vol. II. pp. 46-48.
Sepulveda's account of the reign of Mary becomes of the more authority
from the fact that he submitted this portion of his history to the
revision of Cardinal Pole, as we learn from one of his epistles to that
prelate. Opera, tom. III. p. 309.
[62] Yet the emperor seems to have written in a somewhat different style
to his ambassador at the English court. "Desfaillant la force pour
donner assistance à nostre-dicte cousine comme aussy vous sçavez qu'elle
deffault pour l'empeschement que l'on nous donne du coustel de France,
nous ne véons aulcun apparent moyen pour assheurer la personne de
nostre-dicte cousine." L'Empereur à ses Ambassadeurs en Angleterre, 11
juillet, 1553, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. IV, p. 25.
[63] Charles, in a letter to his ambassador in London, dated July 22,
1553, after much good counsel which he was to give Queen Mary, in the
emperor's name, respecting the government of her kingdom, directs him to
hint to her that the time had come when it would be well for the queen
to provide herself with a husband, and if his advice could be of any use
in the affair, she was entirely welcome to it. "Et aussy lui direz-vous
qu'il sera besoin que pour etre seustenue audit royaulme, emparée et
deffendue, mesmes en choses que ne sont de la profession de dames, il
sera très-requis que tost elle prenne party de mariaige avec qui il luy
semblera estre plus convenable, tenant regard à ce que dessus; et que
s'il lui plaît nous faire part avant que s'y déterminer, nous ne
fauldrons de, avec la sincérité de l'affection que lui portons, luy
faire entendre libéralement, sur ce qu'elle voudra mettre en avant,
nostre advis, et de l'ayder et favoriser en ce qu'elle se déterminera."
L'Empereur à ses Ambassadeurs en Angleterre, 22 juillet, 1553, Ibid., p.
56.
[64] Granvelle, who owed no good-will to the minister for the part which
he afterwards took in the troubles of Flanders, frequently puns on
Kenard's name, which he seems to have thought altogether significant of
his character.
[65] "Quant à Cortenay, vous pourriez bien dire, pour éviter au propoz
mencionné en voz lettres, que l'on en parle, pour veoir ce qu'elle dira;
mais gardez-vous de luy tout desfaire et mesmes qu'elle n'aye descouvert
plus avant son intention; car si elle y avoit fantasie, elle ne layroit
(si elle est du naturel des aultres femmes) de passer oultre, et si se
ressentiroit à jamais de ce que vous luy en pourriés avoir dit. Bien luy
pourriés-vous toucher des commoditez plus grandes que pourroit recepvoir
de mariaige estrangier, sans trop toucher à la personne où elle pourroit
avoir affection." L'Evêque d'Arras à Renard. 14 août, 1553, Ibid., p.
77.
[66] "Quant je luy fiz l'ouverture de mariaige, elle se print à rire,
non une foys ains plusieurs foys, me regardant d'un oeil signifiant
l'ouverture luy estre fort aggréable, me donnant assez à cognoistre
qu'elle ne taichoit ou désiroit mariaige d'Angleterre." Renard à
l'Evêque d'Arras, 15 août, 1558, Ibid., p. 78.
[67] "Et, sans attendre la fin de ces propoz, elle jura que jamais elle
n'avoit senti esguillon de ce que l'on appelle amor, ny entré en
pensement de volupté, et qu'elle n'avoit jamais pensé à mariaige sinon
depuys que a pieu à Dieu la promovoir à la couronne, et que celluy
qu'elle fera sera contre sa propre affection, pour le respect de la
chose publicque; qu'elle se tient toute assurée sa majesté aura
considération à ce qu'elle m'a dict et qu'elle désire l'obéir et
complaire en tout et par tout comme son propre père; qu'elle n'oseroit
entrer en propoz de mariaige avec ceulx de son conseil, que fault, le
cas advenant, que vienne de la meute de sa majesté." Renard à l'Evêque
d'Arras, 8 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 98.
[68] "Vous la pourrez asseurer que, si nous estions en caige et
disposition telle qu'il conviendroit, et que jugissions que de ce peut
redonder le bien de ses affaires, nous ne vouldrions choysir aultre
party en ce monde plus tost que de nous alier nous-mesmes avec elle, et
seroit bien celle que nous pourrait donner austant de satisfaction."
L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 112.
[69] Ibid., pp. 108-116.
Simon Renard, the imperial ambassador at this time at the English court,
was a native of Franche Comté, and held the office of _maître aux
requêtes_ in the household of the emperor. Renard, though a man of a
factious turn, was what Granvelle's correspondent, Morillon, calls "_un
bon politique_," and in many respects well suited to the mission on
which he was employed. His correspondence is of infinite value, as
showing the Spanish moves in this complicated game, which ended in the
marriage of Mary with the heir of the Castilian monarchy. It is
preserved in the archives of Brussels. Copies of these MSS., amounting
to five volumes folio, were to be found in the collection of Cardinal
Granvelle at Besançon. A part of them was lent to Griffet for the
compilation of his "Nouveaux Eclaircissemens sur l'Histoire de Marie
Reine d'Angleterre." Unfortunately, Griffet omitted to restore the MSS.;
and an hiatus is thus occasioned in the series of the Renard
correspondence embraced in the Granvelle Papers now in process of
publication by the French Government. It were to be wished that this
hiatus had been supplied from the originals, in the archives of
Brussels. Mr. Tytler has done good service by giving to the world a
selection from the latter part of Renard's correspondence, which had
been transcribed by order of the Record Commission from the MSS. in
Brussels.
[70] "Car si, quant à soy, il luy semble estre chose que ne luy convînt
ou ne fût faisable, il ne seroit à propoz, comme elle l'entend
tres-bien, d'en faire déclaracion à qui que ce soit; mais, en cas aussi
qu'elle jugea le party luy estre convenable et qu'elle y print
inclinacion, si, à son advis, la difficulté tumba sur les moyens, et que
en iceulx elle ne se peut résoldre sans la participation d'aulcuns de
son conseil, vous la pourriez en ce cas requérir qu'elle voulût prendre
de vous confiance pour vous déclairer à qui elle en vouldroit tenir
propoz, et ce qu'elle en vouldroit communicquer et par quelz moyens."
L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 114.
[71] The Spanish match seems to have been as distasteful to the
Portuguese as it was to the English, and probably for much the same
reasons. See the letter of Granvelle, of August 14, 1553, Ibid., p. 77.
[72] "Les estrangiers, qu'ilz abhorrissent plus que nulle aultre
nacion." L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113.
[73] "Et si la difficulté se treuvoit aux conseillers pour leur intéretz
particulier, comme plus ilz sont intéressez, il pourroit estre que l'on
auroit meilleur moyen de les gaigner, assheurant ceulz par le moyen
desquelz la chose se pourroit conduyre, des principaulz offices et
charges dudict royaulme, voyre et leur offrant appart sommes notables de
deniers ou accroissance de rentes, priviléges et prérogatives."
L'Empereur à Renard, 20 septembre, 1553, Ibid., p. 113.
[74] In order to carry on the negotiation with greater secrecy, Renard's
colleagues at the English court, who were found to intermeddle somewhat
unnecessarily with the business, were recalled; and the whole affair was
intrusted exclusively to that envoy, and to Granvelle, the bishop of
Arras, who communicated to him the views of the emperor from
Brussels.--"Et s'est résolu taut plus l'empereur rappeler voz collègues,
afin que aulcung d'iceulx ne vous y traversa ou bien empescha s'y estans
montrez peu affectionnez, et pour non si bien entendre le cours de ceste
négociation, et pour aussi que vous garderez mieulx le secret qu'est
tant requis et ne se pourroit faire, passant ceste négociation par
plusieurs mains." L'Evêque d'Arras à Renard, 13 septembre, 1553, Ibid.,
p. 103.
[75] "Pour la requerir et supplier d'eslire ung seigneur de son pays
pour estre son mary, et ne vouloir prendre personnaige en mariaige, ny
leur donner prince qui leur puisse commander aultre que de sa nation."
Ambassades de Noailles, (Leyde, 1763,) tom. II. p. 234.
[76] "Le soir du 30 octobre, la reine fit venir en sa chambre, où étoit
exposé le saint sacrement, l'ambassadeur de l'empereur, et, après avoir
dit le _Veni creator_, lui dit qu'elle lui donnoit en face dudit
sacrement sa promesse d'épouser le prince d'Espagne, laquelle elle ne
changeroit jamais; qu'elle avoit feint d'être malade les deux jours
précédents, mais que sa maladie avoit été causée par le travail qu'elle
avoit eu pour prendre cette résolution." MS. in the Belgian archives,
cited by Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 78, note.
[77] "Qu'elle tenoit de dieu la couronne de son royaulme, et que en luy
seul esperoit se conseiller de chose si importante." Ambassades de
Noailles, tom. II. p. 269.
[78] "Le dit Lieutenant a fait fondre quatre mil escuz pour chaines, et
les autres mil se repartiront en argent, comme l'on trouvera mieulx
convenir." Renard, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 325.
[79] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. pp. 58, 59.--Holinshed, Chronicles,
(London, 1808,) vol. IV. pp. 10, 34, 41.
[80] Strype, (Memorials, vol. III. p. 196,) who quotes a passage from a
MS. of Sir Thomas Smith, the application of which, though the queen's
name is omitted, cannot be mistaken.
[81] "Si est-ce qu'elle verra assez par icelle sa ressemblance, la
voyant à son jour et de loing, comme sont toutes peinctures dudict
Titian que de près ne se recongnoissent." Marie, Reine de Hongrie, à
l'Ambassadeur Renard, novembre 19, 1553, Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle,
tom. IV. p. 150.
It may be from a copy of this portrait that the engraving was made which
is prefixed to this work.
[82] See the treaty in Rymer, Foedera, vol. XV. p. 377.
[83] "Par là," adds Noailles, who tells the story, "vous pouvez veoir
comme le prince d'Espagne sera le bien venu en ce pays, puisque les
enfans le logent au gibet." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 130.
[84] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 16.--The accounts of this insurrection are
familiar to the English reader, as given at more or less length, in
every history of the period.
[85] "L'on a escript d'Espaigne que plusieurs sieurs deliberoient amener
leurs femmes avec eulx pardeça. Si ainsi est, vostre Majesté pourra
preveoir ung grand desordre en ceste court." Renard, ap. Tytler, Edward
VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 351.
[86] "Seullement sera requis que les Espaignolez qui suyvront vostre
Alteze comportent les façons de faire des Angloys, et soient modestes,
confians que vostre Alteze les aicarassera par son humanité costumiere."
Ibid., p. 335.
[87] The particulars of this interview are taken from one of Renard's
despatches to the emperor, dated March 8, 1554, ap. Tytler, England
under the Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, (vol. II. pp. 326-329,)--a work
in which the author, by the publication of original documents, and his
own sagacious commentary, has done much for the illustration of this
portion of English history.
[88] Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. II. p. 890.
[89] Philip would have preferred that Charles should carry out his
original design, by taking Mary for his own wife. But he acquiesced,
without a murmur, in the choice his father made for him. Mignet quotes a
passage from a letter of Philip to the emperor on this subject, which
shows him to have been a pattern of filial obedience. The letter is
copied by Gonzales in his unpublished work, Retiro y Estancia de Carlos
Quinto.--"Y que pues piensan proponer su matrimonio con Vuestra
Magestad, hallandose en disposicion para ello, esto seria lo mas
acertado. Pero en caso que Vuestra Magestad está en lo que me escribe y
le pareciere tratar de lo que à mi toca, ya Vuestra Magestad sabe que,
como tan obediente hijo, no he tener mas voluntad que la suya; cuanto
mas siendo este negocio de importancia y calidad que es. Y asi me ha
parecido remitirlo à Vuestra Magestad para que en toda haya lo que le
parecierá, y fuere servido." Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 76.
[90] "Higo en esto lo que un Isaac dexandose sacrificar por hazer la
voluntad de su padre, y por el bien de la Iglesia." Sandoval, Hist. de
Carlos V., tom. II. p. 557.
[91] A single diamond in the ornament which Philip sent his queen was
valued at eighty thousand crowns.--"Una joya que don Filipe le enbiaba,
en que avia un diamante de valor de ochenta mil escudos." Cabrera,
Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4.
[92] Letter of Lord Edmund Dudley to the Lords of the Council, MS. This
document, with other MSS. relating to this period, was kindly furnished
to me by the late lamented Mr. Tytler, who copied them from the
originals in the State Paper Office.
