§ 199). They are, corresponding to the four

demonstrative pronouns: díne, ríne; díto, ríto; diyàn, dyàn, riyàn;

doòn, roòn. They occur in every position which an attribute can have:

Loosely joined, preceding: Doòn ay sinalúbong sya nang susò`. There

he was met by the snail. Díto nàmálas nya ng.... Here he perceived

that....

Loosely joined, following: Taginit nà nang sya y dumating díto. It

was already summer when he arrived here. Ang alíla` ay ipinagamùt

nya díto. The servant was-ordered-to-be-cured by-him of-the-latter,

i. e. He had the latter cure the servant. Alis dyàn! Get away

there! (e. g. to a dog). Alìs na riyàn, Pédro. Go away from there,

Pedro. Mátira ka dyàn. Stay there.

Closely joined, preceding: Díne ako maúupò`. I am going to sit right

here. Díto ka na makikáin sa ámin. Eat here with us. Díto nya ginámit

ang kanya ng lakàs. For this he used his strength. Doòn sila magpalípas

nang bakasyòn. There they are to spend the vacation.

Closely joined, following: Hwag mò ng ilagay díto ang palatòn. Don't

put the plate here.

Enclitic: Dalhìn mo ríto iyò ng librò ng binàbása ko kagabì. Bring

here the book I was reading last night. Magdalà ka díto nang

kasapwégo. Bring some matches.

These words often precede a local attribute: Ílag ka dyàn sa daàn. Get

out of the road there. Nakitúloy silà sa ámin doòn sa búkid. They

asked us to take them in out there in the country. Note also: Sa isa

ng karitò ng dí maláyo sa báhay, doòn sya nahigà` In a cart not far

from the house, there he lay down.

264. Similarly saàn where? which serves also instead of a local form

of anò (§ 199). It is closely joined and, as a question-word, precedes:

Saàn nároon ang kanya ng kapatìd?--Hindí ko nàlàláman kung saàn nároon

ang kanya ng kapatìd. Where is his brother?--I don't know where his

brother is. Saan nàndon sya? Where is he? Saàn mo sya nàkíta? Where

did you see him? Saàng ka maúupò`? Where are you going to sit? Saàng

ka gáling? Where do you come from? (Cf., for the local value, the

answer, e. g.: Gáling ako sa Mayníla`. I come from Manila.) Saàn ka

nanggàgáling? Where are you coming from? Saàn ka nanggáling? Where

have you come from? Saàng ka páparon? Where are you going? Saàn ka

púpunta? Where are you bound for? So: káhit saàn anywhere at all

(§ 248): Itò y hindí nya màkíta káhit saàn. He could not find the

latter anywhere.

As local form of anò, saàn stands also in conjunctive attribution (§

131): Saà ng gawè` mulá ríto ang báya-ng-Kamálig?--Sa gawì ng kánan

mulá ríto ang báya-ng-Kamálig. In what direction from here is the town

of Camalig?--The town of Camalig is to the right of here. Pagkaísip mo,

Hwàn, kung saà ng báyan ka maghàhánap-búhay ay sabíhin mo sa ákin. When

you have decided, Juan, in what town you will try to earn your living,

tell me.

As a question-word, further, saàn may form a static predicate (§

96): Saàn ang làgáyan mo nang iyo ng sapátos? Where is your place

for putting away your shoes?

265. Several words of manner:

(1) The particle agàd at once and its doubled form agad-agàd

immediately (see Morphology) are closely joined; where ng can be

used, they are mostly conjunctive: Tumakbò sya agàd. He ran at once,

or: Tumakbò sya ng agàd. Minulàn nya agàd ang pagtatalumpáte`. He

at once began his speech. Agad nà ng lálamìg. It will soon be cold

now. Agad-agàd inùumpisahàn ang pagsisìgáwan. At once the yelling

begins.

(2) halimbáwa` for example, for instance is loosely joined: Kung

halimbáwa y makàkíta sya nang isa ng bákol.... When, for instance,

she saw a basket ... isa ng tahòl nang áso halimbáwa` the barking of

a dog, for instance.