The young Lord Herbert mentioned in the text became afterwards that earl
of Pembroke who married, for his second wife, the celebrated sister of
Sir Philip Sidney, to whom he dedicated the "Arcadia,"--less celebrated,
perhaps, from this dedication, than from the epitaph on her monument, by
Ben Jonson, in Salisbury Cathedral.
[93] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4.--Florez, Reynas
Catholicas, tom. II. p. 873.--Memorial des Voyages du Roi, MS.
[94] "Y prevenida de que los Embajadores se quejaban, pretextando que no
sabian si hablaban con la Princesa; levantaba el manto al empezar la
Audiencia, preguntando _¿Soy la Princesa?_ y en oyendo responder que si;
volvia à echarse el velo, como que ya cessaba el inconveniente de
ignorar con quien hablaban, y que para ver no necessitaba tener la cara
descubierta." Florez, Reynas Catholicas, tom. II. p. 873.
[95] Letter of Bedford and Fitzwaters to the Council, ap. Tytler, Edward
VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 410.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 4,
5.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. pp. 496, 497.
[96] "Il appelle les navires de la flotte de vostre Majesté coquilles de
moules, et plusieurs semblables particularitez." Letter of Renard, ap.
Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 414.
[97] "L'ordre de la Jaretiere, que la Royne et les Chevaliers ont
concludz luy donner et en a fait faire une la Royne, qu'est estimée sept
ou huict mil escuz, et joinctement fait faire plusieurs riches
habillemens pour son Altese." Ibid., p. 416.
[98] Salazar de Mendoza, Monarquia de España, (Madrid, 1770,) tom. II.
p. 118.--Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. pp. 283-286.--Sepulvedsæ
Opera, vol. II. p. 498.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. I. cap. 5.--Leti,
Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 231.--Holinshed, vol. IV. p.
57.--Memorial des Voyages du Roi, MS.
[99] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. pp. 127, 128.
[100] The change in Philip's manners seems to have attracted general
attention. We find Wotton, the ambassador at the French court, speaking,
in one of his letters, of the report of it, as having reached his ears
in Paris. Wotton to Sir W. Petre, August 10, 1554, MS.
[101] According to Noailles, Philip forbade the Spaniards to leave their
ships, on pain of being hanged when they set foot on shore. This was
enforcing the provisions of the marriage treaty _en rigueur_. "Apres que
ledict prince fust descendu, il fict crier et commanda aux Espaignols
que chascun se retirast en son navire et que sur la peyne d'estre pendu,
nul ne descendist à terre." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 287.
[102] Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp. 231, 232.
"Lors il appella les seigneurs Espaignols qui estoient pres de luy et
leur dict qu'il falloit desormais oublier toutes les coustumes
d'Espaigne, et vifvre de tous poincts à l'Angloise, à quoy il voulloit
bien commancer et leur monstrer le chemin, puis se fist apporter de la
biere de laquelle il beut." Ambassades de Noailles, tom. III. p. 287.
[103] According to Sepulveda, Philip gave a most liberal construction to
the English custom of salutation, kissing not only his betrothed, but
all the ladies in waiting, matrons and maidens, without distinction.
"Intra ædes progressam salutans Britannico more suaviavit habitoque
longiore et jucundissimo colloquio, Philippus matronas etiam et Regias
virgines sigillatim salutat osculaturque." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p.
499.
[104] "Poco dopo comparve ancora la Regina pomposamente vestita,
rilucendo da tutte le parti pretiosissime gemme, accompagnata da tante e
cosi belle Principesse, che pareva ivi ridotta quasi tutta la bellezza
del mondo, onde gli Spagnoli servivano con il loro Olivastro, trà tanti
soli, come ombre." Leti. Vita di Filippo II. tom. I. p. 232.
[105] The sideboard of the duke of Albuquerque, who died about the
middle of the seventeenth century, was mounted by forty silver ladders!
And, when he died, six weeks were occupied in making out the inventory
of the gold and silver vessels. See Dunlop's Memoirs of Spain during the
reigns of Philip IV. and Charles II. (Edinburgh, 1834,) vol. I. p. 384.
[106] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 130.
[107] Some interesting particulars respecting the ancient national
dances of the Peninsula are given by Ticknor, in his History of Spanish
Literature, (New York, 1849,) vol. II. pp. 445-448; a writer who, under
the title of a History of Literature, has thrown a flood of light on the
social and political institutions of the nation, whose character he has
evidently studied under all its aspects.
[108] "Relation of what passed at the Celebration of the Marriage of our
Prince with the Most Serene Queen of England,"--from the original at
Louvain, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary, vol. II. p. 430.--Salazar de
Mendoza, Monarquia de España, tom. II. p. 117.--Sandoval, Historia de
Carlos V., tom. II. pp. 560-563.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. pp.
231-233.--Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II, p. 500.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo,
lib. I. cap. 5.--Memorial de Voyages, MS.--Miss Strickland, Lives of the
Queens of England, vol. V. pp 389-396.
To the last writer I am especially indebted for several particulars in
the account of processions and pageants which occupies the preceding
pages. Her information is chiefly derived from two works, neither of
which is in my possession;--the Book of Precedents of Ralph Brook, York
herald, and the narrative of an Italian, Baoardo, an eye-witness of the
scenes he describes. Miss Strickland's interesting volumes are
particularly valuable to the historian for the copious extracts they
contain from curious unpublished documents, which had escaped the notice
of writers too exclusively occupied with political events to give much
heed to details of a domestic and personal nature.
[109] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 62.
[110] Ibid., p. 63.
[111] The Spaniards must have been quite as much astonished as the
English at the sight of such an amount of gold and silver in the coffers
of their king,--a sight that rarely rejoiced the eyes of either Charles
or Philip, though lords of the Indies. A hundred horses might well have
drawn as many tons of gold and silver,--an amount, considering the value
of money in that day, that taxes our faith somewhat heavily, and not the
less that only two wagons were employed to carry it.
[112] Holinshed, ubi supra.
[113] Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.
Michele Soriano, who represented Venice at Madrid, in 1559, bears
similar testimony, in still stronger language, to Philip's altered
deportment while in England. "Essendo avvertito prima dal Cardinale di
Trento, poi dalla Regina Maria, et con più efficaccia dal padre, che
quella riputatione et severità non si conveniva a lui, che dovea dominar
nationi varie et popoli di costumi diversi, si mutò in modo che passando
l'altra volta di Spagna per andar in Inghilterra, ha mostrato sempre una
dolcezza et humanità così grande che non è superato da Prencipe alcuno
in questa parte, et benchè servi in tutte l'attioni sue riputatione et
gravità regie alle quali e per natura inclinato et per costume, non è
però manco grato anzi fano parere la cortesia maggiore che S. M. usa con
tutti." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.
[114] "Lasciando l'essecution delle cose di giustitia alla Regina, et a
i Ministri quand'occorre di condannare alcuno, o nella robba, o nella
vita, per poter poi usarli impetrando, come fa, le gratie, et le mercedi
tutte; le quai cose fanno, che quanto alla persona sua, non solo sia ben
voluto, et amato da ciascuno, ma anco desiderato." Relatione di Gio.
Micheli, MS.
[115] Letter of Nicholas Wotton to Sir William Petre, MS.
[116] See the remarks of John Elder, ap. Tytler, Edward VI. and Mary,
vol. II. p. 258.
[117] "Nella religione,.... per quel che dall'esterior si vede, non si
potria giudicar meglio, et più assiduo, et attentissimo alle Messe, a i
Vesperi, et alle Prediche, come un religioso, molto più che a lo stato,
et età sua, a molte pare che si convenga. Il medisimo conferiscono
dell'intrinseco oltra certi frati Theologi suoi predicatori huomini
certo di stima, et anco altri che ogni di trattano con lui, che nelle
cose della conscientia non desiderano nè più pia, nè miglior
intentione." Relatione di Gio. Micheli, MS.
[118] Ibid.
[119] Ibid.
Mason, the English minister at the imperial court, who had had much
intercourse with Pole, speaks of him in terms of unqualified admiration.
"Such a one as, for his wisdom, joined with learning, virtue, and
godliness, all the world seeketh and adoreth. In whom it is to be
thought that God hath chosen a special place of habitation. Such is his
conversation adorned with infinite godly qualities, above the ordinary
sort of men. And whosoever within the realm liketh him worst, I would he
might have with him the talk of one half-hour. It were a right stony
heart that in a small time he could not soften." Letter of Sir John
Mason to the Queen, MS.
[120] If we are to credit Cabrera, Philip not only took his seat in
parliament, but on one occasion, the better to conciliate the good-will
of the legislature to the legate, delivered a speech which the historian
gives _in extenso_. If he ever made the speech, it could have been
understood only by a miracle. For Philip could not speak English, and of
his audience not one in a hundred, probably, could understand Spanish.
But to the Castilian historian the occasion might seem worthy of a
miracle,--_dignus vindice nodus._
[121] "Obraron de suerte Don Felipe con prudencia, agrado, honras, y
mercedes, y su familia con la cortesía natural de España, que se reduxo
Inglaterra toda à la obediencia de la Iglesia Catolica Romana, y se
abjuraron los errores y heregias que corrían en aquel Reyno," says
Vanderhammen, Felipe el Prudente, p. 4.
[122] Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p. 209.
[123] Philip, in a letter to the Regent Joanna, dated Brussels, 1557,
seems to claim for himself the merit of having extirpated heresy in
England by the destruction of the heretics. "Aviendo apartado deste
Reyno las sectas, i reduzidole à la obediencia de la Inglesia, i aviendo
ido sempre en acrecentamiento con el castigo de los Ereges tan sin
contradiciones como se haze en Inglaterra." (Cabrera, Filipe Segundo,
lib. II. cap. 6.) The emperor, in a letter from Yuste, indorses this
claim of his son to the full extent. "Pues en Ynglaterra se han hecho y
hacen tantas y tan crudas justicias hasta obispos, por la orden que alli
ha dado, como si fuera su Rey natural, y se lo permiten." Carta del
Emperador a la Princesa, Mayo 25, 1558, MS.
[124] Micheli, whose testimony is of the more value, as he was known to
have joined Noailles in his opposition to the Spanish match, tells us
that Philip was scrupulous in his observance of every article of the
marriage treaty. "Che non havendo alterato cosa alcuna dello stile, et
forma del governo, non essendo uscito un pelo della capitolatione del
matrimonio, ha in tutto tolta via quella paura che da principio fù
grandissima, che egli non volesse con imperio, et con la potentia,
disporre, et comandare delle cose à modo suo." Relatione di Gio.
Micheli, MS.
[125] "D'amor nasce l'esser inamorata come è et giustamente del marito
per quel che s'ha potuto conoscer nel tempo che è stata seco dalla
natura et modi suoi, certo da innamorar ognuno, non che chi havesse
havuto la buona compagnia et il buon trattamento ch'ell'ha havuto. Tale
in verità che nessun'altro potrebbe essergli stato nè migliore nè più
amorevol marito.... Se appresso al martello s'aggiungesse la gelosia,
della qual fin hora non si sa che patisca, perche se non ha il Re per
casto, almanco dice ella so che è libero dell'amor d'altra donna; se
fosse dico gelosa, sarebbe veramente misera." Relatione di Gio. Micheli,
MS.
[126] Holinshed, vol. IV. pp. 70, 82.
[127] Soriano notices the little authority that Philip seemed to possess
in England, and the disgust which it occasioned both to him and his
father.
"L'imperatore, che dissegnava sempre cose grandi, pensò potersi
acquistare il regno con occasione di matrimonio di quella regina nel
figliuolo; ma non gli successe quel che desiderava, perche questo Re
trovò tant'impedimenti et tante difficolta che mi ricordo havere inteso
da un personaggio che S. M^{ta.} si trova ogni giorno più mal contenta
d'haver atteso a quella prattica perchè non haver nel regno ne autorità
nè obedienza, nè pure la corona, ma solo un certo nome che serviva più
in apparenza che in effetto." Relatione di Michele Soriano, MS.
[128] "Hispani parum humane parumque hospitaliter a Britannis
tractabantur, ita ut res necessarias longe carius communi pretio emere
cogerentur." Sepulvedæ Opera, vol. II. p. 501.
[129] "Quando occorre disparere tra un Inglese et alcun di questi, la
giustitia non procede in quel modo che dovria..... Son tanti le
cavillationi, le lunghezze, et le spese senza fine di quei lor'giuditii,
che al torto, o al diritto, conviene ch'il forestiero soccumba; ne
bisogna pensar che mai si sottomettessero l'Inglesi come l'altre nationi
ad uno che chiamano l'Alcalde della Corte, spagnuole di natione, che
procede sommariamente contra ogn'uno, per vie però, et termini
Spagnuoli; havendo gl'Inglesi la lor legge, dalla quale non solo non si
partiriano, ma vogliano obligar a quella tutti gl'altre." Relatione di
Gio. Micheli, MS.
[130] Holinshed, vol. IV. p. 80.--Strype, Memorials, vol. III. p.
227.--Memorial de Voyages, MS.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p.
236.
[131] Relazione di Roma di Bernardo Navagero, 1558, published in
Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, Firenze, 1846, vol. VII. p. 378.
Navagero, in his report to the senate, dwells minutely on the personal
qualities as well as the policy of Paul the Fourth, whose character
seems to have been regarded as a curious study by the sagacious
Venetian.
"Ritornato a Roma, rinuncio la Chiesa di Chieti, che aveva prima, e
quella di Brindisi, ritirandosi affatto, e menando sempre vita privata,
aliena da ogni sorte di publico affare, anzi, lasciata dopo il saco Roma
stessa, passó a Verona e poi a Venezia, quivi trattenendosi lungo tempo
in compagnia di alcuni buoni Religiosi della medesima inclinazione, che
poi crescendo di numero, ed in santità di costumi, fondarono la
Congregazione, che oggi, dal Titolo che aveva Paolo allora di Vescovo
Teatino, de Teatini tuttavia ritiene il nome."
See also Relazione della Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, di
Pietro Nores, MS.
[132] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[133] Ibid.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo,
MS.--Giannone, Istoria Civile del Regno di Napoli, (Milano, 1823,) tom.
X. pp. 11-13.
[134] "Vuol essere servito molto delicatamente; e nel principio del suo
pontificato non bastavano venticinque piatti; beve molto più di quello
che mangia; il vino è possente e gagliardo, nero e tanto spesso, che si
potria quasi tagliare, e dimandasi mangiaguerra, il quale si conduce dal
regno di Napoli." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[135] "Nazione Spagnuola, odiata da lui, e che egli soleva chiamar vile,
ed abieta, seme di Giudei, e feccia del Mondo." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo
Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
"Dicendo in presenza di molti: che era venuto il tempo, che sarebbero
castigati dei loro peccati; che perderebbero li stati, e che l'Italia
saria liberata." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
At another time we find the pope declaiming against the Spaniards, now
the masters of Italy, who had once been known there only as its cooks.
"Dice..... di sentire infinito dispiacere, che quelli che solevano
essere cuochi o mozzi di stalla in Italia, ora comandino." Relazione di
Bernardo Navagero.
[136] "Cammina che non pare che tocchi terra; è tutto nervo con poca
carne." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[137] "Servì lungo tempore l'Imperatore, ma con infelicissimo evento,
non avendo potuto avere alcuna ricompensa, come egli stesso diceva, in
premio della sua miglior etá, e di molte fatiche, e pericoli sostenuti,
se non spese, danni, disfavore, esilio ed ultimamente un ingiustissima
prigionia." Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo,
MS.--Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[138] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Summonte,
Historia della Città e Regno di Napoli, (Napoli, 1675,) tom. IV. p.
278.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 20.
[139] Brantôme, who has introduced the constable into his gallery of
portraits, has not omitted this characteristic anecdote. "On disait
qu'il se falloit garder des patenostres de M. le connestable, car en les
disant et marmottant lors que les ocasions se presentoient, comme force
desbordemens et desordres y arrivent maintenant, il disoit: Allez moy
pendre un tel; attachez celuy là à cet arbre; faictes passer cestuy là
par les picques tout à ceste heure, ou les harquebuses tout devant moy;
taillez moy en pieces tous ces marauts," etc. Brantôme OEuvres (Paris,
1822,) tom. II. p. 372.
[140] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Summonte,
Historia di Napoli, tom. IV. p. 280.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom.
X. p. 21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 23 et seq.
[141] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli tom. X. p. 19.
[142] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Carta del
Duque de Alba à la Gobernadora, 28 de Julio, 1556, MS.--Giannone,
Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. pp. 15, 16.
[143] I have three biographies of the duke of Alva, which give a view of
his whole career. The most important is one in Latin, by a Spanish
Jesuit named Ossorio, and entitled Ferdinandi Toletani Albæ Ducis Vita
et Res Gestæ (Salmanticiæ, 1669). The author wrote nearly a century
after the time of his hero. But as he seems to have had access to the
best sources of information, his narrative may be said to rest on a good
foundation. He writes in a sensible and business-like manner, more often
found among the Jesuits than among the members of the other orders. It
is not surprising that the harsher features of the portrait should be
smoothed down under the friendly hand of the Jesuit commemorating the
deeds of the great champion of Catholicism.
A French life of the duke, printed some thirty years later, is only a
translation of the preceding, Histoire de Ferdinand-Alvarez de Toledo,
Duc d'Albe (Paris, 1699). A work of more pretension is entitled Resultas
de la Vida de Fernando Alvarez tercero Duque de Alva, escrita por Don
Juan Antonio de Vera y Figueroa, Conde de la Roca (1643). It belongs,
apparently, to a class of works not uncommon in Spain, in which vague
and uncertain statements take the place of simple narrative, and the
writer covers up his stilted panegyric with the solemn garb of moral
philosophy.
[144] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 27.--Consulta hecha a
varios letrados y téologos relativamente a las desavenencias con el
Papa, MS. This document is preserved in the archives of Simancas.
[145] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra da Campaña de Roma, (Madrid, 1589,) p. 14.--Summonte, Historia di
Napoli, tom. IV. p. 270.
The most circumstantial printed account of this war is to be found in
the work of Alessandro Andrea, a Neapolitan. It was first published in
Italian, at Venice, and subsequently translated by the author into
Castilian, and printed at Madrid. Andrea was a soldier of some
experience, and his account of these transactions is derived partly from
personal observation, and partly, as he tells us, from the most
accredited witnesses. The Spanish version was made at the suggestion of
one of Philip's ministers,--pretty good evidence that the writer, in his
narrative, had demeaned himself like a loyal subject.
[146] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 25.--Carta del Duque de
Alba à la Gobernadora, 8 de Setiembre, 1556, MS.
"In tal mode, non solo veniva a mitigar l'asprezze, che portava seco
l'occupar le Terre dello stato ecclesiastico, ma veniva a sparger semi
di discordia, e di sisma, fra li Cardinali, ed il Papa, tentando
d'alienarli da lui, e mostrargli verso di loro riverenza, e rispetto."
Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[147] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[148] "Stava intrepido, parlando delle cose appartenenti a quel'uffizio,
come se non vi fusse alcuna sospezione di guerra, non che gl'inimici
fussero vicini alle porte." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[149] "Pontifex eam conditionem ad se relatam aspernatus in eo
persistebat, ut Albanus copias domum reduceret, deinde quod vellet, a se
supplicibus precibus postularet." Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi
II., lib. I. cap. 17.
[150] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 17.
[151] "Quel Pontefice, che per ciascuna di queste cose che fosse cascata
in un processo, avrebbe condannato ognuno alla morte ed al fuoco, le
tollerava in questi, come in suoi defensori." Relazione di Bernardo
Navagero.
[152] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[153] The details of the siege of Ostia are given with more or less
minuteness by Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.;
Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 72 et seq.; Campana, Vita del Catholico Don
Filippo Secondo, con le Guerre de suoi Tempi, (Vicenza, 1605,) tom. II.
fol. 146, 147; Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. II. cap. 15.
[154] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, p. 86 et seq.
The Emperor Charles the Fifth, when on his way to Yuste, took a very
different view from Alva's of the truce, rating the duke roundly for not
having followed up the capture of Ostia by a decisive blow, instead of
allowing the French time to enter Italy and combine with the pope.--"El
emperador oyó todo lo que v. md. dize del duque y de Italia, y ha
tornado muy mal el haver dado el duque oidos à suspension de armas, y
mucho mas de haver prorrogado el plazo, por parecelle que será
instrumento para que la gente del Rey que baxava à Piamonte se juntasse
con la del Papa, ó questa dilacion sera necessitar al duque, y
estorvalle el effecto que pudiera hazer, si prosiguiera su vitoria
despues de haber ganado à Ostia, y entredientes dixo otras cosas que no
pude comprehender." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu à Juan Vazquez, Enero 10,
1557, MS.
[155] Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., p. 13.
[156] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, p. 165.
[157] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, p. 220.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p.
86.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. III. cap. 9.
[158] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 226.
[159] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 40.
[160] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 39.
[161] "Encendido de colera, vino a dezir, Que Dios se auia buelto
Español." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 228.
[162] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 35.
[163] Norres, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Flippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, p. 237.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 64.
[164] The particulars of the siege of Civitella may be found in Nores,
Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.; Andrea, Guerra de Roma,
p. 222 et seq.; Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. pp. 53-59; Cabrera, Filipe
Segundo, lib. III. cap. 9; De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p.
87 et seq., &c.
[165] "Quiso guardar el precepto de guerra que es: Hazer la puente de
plata al enemigo, que se va." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 285.
[166] "No pensava jugar el Reyno de Napoles contra una casaca de brocado
del Duque de Guisa." Vera y Figueroa, Resultas de la Vida del Duque de
Alva, p. 66.
[167] "Quiso usar alli desta sexeridad, no por crueza, sino para dar
exemplo a los otros, que no se atreuiesse un lugarejo a defenderse de un
exercito real." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 292.
[168] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 302.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita, tom. II. p.
96.--Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[169] "Los enemigos han tomado a Seña con saco, muerte, y fuego......
Entraran en Roma, y la saqueran, y prenderan a mi persona; y yo, que
desseo ser c[=o] Christo, aguardo sin miedo la corona del martirio."
Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 303.
"Si mostró prontissimo e disposto di sostenere il martirio." Nores,
Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[170] Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 306.
[171] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, pp. 306-311.--Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.--Ossorio,
Albæ Vita, tom. II. p. 117 et seq.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV.
cap. 11.
[172] "Dixo a Don Fernando de Toledo su hijo estas palabras: Temo que
hemos de saquear a Roma, y no querria." Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 312.
[173] Ibid., ubi supra.
[174] "Il Cardinal Sangiacomo, suo zio, dopo la tregua di quaranta
giorni, fu a vecerlo e gli disse: Figliuol mio, avete fatto bene a non
entrare in Roma, come so che avete potuto; e vi esorto che non lo
facciate mai; perchè, tutti quelli della nostra nazione che si trovarono
all'ultimo sacco, sono capitati male." Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[175] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[176] Sismondi, Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 41.
[177] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 43.
[178] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Andrea,
Guerra de Roma, p. 314.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p.
128.--Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 45.--Ossorio, Albæ Vita,
tom. II. p. 131.
[179] "Hoggi il mio Rè ha fatto una gran sciocchezza, e se io fossi
stato in suo luogo, et egli nel mio, il Cardinal Carafa sarebbe andato
in Fiandra à far quelle stesse sommissioni à sua Maestà che io vengo
hora di fare à sua Santità." Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I. p. 293.
[180] Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[181] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 45.--Nores, Guerra fra
Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Leti, Vita di Filippo II., tom. I.
p. 293.--Andrea, Guerra de Roma, p. 316.
[182] Charles the Fifth, who received tidings of the peace at Yuste, was
as much disgusted with the terms of it as the duke himself. He even
vented his indignation against the duke, as if he had been the author of
the peace. He would not consent to read the despatches which Alva sent
to him, saying that he already knew enough; and for a long time after
"he was heard to mutter between his teeth," in a tone which plainly
showed the nature of his thoughts. Retiro y Estancia, ap. Mignet,
Charles-Quint, p. 307.
[183] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 46.
[184] Giannone, Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 50.--Nores, Guerra fra
Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.
[185] Nores, Guerra fra Paolo Quarto e Filippo Secondo, MS.--Giannone,
Istoria di Napoli, tom. X. p. 50.
[186] "Della quale se altri non voleva aver cura, voleva almeno averla
esso; e sebbene i suoi consigli non fossero uditi, avrebbe almeno la
consolazione di avere avuto quest'animo, e che si dicesse un giorno: che
un vecchio italiano che, essendo vicino alla morte, doveva attendere a
riposare e a piangere i suoi peccati, avesse avuto tanto alti disegni."