(3) hálos almost is closely joined: hálos lahàt nang táo almost all

the people, walà ng pamamáro` hálos almost without clothing.

(4) isa-isà one by one is closely joined; it is more often conjunctive

than absolute: Siniyásat nya isa-isà ang manga púno`. She questioned

the trees one by one. Itò y sya nyà ng isa-isà ng inilaglàg. These

he dropped one by one.

(5) karáka-ráka right away, quickly (cf. pagdáka, pagkaráka, below):

"Hindí akò!" winíka nya karáka-ráka. "It wasn't I!" he said at once.

(6) katunáyan truth, as absolute attribute, loosely joined, truly; in

this sense also conjunctive: Katunáya y uwalà ng mwàng si Hwàn. Really

Juan was ignorant. Katunáya ng walá sya ng nàlàláman káhit isa ng

hóta. He really did not know a single iota.

(7) mìsmo (Spanish) himself, herself, intensive: ang nàkùkúlam mìsmo

the bewitched person himself; siya mìsmo he himself, she herself.

(8) palibhása` is loosely joined and precedes. It expresses that

what follows is stated as a reason; the construction is apparently

not subordinating, but parallel with that of halimbáwa` above: Ang

pagsasáma ... ay hindí nila pinápansìn, palibhása y gawá rin namàn

nilà. The living together ... was not minded by them, the reason

being that they did it themselves.

(9) pagdáka and pagkaráka immediately, quickly (synonymous with

karáka-ráka above): Pagdáka y tinangnan nyà ang dalawà ng hintutúro`

nang babáye. He quickly seized the woman's two forefingers. Also

closely joined: Itinanòng pagdáka nang médiko.... The doctor at

once asked....

(4) absolute complements.

266. After certain words which are followed by a complement

construction, as described in § 151 ff., the conjunctive particle is

often omitted, especially where the form na is required; where ng is

possible its use is preferred. They are:

267. íbig desired, synonymous with gustò (of whose regular construction

examples have been given in §§ 152. 158), and áyaw the negative

of íbig. These are usually accompanied by a disjunctive agent:

Anò ang íbig nya ng sabíhin? What is that desired by-him that

(sc. by-him it, both anaphoric) be said? or: What is the desired

by-him thing-to-be-said? i. e. What does he want to say? Anò ang

íbig mo ng gawìn nya? What do you want him to do? Hindí na sya íbig

labanàn. He was no longer sought as an opponent. Itò y íbig na gawì

ng úna. This is desired to be done first, i. e. One wants to do this

first. Ang áyaw ko ng màkíta ay isa ng núno`. What I don't want to

see is a ghost. Itò y áyaw nya ng gawìn. He does not want to do this.

Very frequently the construction is impersonal, in which case

the complement (and quasi-subject, § 158) may consist of an entire

predication: Íbig nya ng kumáin nang súha`. It-is-desired by-him that

(he) eat some grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat some grape-fruit. Íbig

nya ng kánin ang súha`. It-is-desired by-him that be-eaten (by-him)

the grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat the grape-fruit. Áyaw ipamána

nang mangkukúlam ang kanya ng kúlam. The sorcerer does not want to

bequeath his magic power.

When the person desiring is at the same time the agent of the

complement, the whole expression may serve as predicate or attribute

of the person desiring; this construction is rarely used with other

than active complements: Sya y íbig kumáin nang súha`. He is desired

(by-him) that (he) eat some grape-fruit, i. e. He wants to eat some

grape-fruit, equivalent to Íbig nya ng kumáin nang súha`. Ang kúba` ay

hindi rìn íbig umakyàt. The hunchback too did not want to climb. isa ng

Kastíla` na íbig malígo` a Spaniard who wanted to bathe. Ang sundálo

ay áyaw pumáyag. The soldier did not want to consent.

Without complement (or with anaphorically omitted complement): Anò ang

íbig mo? What is it you want? Íbig ko pà nang kánin. There-is-desire

by-me still of boiled rice, i. e. I want some more boiled rice. Ang

larò ng taguàn ay íbig nang manga báta`. Children like the game of

hide-and-seek. Áyaw ko. I don't want to; less commonly: Áyaw akò.