Relazione di Bernardo Navagero.
[187] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 2.--Carta del Rey Don
Felipe Segundo a Ruy Gomez de Silva a XI. de Março, 1557, MS.--Papiers
d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. pp. 61, 63.
[188] Tytler, in his England under Edward VI. and Mary, (vol. II. p.
483,) has printed extracts from the minutes of the council, with the
commentaries of Philip by the side of them. The commentaries, which are
all in the royal autograph, seem to be as copious as the minutes
themselves.
[189] Herrera, Historia General del Mundo, de XV. Años del Tiempo del
Señor Rey Don Felipe II., (Valladolid, 1606,) lib. IV. cap.
13.--Gaillard, Histoire de la Rivalité de la France et de l'Espagne,
(Paris, 1801,) tom. V. p. 243.
[190] See Tytler's valuable work, Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary. The
compilation of this work led its candid author to conclusions eminently
favorable to the personal character of Queen Mary.
[191] Conf. De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 148; Cabrera,
Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 4; Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo,
parte II. lib. 9; Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 14.
The historian here, as almost everywhere else where numerical estimates
are concerned, must content himself with what seems to be the closest
approximation to the truth. Some writers carry the Spanish foot to fifty
thousand. I have followed the more temperate statement of the
contemporary De Thou, who would not be likely to underrate the strength
of an enemy.
[192] See the letters of the duke published in the Papiers d'Etat de
Granvelle, (tom. V., passim,)--business-like documents, seasoned with
lively criticisms on the characters of those he had to deal with.
[193] Relazione della Corte di Savoja di Gio Francesco Morosini, 1570,
ap. Relazioni degli Ambasciatori Veneti, vol. iv.
[194] See the letter of the queen to Philip, in Strype, Catalogue of
Originals, No. 56.
[195] Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 115.
[196] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 147.--Commentaires de
François de Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires pour servir à
l'Histoire de France, par MM. Michaud et Poujoulat, (Paris, 1838,) tom.
VII. p. 535.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 14.--Cabrera,
Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 5.
[197] "Ils furent tous deux, dans leur jeunes ans,..... sy grands
compagnons, amis et confederez de court, que j'ay ouy dire à plusieurs
qui les ont veus habiller le plus souvant de mesmes parures, mesmes
livrées,..... tous deux fort enjoüez et faisant des follies plus
extravagantes que tous les autres; et sur tout ne faisoient nulles
follies qu'ils ne fissent mal, tant ils etoient rudes joüeurs et
malheureux en leurs jeux." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 265.
[198] "Il falloit les nourrir ou les faire mourir de faim, qui eust peu
apporter une peste dans la ville." Mémoires de Gaspard de Coligni, ap.
Collection Universelle des Mémoires particuliers relatifs à l'Histoire
de France, (Paris, 1788,) tom. XL. p. 252.
[199] Ibid.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 151.--Rabutin,
ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 540.--Garnier,
Histoire de France, (Paris, 1787,) tom. XXVII. p. 358.
[200] There is not so much discrepancy in the estimates of the French as
of the Spanish force. I have accepted the statements of the French
historians, Garnier, (Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 354,) and De
Thou, (tom. III. p. 148,) who, however, puts the cavalry at one thousand
less. For authorities on the Spanish side, see Cabrera, Filipe Segundo,
lib. IV. cap. 7.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. IV. cap. 15.--Campana,
Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.
[201] Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 548.
[202] Ibid., ubi supra.--Monpleinchamp, Histoire d'Emmanuel Philibert
Duc de Savoie, (Amsterdam, 1699,) p. 146.--De Thou, Histoire
Universelle, tom. III. p. 157.
The first of these writers, François de Rabutin, is one of the best
authorities for these transactions, in which he took part as a follower
of the duc de Nevers.
[203] "Encore à sortir des bateaux, à cause de la presse, les soldats ne
pouvoient suivre les addresses et sentes qui leur estoient appareillées;
de façon qu'ils s'escartoient et se jettoient à costé dans les creux des
marets, d'où ils ne pouvoient sortir, et demeuroient là embourbez et
noyez." Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 549.
[204] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 361.
[205] I quote the words of Monpleinchamp, (Histoire du Duc de Savoie, p.
147,) who, however, speaks of the fire as coming from the
artillery,--hardly probable, as the French batteries were three miles
distant, up the river. But accuracy does not appear to be the chief
virtue of this writer.
[206] "Manda au prince, pour toute réponse, qu'il étoit bien jeune pour
vouloir lui apprendre son metier, qu'il commandoit les armées avant que
celui-ci fût au monde, et qu'il comptoit bien en vingt ans lui donner
encore des leçons." Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 364.
[207] Rabutin, who gives this account, says it would be impossible to
tell how the disorder began. It came upon them so like a thunderclap,
that no man had a distinct recollection of what passed. Rabutin, ap.
Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 550.
[208] "Appellant à lui dans ce trouble le vieux d'Oignon, officier
expérimenté, il lui demanda: Bon homme, que faut-il faire? Monseigneur,
répondit d'Oignon, il y a deux heures que je vous l'aurois bien dit,
maintenant je n'en sais rien." Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII.
p. 368.
[209] "Noirs comme de beaux diables." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p.
185.
[210] "Icelles compagnies de fantrie, en ce peu qu'elles se
comportoient, autant belles, bien complettes et bien armées, que l'on en
avoit veu en France il y avoit long-temps." Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle
Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 551.
[211] "A ces nouvelles s'esleverent tellement leurs esprits et courages,
qu'ils recoururent incontinent aux armes, et n'oyoit-on plus partout que
demander harnois et chevaux, et trompettes sonner à cheval, ayant chacun
recouvert ses forces et sentimens pour venger la honte précédente;
toutefois ce murmure se trouva nul, et demeura assoupi en peu d'heure."
Ibid., p. 552.
[212] Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.
According to some accounts, the loss did not exceed fifty. This,
considering the spirit and length of the contest, will hardly be
credited. It reminds one of the wars with the Moslems in the Peninsula,
where, if we are to take the account of the Spaniards, their loss was
usually as one to a hundred of the enemy.
[213] For the preceding pages, see Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle Collection des
Mémoires, tom. VII. pp. 548-552.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap.
7.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib.
9.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, pp. 146-150.--Herrera, Historia
General, lib. IV. cap. 15.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp.
154-160.--Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. pp. 361-372.--Carta
de Felipe 2do à su padre anunciandole la victoria de San Quentin, MS.
[214] "Pues yo no me hallé alli, de que me pesa lo que V. M. no puede
pensar, no puedo dar relaçion de lo que paso sino de oydas." Carta de
Felipe 2do à su padre, 11 de Agosto, 1557, MS.
[215] This appears by a letter of the major-domo of Charles, Luis
Quixada, to the secretary, Juan Vazquez de Molina, MS.
"Siento que no se puede conortar de que su hijo no se hallase en ello."
[216] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 7
[217] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 246.
[218] It is Brantôme who tells the anecdote, in his usual sarcastic way.
"Encor, tout religieux, demy sainct qu'il estoit, il ne se peut en
garder que quant le roy son fils eut gaigné la bataille de
Sainct-Quentin de demander aussi tost que le courrier luy apporta des
nouvelles, s'il avoit bien poursuivi la victoire, et jusques aux portes
de Paris." OEuvres, tom. I. p. 11.
Luis Quixada, in a letter written at the time from Yuste, gives a
version of the story, which, if it has less point, is probably more
correct. "S. Magd. está con mucho cuidado por saber que camino arrá
tomado el Rey despues de acabada aquella empresa de San Quintin." Carta
de 27 de Setiembre, 1557, MS.
[219] "Para no entrar en Francia como su padre comiendo pabos, i salir
comiendo raizes." Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 8.
[220] "Si l'on m'oyoit tenir quelque langage, qui approchast de faire
composition, je les suppliois tous qu'ils me jettassent, comme un
poltron, dedans le fossé par dessus les murailles: que s'il y avoit
quelqu'un qui m'en tint propos, _je ne lui en ferois pas moins_."
Coligni, Mémoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires, tom. XL. p.
272.
[221] Gaillard, Rivalité, tom. V. p. 253.
[222] Burnet, Reformation, vol. III. p. 636.
[223] For notices of the taking of St. Quentin, in greater or less
detail, see Coligni, Mémoires, ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires,
tom. XL.; Rabutin, Mémoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom.
VII. p. 556 et seq.; De Thou. Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp.
164-170; Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9;
Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 9; Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de
Savoie, p. 152.
Juan de Pinedo, in a letter to the secretary Vazquez, (dated St.
Quentin, August 27,) speaking of the hard fighting which took place in
the assault, particularly praises the gallantry of the English: "Esta
tarde entre tres y quatro horas se ha entrado San Quentin à pura fuerça
peleando muy bien los de dentro y los de fuera, muy escogidamente todos,
y por estremo los Ingleses." MS.
[224] Letter of the earl of Bedford to Sir William Cecil, (dated "from
our camp beside St. Quentin, the 3rd of Sept. 1557,") ap. Tytler, Edward
VI. and Mary, vol. II p. 493.
[225] According to Sepulveda, (De Rebus Gestis Philippi II., lib. I.
cap. 30,) no less than four thousand women. It is not very probable that
Coligni would have consented to cater for so many useless mouths.
[226] "The Swartzrotters, being masters of the king's whole army, used
such force, as well to the Spaniards, Italians, and all other nations,
as unto us, that there was none could enjoy nothing but themselves. They
had now showed such cruelty, as the like hath not been seen for
greediness: the town by them was set a-fire, and a great piece of it
burnt." Letter of the earl of Bedford to Cecil, ap. Tytler, Edward VI.
and Mary, vol. II. p. 493.
[227] Rabutin, Mémoires, ap. Nouvelle Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII.
pp. 537-564.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp.
149-170.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo, parte II. lib. 9.
The best account of the siege of St. Quentin is to be found in Coligni's
Mémoires, (ap. Collection Universelle des Mémoires, tom. XL. pp.
217-290,) written by him in his subsequent captivity, when the events
were fresh in his memory. The narrative is given in a simple,
unpretending manner, that engages our confidence, though the author
enters into a minuteness of detail which the general historian may be
excused from following.
[228] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 173-177.--Cabrera,
Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 13.--Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis Philippi
II., lib. I. cap. 32.
[229] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III, pp. 163, 176.--Garnier,
Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 377 et seq.
[230] "C'etoit un proverbe reçu en France pour désigner un mauvais
général, un guerrier sans mérite, de dire: _il ne chassera pas les
Anglois de la France_." Gaillard, Rivalité de France et de l'Espagne,
tom. V. p. 260
[231] "Aussi les Anglois furent si glorieux (car ils le sont assez de
leur naturel) de mettre sur les portes de la ville que, lors que les
François assiegeront Calais, l'on verra le plomb et le fer nager sur
l'eau comme le liege." Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. III. p. 203.
[232] Burnet, History of the Reformation, vol. III. p. 646.
[233] Ibid., p. 650.
[234] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 238.--Garnier,
Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 512.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle
Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Campana, Vita del Re Filippo
Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap.
21.--Herrera, Historia General, lib. V. cap. 5.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du
Duc de Savoie, p. 154.
[235] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.
[236] "Nous sommes vainqueurs; que ceux qui aiment la gloire et leur
patrie me suivent." De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.
[237] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.
[238] De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p. 240.--Garnier,
Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 516.
[239] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 21.--De Thou, Histoire
Universelle, tom. III. p. 241.
[240] "Ma della caualleria niuno fu quasi, ch'ò non morisse combattendo,
ò non restasse prigione, non potendosi saluar fuggendo in quei luoghi
paludosi, malageuoli." Campana, Vita del Re Filippo Secondo, parte II.
lib. 10.
[241] For the accounts of this battle, see Campana, Vita del Re Filippo
Secondo, parte II. lib. 10.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap.
21.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. pp. 239-241.--Garnier,
Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 513 et seq.--Rabutin, ap. Nouvelle
Collection des Mémoires, tom. VII. p. 598.--Herrera, Historia General,
lib. V. cap. 5.--Ferreras, Histoire Générale d'Espagne, tom. IX. p.
396.--Monpleinchamp, Vie du Duc de Savoie, p. 155.
I know of no action of which the accounts are so perfectly
irreconcilable in their details as those of the battle of Gravelines.