268. dápat proper, necessary and súkat fitting, right: Itò y dápat

gawìn. This ought to be done. Sya y dápat palúin. He ought to be

thrashed. Anò ang dápat nya ng gawìn? What ought to be done by

him? i. e. What ought he do? Ang isà y dápat múna ng magsilbè sa

dimóniyo. One must first serve the demon. Hindí mo súkat ikagálit ang

manga tuksò. It is not right for you to get angry at jokes, literally:

Jokes are not by-you a fitting cause of anger.

Without complement: Itò y súkat nà. This is right, sufficient.

269. Words with prefix ma-, expressing the possessor of a quality,

and their derivatives (see Morphology), have occasionally an absolute

instead of a conjunctive complement. Those so used are:

(1) madalàs often, frequent, regular: Akò y madalàs magkumpisàl. I was

regular at going to confession, or: a regular confessor. But: Madalàs

nila ng sinalakáyan ang báyan. They frequently attacked the town.

(2) magalìng skilful, clever, polite: Si Hwàn ay magalìng gumámit

nang daràs. Juan was clever at using the adze, or: a clever user of

the adze, or: cleverly used the adze. But: Magalìng sya ng tumugtòg

nang piyáno. She plays the piano well.

(3) mahírap suffering, destitute, difficult (i. e. having hardship,

actively or passively): Ang aswàng ay mahírap mápatay. A vampire

is hard to-be-killed, i. e. hard to kill. Regular constructions:

Ang pagabùt nang búnga ng itò ay mahírap. The reaching this fruit

is hard, i. e. The fruit is hard to reach. ang mahírap na kasamà the

poor laborer.

(4) mahúsay able, good (at doing something), in good shape: Ang manga

táo sa báyan ay mahuhúsay sumunòd sa kautusàn. The people in the town

are good law-abiders. But: ang pinakamahúsay na magsalità` the best

at speaking; Ang lípà nang lúpa` ay mahúsay. The smearing (with sticky

mud) of the ground (in the threshing-room for rice) is well done.

(5) maínam pleasant, tasty, good: Ang manòk na kawalà` ay hindí maínam

patayìn. Chickens that run free are not good for killing. Cf.: isa

ng maínam na singsìng a pretty ring.

(6) malakàs strong, powerful, loud: Sya y malakàs kumáin. He is

great at eating, or: a great eater; also: malakàs na kumáin. Cf.:

ang manga táo ng malalakàs strong men, Sya y tumáwa nang malakàs. He

laughed aloud.

(7) maluwàt, malwàt long (in time), slow: Ang pagpútol nang buhòk

ay maluwàt màtutúhan. Hair-cutting takes long to learn. Cf.: Syà

y nagkalatimbà ng maluwàt. He squatted on heels (as exercise or

punishment) many times. Natùtúlog akò nang maluwàt. I sleep late.

(8) marúnong wise, knowing how: Sya y marúnung gumupìt nang buhòk. He

knew how to cut hair. But: Marúnong sya ng sumakày sa kabáyo. He

knows how to ride horseback. ang marúnong na pagòng the clever turtle;

Isa ng sundálo ng marúnung nang Latìn. A soldier who knew Latin.

(5) words used with disjunctive and local attributes.

270. Certain words form with their attributes phrases that are

used as absolute attributes, for the most part loosely joined. The

phrase-forming attributes are either (A) disjunctive or (B) local.

271. (A) akála` a thought followed by a disjunctive possessor: as

so-and-so thinks: Akála ko y gamit nà ang sombréro ng itò. I think

this hat has been used already, is second-hand. More commonly these

phrases are used as local attribute: Ang harangà ng iyòn na nangyári

kagabè sa akála ko y pahárang ni Andrès. The hold-up which took place

last night was, in my opinion, planned by Andrés.

Tagalog Texts with Grammatical Analysis · 第 5 / 10 章