Authorities are not even agreed as to whether it was an English fleet
that fired on the French troops. One writer speaks of it as a Spanish
squadron from Guipuscoa. Another says the marines landed, and engaged
the enemy on shore. It is no easy matter to extract a probability from
many improbabilities. There is one fact, however, and that the most
important one, in which all agree,--that Count Egmont won a decisive
victory over the French at Gravelines.
[242] There is an interesting letter of Philip's sister, the Regent
Joanna, to her father, the emperor, then in the monastery at Yuste. It
was written nearly a year before this period of our history. Joanna
gives many good reasons, especially the disorders of his finances, which
made it expedient for Philip to profit by his successful campaign to
conclude a peace with France,--the same which now presented themselves
with such force to both Philip and his ministers. The capture of Calais,
soon after the date of Joanna's letter, and the great preparations made
by Henry, threw a weight into the enemy's scale which gave new heart to
the French to prolong the contest, until it ended with the defeat at
Gravelines.--Carta de la Princesa Juana al Emperador, 14 de Diciembre,
1557, MS.--Carta del Emperador à la Princesa, 26 de Diciembre, 1557, MS.
[243] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib.
IV. cap. 2, 4.--Campana, Vita di Filippo Secundo, parte II. lib. 11.
[244] Relatione di Giovanni Micheli, MS.
[245] "Yo os digo que yo estoy de todo punto imposibilitado à sostener
la guerra.... Estos términos me parecen tan aprestados que so pena de
perderme no puedo dejar de concertarme." Letter of Philip to the Bishop
of Arras, (February 12. 1559,) ap. Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V.
p. 454, et alibi.
Philip told the Venetian minister he was in such straits, that, if the
French king had not made advances towards an accommodation, he should
have been obliged to do so himself. Campana, Vita di Filippo Secondo,
parte II. lib. 11.
[246] Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 16.--Ferreras, Histoire
Générale d'Espagne, tom. VII. p. 397.
[247] "Habló que era de tener en mas la pressa del Condestable, que si
fuera la misma persona del Rey, porque faltando el, falta el govierno
jeneral todo." Carta del Mayordomo Don Luis Mendez Quixada al Secretario
Juan Vazquez de Molina, MS.
[248] The French government had good reasons for its distrust. It
appears from the correspondence of Granvelle, that that minister
employed a _respectable_ agent to take charge of the letters of St.
André, and probably of the other prisoners, and that these letters were
inspected by Granvelle before they passed to the French camp. See
Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 178.
[249] Some historians, among them Sismondi, seem to have given more
credit to the professions of the politic Frenchman than they deserve,
(Histoire des Français, tom. XVIII. p. 73.). Granvelle, who understood
the character of his antagonist better, was not so easily duped. A
memorandum among his papers thus notices the French cardinal: "Toute la
démonstration que faisoit ledict cardinal de Lorraine de désirer paix,
estoit chose faincte à la françoise et pour nous abuser." Papiers d'Etat
de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 168.
[250] "Adjoustant que, si Calaix demeuroit aux François, ny luy ny ses
collègues n'oseroyent retourner en Angleterre, et que certainement le
peuple les lapideroit." Ibid., p. 319.
[251] "Were I to die this moment, want of frigates would be found
written on my heart." The original of this letter of Nelson is in the
curious collection of autograph letters which belonged to the late Sir
Robert Peel.
[252] Philip's feelings in this matter may be gathered from a passage in
a letter to Granvelle, in which he says that the death of the young
queen of Scots, then very ill, would silence the pretensions which the
French made to England, and relieve Spain from a great embarrassment.
"Si la reyna moça se muriesse, que diz que anda muy mala, nos quitaria
de hartos embaraços y del derecho que pretenden à Inglaterra." Papiers
d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. V. p. 643.
[253] "Tras esto véola muy indignada de las cosas que se han hecho
contra ella en vida de la Reina: muy asida al pueblo, y muy confiada que
lo tiene todo de su parte (como es verdad), y dando à entender que el
Pueblo la ha puesto en el estado que está: y de esto no reconoce nada à
V. M. ni à la nobleza del Reino, aunque dice que la han enviado à
prometer todos que la serán fieles." Memorias de la Real Academia de la
Historia, (Madrid, 1832,) tom. VII. p. 254.
[254] "Non manco bella d'animo che sia di corpo; ancor'che di faccia si
puó dir' che sia piu tosto gratiosa che bella." Relatione di Giovanni
Micheli, MS.
[255] "Della persona è grande, et ben formata, di bella carne, ancor che
olivastra, begl'occhi, et sopra tutto bella mano, di che fa professione,
d'un spirito, et ingegno mirabile: il che ha saputo molto ben
dimostrare, con l'essersi saputa ne i sospetti, et pericoli ne i quali
s'è ritrovata cosi ben governare.... Si tien superba, et gloriosa per il
padre; del quale dicono tutti che è anco più simile, et per cio gli fu
sempre cara." Ibid.
[256] The Spanish minister, Feria, desired his master to allow him to
mention Mary's jealousy, as an argument to recommend his suit to the
favor of Elizabeth. But Philip had the good feeling--or good taste--to
refuse. Memorias de la Real Academia, tom. VII. p. 260.
[257] "Dijo que convendria consultarlo con el Parlamento; bien que el
Rey Católico debia estar seguro que en caso de casarse, seria él
preferido á todos." Ibid., p. 264.
[258] "Paresceme que seria bien que el conde le hablasse claro en estas
cosas de la religion, y la amonestasse y rogasse de mi parte que no
hiziesse en este parlamento mudança en ella, y que si la hiciesse que yo
no podria venir en lo del casamiento, como en effecto no vendria." Carta
del Rey Phelipe al Duque de Alba, 7 de Febrero, 1559, MS.
[259] "Convendría que hablasse claro á la Reyna, y le dixesse rasamente
que aunque yo desseo mucho este negocio, (y por aquí envanesçella quanto
pudiesse,) pero que entendiesse que si haria mudança en la religion, yo
lo hacia en este desseo y voluntad por que despues no pudiesse dezir que
no se le avia dicho antes." Ibid.
[260] "Dijo que pensaba estar sin casarse, porque tenia mucho escrúpulo
en lo de la dispensa del Papa." Memorias de la Real Academia, tom. VII.
p. 265.
[261] Ibid., p. 266.
[262] "Aunque habia recibido pena de no haberse concluido cosa que tanto
deseaba, y parecía convenir al bien público, pues á ella no le habia
parecido tan necessario, y que con buena amistad se conseguiria el mismo
fin, quedaba satisfecho y contento." Ibid., ubi supra.
[263] The duke of Savoy, in a letter to Granvelle, says that the king is
in arrears more than a million of crowns to the German troops alone;
and, unless the ministers have some mysterious receipt for raising
money, beyond his knowledge, Philip will be in the greatest
embarrassment that any sovereign ever was. "No ay un real y devéseles á
la gente alemana, demas de lo que seles a pagado aora de la vieja deuda,
mas d'un mylion d'escudos..... Por esso mirad como hazeys, que sino se
haze la paz yo veo el rey puesto en el mayor trance que rey s'a visto
jamas, si él no tiene otros dineros, que yo no sé, á que el señor Eraso
alle algun secretto que tiene reservado para esto." Papiers d'Etat de
Granvelle, tom. V. p. 458.
[264] The minister in London was instructed to keep up the same show of
confidence to the English. "Todavía mostramos rostro á los Franceses,
como tambien es menester que alla se haga con los Ingleses, que no se
puede confiar que no vengan Franceses á saber dellos lo que alli podrian
entender." Ibid., p. 479.
[265] Ibid., p. 468.
"That the said Dolphin's and Queen of Scott's eldest daughter shall
marry with your highnes eldest sonne, who with her shall have Callice."
Forbes, State Papers of Elizabeth, vol. I. p. 54.
It seemed to be taken for granted that Elizabeth was not to die a maiden
queen, notwithstanding her assertions so often reiterated to the
contrary.
[266] "Hablando con la reyna sin persuadirla, ny á la paz, ny á que dexe
Calaix, by tampoco á que venga bien á las otras condiciones propuestas
por los Franceses, paraque en ningun tiempo pueda dezir que de parte de
S. M. la hayan persuadido á cosa que quiçá despues pensasse que no le
estuviesse bien, V. S. tenga respecto á proponerle las razones en
balança, de manera que pesen siempre mucho mas las que la han de
inclinar al concierto."--Ibid., p. 479.
[267] See the treaty, in Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, (Amsterdam, 1728,)
tom. V. p. 31.
[268] Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 570.
[269] "Mettez-moi, sire, dans la plus mauvaise des places qu'on vous
propose d'abandonner, et que vos ennemis tâchent de m'en déloger."
Gaillard, Rivalité de la France et d'Espagne, tom. V. p. 294.
[270] Garnier, Histoire de France, tom. XXVII. p. 567.
[271] "Pour tant de restitutions ou de concessions que revenoit-il à la
France? moins de places qu'elle ne cédoit de provinces." Gaillard,
Rivalité de la France et d'Espagne, tom. V. p. 292.
[272] Charles the Fifth, who in his monastic seclusion at Yuste, might
naturally have felt more scruples at a collision with Rome than when, in
earlier days, he held the pope a prisoner in his capital, decidedly
approved of his son's course. It was a war of necessity, he said, in a
letter to Juan Vazquez de Molina, and Philip would stand acquitted of
the consequences before God and man.
"Pues no se puede hazer otra cosa, y el Rey se ha justificado en tantas
maneras cumpliendo con Dios y el mundo, por escusar los daños que dello
se seguiran, forzado sera usar del ultimo remedio." Carta del Emperador
á Juan Vazquez de Molina, 8 de Agosto, 1557, MS.
[273] "Il nous a semblé mieulx de leur dire rondement, que combien
vostre majesté soit tousjours esté dure et difficile à recepvoir
persuasions pour se remarier, que toutesfois, aiant représenté à icelle
le désir du roi très-chrestien et le bien que de ce mariage pourra
succéder, et pour plus promptement consolider ceste union et paix, elle
s'estoit résolue, pour monstrer sa bonne et syncère affection, d'y
condescendre franchement." Granvelle, Papiers d'Etat, tom. V. p. 580.
[274] "El Conde la dijo, que aunque las negativas habían sido en cierto
modo indirectas, él no habia querido apurarla hasta el punto de decir
redondamente que no, por no dar motivo à indignaciones entre dos tan
grandes Príncipes." Mem. de la Academia, tom. VII. p. 268.
[275] "Osservando egli l'usanza Francese nel baciar tutte l'altre Dame
di Corte, nell'arriuar alla futura sua Reina, non solo intermise quella
famigliare cerimonia, ma non uolle nè anche giamai coprirsi la testa,
per istanza, che da lei ne gli fusse fatta; il che fu notato per
nobilissimo, e degno atto di creäza Spagnuola." Campana, Filippo
Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.
[276] The work of extermination was to cover more ground than Henry's
capital or country, if we may take the word of the English
commissioners, who, in a letter dated January, 1559, advised the queen,
their mistress, that "there was an appoinctment made betwene the late
pope, the French king, and the king of Spaine, for the joigning of their
forces together for the suppression of religion, ... th'end whereof was
to constraine the rest of christiendome, being Protestants, to receive
the pope's authorité and his religione." (Forbes, State Papers, vol. I.
p. 296.) Without direct evidence of such a secret understanding,
intimations of it, derived from other sources, may be found in more than
one passage of this history.
[277] Brantôme, who repays the favors he had received from Henry the
Second by giving him a conspicuous place in his gallery of portraits,
eulogizes his graceful bearing in the tourney and his admirable
horsemanship.
"Mais sur tout ils l'admiroient fort en sa belle grace qu'il avoit en
ses armes et à cheval; comme de vray, c'estoit le prince du monde qui
avait la meilleure grace et la plus belle tenuë, et qui sçavoit aussi
bien monstrer la vertu et bonté d'un cheval, et en cacher le vice."
OEuvres tom. II. p. 353.
[278] Ibid, p. 351.--De Thou, Histoire Universelle, tom. III. p.
367.--Cabrera, Filipe Segundo, lib. IV. cap. 20.--Campagna Filippo
Secondo, parte II. lib. 11.--Forbes, State Papers, vol. I. p. 151.
[279] The English commissioner, Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, bears
testimony to the popularity of Henry.--"Their was marvailous great
lamentation made for him, and weaping of all sorts, both men and women."
Forbes, State Papers, vol. I. p. 151.
[280] This pleasing anticipation is not destined to be realised. Since
the above was written, in the summer of 1851, the cloister life of
Charles the Fifth, then a virgin topic, has become a thrice-told
tale,--thanks to the labors of Mr. Stirling, M. Amédée Pichot, and M.
Mignet; while the publication of the original documents from Simancas,
by M. Gachard, will put it in the power of every scholar to verify their
statements.--See the postscript at the end of this chapter.
[281] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 611.
[282] "Una sola silla de caderas, que mas era media silla, tan vieja y
ruyn que si se pusiera en venta no dieran por ella quatro reales."
Ibid., tom. II. p. 610.--See also El Perfecto Desengaño, por el Marqués
de Valparayso, MS.
The latter writer, in speaking of the furniture, uses precisely the same
language, with the exception of a single word, as Sandoval. Both claim
to have mainly derived their account of the cloister life of Charles the
Fifth from the prior of Yuste, Fray Martin de Angulo. The authority,
doubtless, is of the highest value, as the prior, who witnessed the
closing scenes of Charles's life, drew up his relation for the
information of the Regent Joanna, and at her request. Why the good
father should have presented his hero in such a poverty-stricken aspect,
it is not easy to say. Perhaps he thought it would redound to the credit
of the emperor, that he should have been willing to exchange the
splendors of a throne for a life of monkish mortification.
[283] The reader will find an extract from the inventory of the royal
jewels, plate, furniture, &c, in Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles the
Fifth, (London, 1852,) Appendix, and in Pichot's Chronique de
Charles-Quint, (Paris, 1854,) p. 537 et seq.
[284] Mignet has devoted a couple of pages to an account of this
remarkable picture of which an engraving is still extant, executed under
the eyes of Titian himself. Charles-Quint, pp. 214, 215.
[285] Vera y Figueroa, Vida y Hechos de Carlos V., p. 127.
A writer in Fraser's Magazine for April and May, 1851, has not omitted
to notice this remarkable picture, in two elaborate articles on the
cloister life of Charles the Fifth. They are evidently the fruit of a
careful study of the best authorities, some of them not easy of access
to the English student. The author has collected some curious
particulars in respect to the persons who accompanied the emperor in his
retirement; and on the whole, though he seems not to have been aware of
the active interest which Charles took in public affairs, he has
presented by far the most complete view of this interesting portion of
the imperial biography that has yet been given to the world.
[I suffer this note to remain as originally written, before the
publication of Mr. Stirling's "Cloister Life" had revealed him as the
author of these spirited essays.]
[286] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 610.--Siguença, Historia
de la Orden de San Geronimo, (Madrid, 1595-1605,) parte III. p.
190.--Ford, Handbook of Spain, (London, 1845,) p. 551.
Of the above authorities, Father Siguença has furnished the best account
of the emperor's little domain as it was in his day, and Ford as it is
in our own.
[287] See the eloquent conclusion of Stirling's Cloister Life of Charles
the Fifth.
Ford, in his admirable Handbook, which may serve as a manual for the
student of Spanish in his closet, quite as well as for the traveller in
Spain, has devoted a few columns to a visit which he paid to this
sequestered spot, where, as he says, the spirit of the mighty dead
seemed to rule again in his last home. A few lines from the pages of the
English tourist will bring the scene more vividly before the reader than
the colder description in the text. "As the windows were thrown wide
open to admit the cool thyme-scented breeze, the eye in the clear
evening swept over the boundless valley; and the nightingales sang
sweetly, in the neglected orange-garden, to the bright stars reflected
like diamonds in the black tank below us. How often had Charles looked
out, on a stilly eve, on this selfsame and unchanged scene, where he
alone was now wanting!" Handbook of Spain, p. 553.
[288] Carta de Martin de Gaztelu al Secretario Vazquez, 5 de Febrero,
1557, MS.
[289] Their names and vocations are specified in the codicil executed by
Charles a few days before his death. See the document entire, ap.
Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 662.
A more satisfactory list has been made out by the indefatigable Gachard
from various documents which he collected, and which have furnished him
with the means of correcting the orthography of Sandoval, miserably
deficient in respect to Flemish names. See Retraite et Mort de
Charles-Quint, tom. I. p. 1.
[290] "Las vistas de las pieças de su magestad no son muy largas, sino
cortas, y las que se véen, o es una montaña de piedras grandes, ó unos
montes de robles no muy altos. Campo llano no le ay, ni como podesse
pasear, que sea por un camino estrecho y lleno de piedra. Rio yo no vi
ninguno, sino un golpe de agua que baza de la montana: huerta en casa ay
una pequeña y de pocos naranjos....... El aposento baxo no es nada
alegre, sino muy triste, y como es tan baxo, creo será humido.......
Esto es lo que me parece del aposento y sitio de la casa y grandissima
soledad." Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 30 de Noviembre, 1556,
MS.
The major-domo concludes by requesting Vazquez not to show it to his
mistress, Joanna, the regent, as he would not be thought to run counter
to the wishes of the emperor in anything.
[291] "Plegue á Dios que los pueda sufrir, que no será poco, segun
suelen ser todos muy importunos, y mas los que saben menos." Carta de
Martin de Gaztelu, MS.
[292] "Llamando al Emperador _paternidad_, de que luego fué advertido de
otro frayle que estava á su lado, y acudió con _magestad_." Ibid.
[293] "Emperador semper augusto de Alemania."
[294] His teeth seem to have been in hardly better condition than his
fingers.--"Era amigo de cortarse el mismo lo que comia, aunque ni tenia
buenas ni desembueltas las manos, ni los dientes." Siguença, Orden de
San Geronimo, parte III. p. 192.
[295] De Thou, Hist. Universelle, tom. III. p. 293.
[296] "Quando comia, leya el confesor una leccion de San Augustin." El
Perfecto Desengaño, MS.
[297] Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 15.--Vera y Figueroa, Vida y
Hechos de Carlos V., p. 123.--Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte
III. p. 195.
The last writer is minute in his notice of the imperial habits and
occupations at Yuste. Siguença was prior of the Escorial; and in that
palace-monastery of the Jeronymites he must have had the means of
continually conversing with several of his brethren who had been with
Charles in his retirement. His work, which appeared at the beginning of
the following century, has become rare,--so rare that M. Gachard was
obliged to content himself with a few manuscript extracts, from the
difficulty of procuring the printed original. I was fortunate enough to
obtain a copy, and a very fine one, through my booksellers, Messrs.
Rich, Brothers, London,--worthy sons of a sire who for thirty years or
more stood preëminent for sagacity and diligence among the collectors of
rare and valuable books.
[298] "Mandò pregonar en los lugares comarcanos que so pena de cien
açotes muger alguna no passasse de un humilladero que estasa como dos
tiros de ballesta del Monasterio." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom.
II. p. 612; and Sandoval's _double_, Valparayso, El Perfecto Desengaño,
MS.
[299] "Si alguno se errava dezía consigo mismo: O _hideputa bermejo_,
que aquel erro, ò otro nombre semejante." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V.,
tom. II. p. 613.
I will not offend ears polite by rendering it in English into
corresponding Billingsgate. It is but fair to state that the author of
the Perfecto Desengaño puts no such irreverent expression into Charles's
mouth. Both, however, profess to follow the MS. of the Prior Angulo.
[300] "Non aspernatur exercitationes campestres, in quem usum paratam
habet tormentariam rhedam, ad essedi speciem, præcellenti arte, et miro
studio proximis hisce mensibus a se constructam." Lettres sur la Vie
Intérieure de l'Empereur Charles-Quint, écrites par Guillaume van Male,
gentilhomme de sa chambre, et publiées, pour la première fois, par le
Baron de Reiffenberg, (Bruxelles, 1843, 4to,) ep. 8.
[301] "Interdum ligneos passerculos emisit cubículo volantes
revolantesque." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 15.
[302] Ford, Handbook of Spain, p. 552.
[303] "A nemine, ne a proceribus quidem quacumque ex causa se adiri, aut
conveniri, nisi ægre admodum patiebatur." Sepulveda, Opera, tom. II. p.
541.
[304] "Le hizo mas preguntas que se pudieran hazer á la donzella
Theodor, de que todo dió buena razon y de lo que vió yoy ó en Francia,
provisiones de obispados, cargos de Italia, y de la infantería y
caballeria, artilleria, gastadores, armas de mano y de otras cosas."
Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 18 de Mayo, 1558, MS.
[305] "Retirose tanto de los negocios del Reyno y cosas de govierno,
como si jamas uviera tenido parte en ellos." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos
V., tom. II. p. 614.--See also Valparayso, (El Perfecto Desengaño, MS.,)
who uses the same words, probably copying Angulo, unless, indeed, we
suppose him to have stolen from Sandoval.
[306] "Ut neque aurum, quod ingenti copia per id tempus Hispana classis
illi advexit ab India, neque strepitus bellorum, ... quidquam potuerint
animum ilium flectere, tot retro annis assuetum armorum sono."--Strada,
De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 14.
[307] It is singular that Sepulveda, who visited Charles in his retreat,
should have been the only historian, as far as I am aware, who
recognized the truth of this fact, so perfectly established by the
letters from Yuste.--"Summis enim rebus, ut de bello et pace se consuli,
deque fratris, liberorum et sororum salute, et statu rerum certiorem
fieri non recusabat." Opera, tom. II. p. 541.
[308] "Supplicando con toda humildad e instancia á su Magestad tenga por
bien de esforzarse en esta coyuntura, socorréindome y ayudandome, no
solo con su parecer y consejo que es el mayor caudal que puedo tener,
pero con la presencia de su persona y autoridad, saliendo del
monasterio, á la parte y lugar que mas comodo sea á su salud." Retiro,
Estancia, etc., ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 256, note.
[309] "Siempre, en estas cosas, pregunta si no hay mas." Carta de Martin
de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 8 de Noviembre, 1556, MS.
[310] "Pues no se puede hazer otra cosa, y el Rey se ha justificado en
tantas maneras cumpliendo con Dios y el mundo, por escusar los daños que
dello se seguiran, forzado sera usar del ultimo remedio." Carta del
Emperador á Vazquez, 8 de Agosto, 1557, MS.
[311] "Del Papa y de Caraffa se siente aquí que no haya llegado la nueva
de que se han muerto." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 8 de
Noviembre, 1556, MS.
[312] "Sobre que su magestad dizo algunas cosas con mas colera de la que
para su salud conviene." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 10
de Enero, 1558, MS.
[313] See, in particular, Carta del Emperador á Su Alteza, 4 de Febrero,
1558. MS.
[314] "Su Magestad está con mucho cuidado por saber que camino ará
tomado el Rey despues de acabada aquella empresa." Carta de Luis de
Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 27 de Setiembre, 1557, MS.
[315] Brantôme, OEuvres, tom. I. p. 11.
Whether Charles actually made the remark or not, it is clear from a
letter in the Gonzalez collection that this was uppermost in his
thoughts.--"Su Magestad tenia gran deseo de saber que partido tomaba el
rey su hijo despues de la victoria, y que estaba impacientissimo
formando cuentas de que ya deberia estar sobre Paris." Carta de Quixada,
10 de Setiembre, 1557, ap. Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 279.
It is singular that this interesting letter is neither in M. Gachard's
collection nor in that made for me from the same sources.
[316] Cartas del Emperador á Juan Vazquez, de Setiembre 27 y Octubre 31,
1557, MS.
[317] The Emperor intimates his wishes in regard to his grandson's
succession in a letter addressed, at a later period, to Philip. (Carta
del Emperador al Rey, 31 de Marzo, 1558, MS.) But a full account of the
Portuguese mission is given by Cienfuegos, Vida de S. Francisco de
Borja, (Barcelona, 1754,) p. 269. The person employed by Charles in this
delicate business was no other than his friend Francisco Borja, the
ex-duke of Gandia, who, like himself, had sought a retreat from the
world in the shades of the cloister. The biographers who record the
miracles and miraculous virtues of the sainted Jesuit, bestow several
chapters on his visits to Yuste. His conversations with the emperor are
reported with a minuteness that Boswell might have envied, and which may
well provoke our scepticism, unless we suppose them to have been
reported by Borja himself. One topic much discussed in them was the
merits of the order which the emperor's friend had entered. It had not
then risen to that eminence which, under its singular discipline, it
subsequently reached; and Charles would fain have persuaded his visitor
to abandon it for the Jeronymite society with which he was established.
But Borja seems to have silenced, if not satisfied, his royal master, by
arguments which prove that his acute mind already discerned the germ of
future greatness in the institutions of the new order.--Ibid., pp.
273-279.--Ribadeneira, Vita Francisci Borgiæ, (Lat. trans., Antverpiæ,
1598,) p. 110 et seq.
[318] Carta del Emperador al Rey, 25 de Mayo, 1558, MS.
On the margin of this letter we find the following memoranda of Philip
himself, showing how much importance he attached to his father's
interposition in this matter. "Volvérselo a suplicar con gran instancia,
pues quedamos in tales términos que, si me ayudan con dinero, los
podríamos atraer à lo que conviniesse." "Besalle las manos por lo que en
esto ha mandado y suplicalle lo lleve adelante y que de acá se hará lo
mismo, y avisarle de lo que se han hecho hasta agora."
[319] Carta del Emperador á Juan Vazquez, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS.
[320] Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 31 de Marzo, 1557, MS.--The
whole letter is singularly characteristic of Charles. Its authoritative
tone shows that, though he had parted with the crown, he had not parted
with the temper of a sovereign, and of an absolute sovereign too.
[321] "Es tal su indignacion y tan sangrientas las palabras y vehemencia
con que manda escribir á v.m. que me disculpará sino lo hago con mas
templança y modo." Carta de Martin de Gaztelu á Juan Vazquez, 12 de
Mayo, 1557, MS.
[322] "His majesty was so well," writes Gaztelu, early in the summer of
1557, "that he could rise from his seat, and support his arquebuse,
without aid." He could even do some mischief with his fowling-piece to
the wood-pigeons. Carta de Gaztelu, á Vazquez, 5 de Junio, 1557, MS.
[323] "Porque desde tantos de noviembre hasta pocos dias hame ha dado
[la gota] tres vezes y muy rezio, y me ha tenido muchos días en la cama,
y hestado hasta de poco acá tan trabajado y flaco que en toda esta
quaresma no he podido oyr un sermon, y esto es la causa porque no os
escribo esta de mi mano." Carta del Emperador al Rey, 7 de Abril, 1558,
MS.
[324] "Sintiólo cierto mucho, y se le arrasáron los ojos, y me dijo lo
mucho que él y la de Francia se habian siempre querido, y por cuan buena
cristiana la tenia, y que le llevaba quince meses de tiempo, y que,
según él se iba sintiendo, de poco acá podria ser que dentro de ellos le
hiciese compañía." Carta de Gaztelu á Vazquez, 21 de Febrero, 1558, ap.
Gachard, Retraite et Mort, tom. I, p. 270.--See also Mignet,
Charles-Quint, p. 339.
[325] "Y que para ello les deis y mandeis dar todo el favor y calor que
fuere necenario y para que los que fueren culpados sean punidos y
castigados con la demostracion y rigor que la cualidad de sus culpas
mereceran y esto sin exception de persona alguna." Carta del Emperador á
la Princesa, 3 de Mayo, 1558, MS.
[326] "No se si toviera sufrimiento para no salir de aqui arremediallo."
Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 25 de Mayo, 1568, MS.
[327] The history of this affair furnishes a good example of the
_crescit eundo_. The author of the MS. discovered by M. Bakhuizen,
noticed more fully in the next note, though present at the ceremony,
contents himself with a general outline of it. Siguença, who follows
next in time and in authority, tells us of the lighted candle which
Charles delivered to the priest. Strada, who wrote a generation later,
concludes the scene by leaving the emperor in a swoon upon the floor.
Lastly, Robertson, after making the emperor perform in his shroud, lays
him in his coffin, where, after joining in the prayers for the rest of
his own soul, not yet departed, he is left by the monks to his
meditations!--Where Robertson got all these particulars it would not be
easy to tell; certainly not from the authorities cited at the bottom of
his page.
[328] "Et j'assure que le coeur nous fendait de voir qu'un homme voulût
en quelque sorte s'enterrer vivant, et faire ses obsèques avant de
mourir." Gachard, Retraite et Mort, tom. I. p lvi.
M. Gachard has given a translation of the chapter relating to the
funeral, from a curious MS. account of Charles's convent life,
discovered by M. Bakhuizen in the archives at Brussels. As the author
was one of the brotherhood who occupied the convent at the time of the
emperor's residence there, the MS. is stamped with the highest
authority; and M. Gachard will doubtless do a good service to letters by
incorporating it in the second volume of his "Retraite et Mort."
[329] Siguença, Hist. de la Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. pp. 200,
201.
Siguença's work, which combines much curious learning with a simple
elegance of style, was the fruit of many years of labor. The third
volume, containing the part relating to the emperor, appeared in 1605,
the year before the death of its author, who, as already noticed, must
have had daily communication with several of the monks, when, after
Charles's death, they had been transferred from Yuste to the gloomy
shades of the Escorial.
[330] Such, for example, were Vera y Figueroa, Conde de la Roca, whose
little volume appeared in 1613; Strada, who wrote some twenty years
later; and the marquis of Valparayso, whose MS. is dated 1638. I say
nothing of Sandoval, often quoted as authority for the funeral, for, as
he tells us that the money which the emperor proposed to devote to a
mock funeral was after all appropriated to his real one, it would seem
to imply that the former never took place.
It were greatly to be wished that the MS. of Fray Martin de Angulo could
be detected and brought to light. As prior of Yuste while Charles was
there, his testimony would be invaluable. Both Sandoval and the marquis
of Valparayso profess to have relied mainly on Angulo's authority. Yet
in this very affair of the funeral they disagree.
[331] Siguença's composition may be characterized as _simplex
munditiis_. The MS. of the monk of Yuste, found in Brussels, is stamped,
says M. Gachard, with the character of simplicity and truth. Retraite et
Mort, tom. I. p. xx.
[332] Mignet, Charles-Quint, p. 1.
[333] "Estuvo un poco contemplandole, devia de pedirle, que le
previniesse lugar en el Alcazar glorioso que habitava." Vera y Figueroa,
Carlos Quinto, p. 127.
[334] This famous picture, painted in the artist's best style, forms now
one of the noblest ornaments of the Museo of Madrid. See Ford, Handbook
of Spain, p. 758.
[335] For the above account of the beginning of Charles's illness, see
Siguença, Orden de San Geronimo, parte III. p. 201; Vera y Figueroa,
Carlos Quinto, p. 127; Valparayso, el Perfecto Desengaño, MS.
[336] Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 127.--Siguença, Orden de San
Geronimo, parte III. p. 201.--Carta de Luis Quixada al Rey, 17 de
Setiembre, 1558, MS.
[337] The Regent Joanna, it seems, suspected, for some reason or other,
that the boy in Quixada's care was in fact the emperor's son. A few
weeks after her father's death she caused a letter to be addressed to
the major-domo, asking him directly if this were the case, and
intimating a desire to make a suitable provision for the youth. The wary
functionary, who tells this in his private correspondence with Philip,
endeavored to put the regent off the scent by stating that the lad was
the son of a friend, and that, as no allusion had been made to him in
the emperor's will, there could be no foundation for the rumor. "Ser
ansy que yo tenya un muchacho de hun caballero amygo myo que me abia
encomendado años a, y que pues S. M. en su testamento ni codecilyo, no
azia memorya del, que hera razon tenello por burla." Carta de Luis
Quixada al Rey, 28 de Noviembre, 1558, MS.
[338] Codicilo del Emperador, ap. Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II.
p. 657.
[339] "Si bien no sea necessario no os parece, que es buena compañía
para jornada tan larga." Ibid., p. 617.
[340] Carta sobre los últimos momentos del Emperador Carlos V., escrita
en Yuste, el 27 de Setiembre, 1558, ap. Documentos Inéditos, tom. VI. p.
668.
[341] Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 25 de Setiembre, 1558,
MS.--Carta del mismo al Rey, 30 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.--Carta del
Arzobispo de Toledo á la Princesa, 21 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.
[342] "Tomo la candela en la mano derecha la qual yo tenya y con la
yzquyerda tomo el crucifixo deziendo, ya es tiempo, y con dezir Jesus
acabo." Carta de Luis Quixada á Juan Vazquez, 25 de Setiembre, 1558, MS.
For the accounts of this death-bed scene, see Carta del mismo al mismo,
21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del mismo al Rey, 21 de Setiembre,
MS.--Carta del mismo al mismo, 30 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del Arzobispo
de Toledo á la Princesa, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta del Medico del
Emperador (Henrico Matisio) á Juan Vazquez, 21 de Setiembre, MS.--Carta
sobre los ultimos momentos del Emperador, 27 de Setiembre, ap.
Documentos Inéditos, vol. VI. p. 667.--Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V.,
tom. II. p. 618.
The MSS. referred to may now be all found in the printed collection of
Gachard.
[343] "Temiendo siempre no lo poder tener en aquel tiempo." Carta de
Luis Quixada al Rey, 30 de Setiembre, MS.
[344] Documentos Inéditos, tom. VI. p. 669.
[345] Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 620.
[346] At least, such were the images suggested to my mind, as I wandered
through the aisles of this fine old cathedral, on a visit which I made
to Brussels a few years since,--in the summer of 1850. Perhaps the
reader will excuse, as germaine to this matter, a short sketch relating
to it, from one of my letters written on the spot to a distant friend:--
"Then the noble cathedral of Brussels, dedicated to one Saint
Gudule,--the superb organ filling its long aisles with the most
heart-thrilling tones, as the voices of the priests, dressed in their
rich robes of purple and gold, rose in a chant that died away in the
immense vaulted distance of the cathedral. It was the service of the
dead, and the coffin of some wealthy burgher probably, to judge from its
decorations, was in the choir. A number of persons were kneeling and
saying their prayers in rapt attention, little heeding the Protestant
strangers who were curiously gazing at the pictures and statues with
which the edifice was filled. I was most struck with one poor woman, who
was kneeling before the shrine of the saint, whose marble corpse,
covered by a decent white gauze veil, lay just before her, separated
only by a light railing. The setting sun was streaming in through the
rich colored panes of the magnificent windows, that rose from the floor
to the ceiling of the cathedral, some hundred feet in height. The glass
was of the time of Charles the Fifth, and I soon recognized his familiar
face,--the protruding jaw of the Austrian line. As I heard the glorious
anthem rise up to heaven in this time-honored cathedral, which had
witnessed generation after generation melt away, and which now
displayed, in undying colors, the effigies of those who had once
worshipped within its walls, I was swept back to a distant period, and
felt I was a contemporary of the grand old times when Charles the Fifth
held the chapters of the Golden Fleece in this very building."
[347] "De Rege vero Cæsare ajunt, qui ab eo veniunt, barbatum jam esse."
Petri Martyris Opus Epistolarum, (Amstelodami, 1670, fol.,) ep. 734.
[348] In this outline of the character of Charles the Fifth, I have not
hesitated to avail myself of the masterly touches which Ranke has given
to the portrait of this monarch, in the introduction to that portion of
his great work on the nations of Southern Europe which he has devoted to
Spain.
[349] "Qualche fiate io son fermo in le cattive." Contarini, cited by
Ranke, Ottoman and Spanish Empires, p. 29.
[350] See Bradford, Correspondence of the Emperor Charles the Fifth and
his Ambassadors at the Courts of England and France, with a connecting
Narrative and Biographical Notices of the Emperor, (London, 1850,) p.
367,--a work which contains some interesting particulars, little known,
respecting Charles the Fifth.
[351] "Nel mangiare ha S. Maestà sempre eccesso...... La mattina
svegliata ella pigliava una scodella di pesto cappone con latte,
zucchero et spezierie, popoi il quale tornava a riposare. A mezzo giorno
desinava molte varietà di vivande, et poco da poi vespro merendava, et
all'hora di notte se n'andava alla cena mangiando cose tutte da generare
humori grossi et viscosi." Badovaro, Notizie delli Stati et Corti di
Carlo Quinto Imperatore et del Re Cattolico, MS.
[352] "Disse una volta al Maggior-domo Monfalconetto con sdegno,
ch'aveva corrotto il giudicio a dare ordine a'cuochi, perche tutti i
cibi erano insipidi, dal quale le fu risposto: Non so come dovere
trovare pin modi da compiacere alla maestà V. se io non fo prova di
farle una nuova vivanda di pottaggio di rogoli, il che la mosse a quel
maggiore et più lungo riso che sia mai stato veduto in lei." Ibid.
[353] Briefe an Kaiser Karl V., geschrieben von seinem Beichtvater,
(Berlin, 1848,) p. 159 et al.
These letters of Charles's confessor, which afford some curious
particulars for the illustration of the early period of his history, are
preserved in the archives of Simancas. The edition above referred to
contains the original Castilian, accompanied by a German translation.
[354] "Si hallais," said the royal author with a degree of humility
rarely found in brethren of the craft, "que alguna vanidad secreta puede
mover la pluma (que siempre es prodigioso Panegerista en causa propria),
la arrojaré de la mano al punto, para dar al viento lo que es del
viento." Cienfuegos, Vida de Borja, p. 269.
[355] "Factus est anagnostes insatiabilis, audit legentem me singulis
noctibus facta coenula sua, mox librum repeti jubet, si forte ipsum
torquet insomnia." Lettres sur la Vie Intérieure de Charles-Quint,
écrites par G. Van Male, ep. 7.
[356] "Scripsi ... liberalissimas ejus occupationes in navigatione
fluminis Rheni, dum ocii occasione invitatus, scriberet in navi
peregrinationes et expeditiones quas ab anno XV. in præsentem usque
diem, suscepisset." Ibid., ep. 5.
[357] "Statui novum quoddam scribendi temperatum effingere, mixtum ex
Livio, Cæsare, Suetonio, et Tacito." Ibid.
[358] At the emperor's death, these Memoirs were in possession of Van
Male, who afterwards used to complain, with tears in his eyes, that
Quixada had taken them away from him. But he remembered enough of their
contents, he said, to make out another life of his master, which he
intended to do. (Papiers d'Etat de Granvelle, tom. VI. p. 29.) Philip,
thinking that Van Male might have carried his intention into execution,
ordered Granvelle to hunt among his papers, after the poor gentleman's
death, and if he found any such MS. to send it to him, that he might
throw it into the fire! (Ibid., p. 273.) Philip, in his tenderness for
his father's memory, may have thought that no man could be a hero to his
own valet-de-chambre. On searching, however, no memoirs were found.
[359] "Bono jure, ait, fructus ille ad Gulielmum redeat, ut qui plurimum
in opere illo sudarit." Ibid., ep. 6.
[360] "Ne in proemio quidem passus est ullam solertiæ suæ laudem
adscribí." Ibid.
Van Male's Latin correspondence, from which this amusing incident is
taken, was first published by the Baron Reiffenberg for the society of
_Bibliophiles Belgiques_, at Brussels, in 1843. It contains some
interesting notices of Charles the Fifth's personal habits during the
five years preceding his abdication. Van Male accompanied his master
into his retirement; and his name appears in the codicil, among those of
the household who received pensions from the emperor. This doubtless
stood him in more stead than his majesty's translation, which, although
it passed through several editions in the course of the century,
probably put little money into the pocket of the chamberlain, who died
in less than two years after his master.
A limited edition only of Van Male's correspondence was printed, for the
benefit of the members of the association. For the copy used by me, I am
indebted to Mr. Van de Weyer, the accomplished Belgian minister at the
English court, whose love of letters is shown not more by the library he
has formed--one of the noblest private collections in Europe--than by
the liberality with which he accords the use of it to the student.
[361] Paulo Giovio got so little in return for his honeyed words, that
his eyes were opened to a new trait in the character of Charles, whom he
afterwards stigmatized as parsimonious. See Sepulveda, De Rebus Gestis
Caroli V., lib. XXX. p. 534.
[362] "Haud mihi gratum est legere vel audire quæ de me scribuntur;
legent alii cum ipse a vita discessero; tu siquid ex me scire cupis,
percunctare, nec enim respondere gravabor." Ibid., p. 533.
[363] Charles, however willing he might be to receive those strangers
who brought him news from foreign parts, was not very tolerant, as the
historian tells us, of visits of idle ceremony. Ibid., p. 541.
[364] Carta del Emperador al Secretario Vazquez, 9 de Julio, 1558, MS.
[365] "Si me hallara con fuerças y dispusicion de podello hacer tambien
procurara de enforçarme en este caso á tomar cualquier trabajo para
procurar por mi parte el remedio y castigo de lo sobre dicho sin embargo
de los que por ello he padescido." Carta del Emperador á la Princesa, 3
de Mayo, 1558, MS.
[366] "Yo erré en no matar a Luthero, ... porque yo no era obligado á
guardalle la palabra por ser la culpa del hereje contra otro mayor
Señor, que era Dios." Sandoval, Hist. de Carlos V., tom. II. p. 613.
See also Vera y Figueroa, Carlos Quinto, p. 124.
[367] "Vocatur quoque synechdochice, per universam ferme Europam,
Flandria, idque ob ejus Provinciæ potentiam atque splendorem: quamvis
sint, qui contendant, vocabulum ipsum Flandria, à frequenti exterorum in
ea quondam Provincia mercatorum commercio, derivatum, atque inde in
omnes partes diffusum; alii rursus, quod hæc ipsa Flandria, strictius
sumta, Gallis, Anglis, Hispanis, atque Italis sit vicinior, ideoque et
notior simul et celebrior, totam Belgiam eo nomine indigitatam
perhibent." Guicciardini, Belgicæ, sive Inferioris Germaniæ Descriptio,
(Amstelodami, 1652,) p. 6.
[368] These provinces were the duchies of Brabant, Limburg, Luxembourg,
and Gueldres; the counties of Artois, Hainault, Flanders, Namur,
Zütphen, Holland, and Zealand; the margraviate of Antwerp; and the
lordships of Friesland, Mechlin, Utrecht, Overyssel, and Groningen.
[369] Basnage, Annales des Provinces-Unies, avec la Description
Historique de leur Gouvernement, (La Haye, 1719,) tom. I. p.
3.--Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 81 et seq.
The Venetian minister Tiepolo warmly commends the loyalty of these
people to their princes, not to be shaken so long as their
constitutional privileges were respected. "Sempre si le sono mostrati
quei Popoli molto affettionati, et amorevoli contentandosi de esser
gravati senza che mai facesse alcun resentimento forte più de l'honesto.
Ma così come in questa parte sempre hanno mostrato la sua prontezza così
sono stati duri et difficili, che ponto le fossero sminuiti li loro
privilegii et autorità, nè che ne iloro stati s'introducessero nuove
leggi, et nuova ordini ad instantia massime, et perricordo di gente
straniera." Relatione di M. A. Tiepolo, ritornato Ambasciatore dal Sermo
Rè Cattolico, 1567, MS.
[370] Basnage, Annales des Provinces-Unies, tom. I. p. 8.
[371] Ibid., loc. cit.--Bentivoglio, Guerra di Fiandra, (Milano, 1806,)
p. 9 et seq.--Ranke, Spanish Empire, p. 79.
The last writer, with his usual discernment, has selected the particular
facts that illustrate most forcibly the domestic policy of the
Netherlands under Charles the Fifth.
[372] "Urbes in ea sive moenibus clausæ, sive clausis magnitudine
propemodum pares, supra trecentas et quinquaginta censeantur; pagi verò
majores ultra sex millia ac trecentos numerentur, ut nihil de minoribus
vicis arcibusque loquar, quibus supra omnem numerum consitus est
Belgicus ager." Strada, De Bello Belgico, tom. I. p. 32.
[373] Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 207 et seq.
The geographer gives us the population of several of the most
considerable capitals in Europe in the middle of the sixteenth century.
That of Paris, amounting to 300,000, seems to have much exceeded that of
every other great city except Moscow.
[374] "Atque hinc adeo fit, ut isti opera sua ea dexteritate,
facilitate, ordineque disponant, ut et parvuli, ac quadriennes modo aut
quinquennes eorum filioli, victum illico sibi incipiant quærere."
Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 55.
[375] Relatione di M. Cavallo tornato Ambasciatore dal Imperatore, 1551,
MS.
The ambassador does not hesitate to compare Antwerp, for the extent of
its commerce, to his own proud city of Venice. "Anversa corrisponde di
mercantia benissimo a Venetia, Lavania di studio a Padova, Gante per
grandezza a Verona, Brussellis per il sito a Brescia."
[376] "Liquido enim constat, eorum, anno annum pensante, et carisæis
aliisque panniculis ad integros pannos reductis, ducenta et amplius
millia annuatim nobis distribui, quorum singuli minimum æstimentur
vicenis quinis scutatis, ita ut in quinque et amplius milliones ratio
tandem excrescat." Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 244.
[377] "Quæ verò ignota marium litora, quásve desinentis mundi oras
scrutata non est Belgarum nautica? Nimirum quantò illos natura intra
fines terræ contractiores inclusit, tantò ampliores ipsi sibi aperuere
oceani campos." Strada, De Bello Belgico, lib. I. p. 32.
[378] Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, (Stuttgart, 1838,) p. 44.
[379] Ibid., ubi supra.
[380] Burgon, Life of Sir Thomas Gresham, (London, 1839,) vol. I. p. 72.
[381] "In quorum (Brabantinorum) Provinciam scimus transferre se solitas
e vicinis locis parituras mulieres, ut Brabantinas immunitates filiis eo
solo genitis acquierent, crederes ab agricolis eligi plantaría, in
quibus enatæ arbusculæ, primoque illo terræ velut ab ubere lactentes,
aliò dein secum auferant dotes hospitalis soli." Strada, De Bello
Belgico, lib. II. p. 61.
[382] Histoire des Provinces-Unies des Païs-Bas, (La Haye, 1704,) tom.
I. p. 88
[383] Guicciardini, Belgicæ Descriptio, p. 225 et seq.
[384] "Ut in multis terræ Provinciis, Hollandia nominatim atque
Zelandia, viri omnium fere rerum suarum curam uxoribus sæpe relinquant."
Ibid., p. 58.
[385] "Majori gentis parti nota Grammaticæ rudimenta, et vel ipsi etiam
rustici legendi scribendique periti sunt." Ibid., p. 53.
Guicciardini, who states this remarkable fact, had ample opportunity for
ascertaining the truth of it, since, though an Italian by birth, he
resided in the Netherlands for forty years or more.
[386] Schiller, Abfall der Niederlande, p. 53.--Vandervynckt, Histoire
des Troubles des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1822,) tom. II. p. 6.--Groen Van
Prinsterer, Archives ou Correspondance Inédite de la Maison
d'Orange-Nassau, (Leide, 1841,) tom. I. p. 164*
[387] The whole number of "placards" issued by Charles the Fifth
amounted to eleven. See the dates in Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe
II. sur les Affaires des Pays-Bas, (Bruxelles, 1848,) tom. I. pp. 105,
106.
[388] "Le _fer_, la _fosse_, et le _feu_." Ibid., ubi supra.
[389] Meteren, Histoire des Pays-Bas, ou Recueil des Guerres et Choses
memorables, depuis l'An 1315, jusques à l'An 1612, traduit de Flamend,
(La Haye, 1618,) fol. 10.--Brandt, History of the Reformation in the Low
Countries, translated from the Dutch, (London, 1720,) vol. I. p. 88.
[390] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. p. 108.--Grotius, Annales
et Historiæ de Rebus Belgicis, (Amstelædami, 1657,) p. 11.--Brandt,
Reformation in the Low Countries, vol. I. p. 88.
[391] Viglius, afterwards president of the privy council, says plainly,
in one of his letters to Granvelle, that the name of _Spanish_
Inquisition was fastened on the Flemish, in order to make it odious to
the people. "Queruntur autem imprimis, a nobis novam inductam
inquisitionem, quam vocant Hispanicam. Quod falsò populo a quibusdam
persuadetur, ut nomine ipso rem odiosam reddant, cùm nulla alia ab
Cæsare sit instituta inquisitio, quam ea, quæ cum jure scripto scilicet
Canonico, convenit, et usitata antea fuit in hac Provincia." Viglii
Epistolæ Selectæ, ap. Hoynck, Analecta Belgica, (Hagæ Comitum, 1743,)
tom. II. pars I. p. 349.
[392] Grotius swells the number to one hundred thousand! (Annales, p.
12.) It is all one; beyond a certain point of the incredible, one ceases
to estimate probabilities.
[393] Histoire de l'Inquisition d'Espagne, (Paris, 1818,) tom. I. p.
280.
[394] Correspondance de Philippe II., tom. I. pp. 123. 124.
[395] "Donde che l'Imperatore ha potuto cavare in 24 millioni d'oro _in
pochi anni_." Relatione di Soriano, MS.