CHAPTER VI

_HELBECK OF BANNISDALE_

The coming out of _Marcella_, in April, 1894, will always mark for me

perhaps the happiest date in my literary life. The book, for all the

hard work that had gone to it, had none the less been a pleasure to

write; and the good-will that greeted it made the holiday I had

earned--which again was largely spent in Rome--a golden time. Not long

after we left England, "Piccadilly," my sister wrote me, was "placarded

with _Marcella_," the name appearing on the notice-boards of most of the

evening papers--a thing which never happened to me before or since; and

when we arrived in Rome, the content-bills of the London newspapers,

displayed in the Piazza di Spagna, announced her no less flamingly. The

proof-sheets of the book had been tried on various friends, as usual,

with some amusing results. Bishop Creighton, with only the first

two-thirds of the book before him, wrote me denunciations of Marcella.

I am greatly interested in the book and pine for the _dénoûment_. So

far Marcella, though I know her quite well, does not in the least

awaken my sympathy. She is an intolerable girl--but there are many

of them.... I only hope that she may be made to pay for it. Mr. and

Mrs. Boyce are good and original, so is Wharton. I hope that condign

vengeance awaits him. He is the modern politician entirely.... I

really hope Marcella may be converted. It would serve her right to

marry her to Wharton; he would beat her.

Another old friend, one of the industrial leaders of the north, carried

off half the proofs to read on his journey to Yorkshire.

I so ravened on them that I sat still at Blosworth instead of

getting out! The consequence is that all my plans are disarranged. I

shall not get to M---- in time for my meeting, and for all this

Marcella is to blame.... The station-master assured me he called out

"Change for Northampton," but I was much too deep in the scene

between Marcella, Lord Maxwell, and Raeburn to heed anything

belonging to the outer world.

Mr. Goschen wrote:

I don't know how long it is since I have enjoyed reading anything so

much. I can't satisfy myself as to the physical appearance of

Wharton.... I do know some men of a _character_ not quite unlike

him, but they haven't the boyish face with curls. Marcella I see

before me. Mrs. Boyce and Lord Maxwell both interested me very

much....Alack! I must turn from Marcella's enthusiasm and

aspirations to Sir W. Harcourt's speech--a great transition.

And dear Alfred Lyttelton wrote:

I feel a ridiculous pride in her triumphs which I have had the joy

of witnessing on every side.... At least permit an expert to tell

you that his heart beat over the ferrets (in the poaching scene) and

at the intense vividness and truth of the legal episodes.

But there is no one letter in this old packet which moves me specially.

It was on the 1st of March, 1894, that Mr. Gladstone said "Good-by" to

his Cabinet in the Cabinet room at Downing Street, and a little later in

the afternoon walked away for the last time from the House of Commons.

No one who has read it will forget the telling of that episode, in Mr.

Morley's biography, with what concentration, what dignity!--worthy alike

of the subject and of the admirable man of letters--himself an

eye-witness--who records it.

While Lord Kimberley and Sir William Harcourt, on behalf of the rest of

their colleagues, were bidding their great chief farewell, "Mr.

Gladstone sat composed and still as marble, and the emotion of the

Cabinet did not gain him for an instant." When the spokesmen ceased, he

made his own little speech of four or five minutes in reply: "then

hardly above a breath, but every accent heard, he said, 'God bless you

all.' He rose slowly and went out of one door, while his colleagues with

minds oppressed filed out by the other."

On this moving scene there followed what Mr. Gladstone himself described

as the first period of comparative leisure he had ever known, extending

to four and a half months. They were marked first by increasing

blindness, then by an operation for cataract, and finally by a moderate

return of sight. In July he notes that "during the last months of

partial incapacity I have not written with my own hand probably so much

as one letter a day." In this faded packet of mine lies one of these

rare letters, written with his own hand--a full sheet--from Dollis Hill,

on April 27th.

When _Marcella_ arrived my thankfulness was alloyed with a feeling

that the state of my eyesight made your kindness for the time a

waste. But Mr. Nettleship has since then by an infusion supplied a

temporary stimulus to the organ, such that I have been enabled to

begin, and am reading the work with great pleasure and an agreeable

sense of congeniality which I do not doubt I shall retain to

the close.

Then he describes a book--a novel--dealing with religious controversy,

which he had lately been reading, in which every character embodying

views opposed to those of the author "is exhibited as odious." With this

he warmly contrasts the method and spirit of _David Grieve_, and then

continues:

Well, I have by my resignation passed into a new state of existence.

And in that state I shall be very glad when our respective stars may

cause our paths to meet. I am full of prospective work; but for the

present a tenacious influenza greatly cripples me and prevents my

making any definite arrangement for an expected operation on my eye.

Eighty-five!--greatly crippled by influenza and blindness--yet "full of

prospective work"! The following year, remembering _Robert Elsmere_

days, and _à propos_ of certain passages in his review of that book, I

ventured to send him an Introduction I had contributed to my

brother-in-law Leonard Huxley's translation of Hausrath's _New Testament

Times._ This time the well-known handwriting is feebler and the old

"fighter" is not roused. He puts discussion by, and turns instead to

kind words about a near relative of my own who had been winning

distinctions at Oxford.

It is one of the most legitimate interests of the old to watch with

hope and joy these opening lives, and it has the secondary effect of

whispering to them that they are not yet wholly frozen up.... I am

busy as far as my limited powers of exertion allow upon a new

edition of Bishop Butler's Works, which costs me a good deal of

labor and leaves me, after a few hours upon it, good for very little

else. And my perspective, dubious as it is, is filled with other

work, in the Homeric region lying beyond. I hope it will be very

long before you know anything of compulsory limitations on the

exercise of your powers. Believe me always,

Sincerely yours,

W. E. GLADSTONE.

But it was not till 1897, as he himself records, that the indomitable

spirit so far yielded to these limitations as to resign--or rather

contemplate resigning--the second great task of which he had spoken to

me at Oxford, nine years before. "I have begun seriously to ask myself

whether I shall ever be able to face--_The Olympian Religion_."

It was, I think, in the winter of 1895 that I saw him for the last time

at our neighbors', the Rothschilds, at Tring Park. He was then full of

animation and talk, mainly of things political, and, indeed, not long

before he had addressed a meeting at Chester on the Turkish massacres in

Armenia, and was still to address a large audience at Liverpool on the

same subject--his last public appearance--a year later. When _George

Tressady_ appeared he sent me a message through Mrs. Drew that he feared

George Tressady's Parliamentary conduct "was inconceivable in a man of

honor"; and I was only comforted by the emphatic and laughing dissent of

Lord Peel, to whom I repeated the verdict. "Nothing of the kind! But of

course he was thinking of _us_--the Liberal Unionists."

Then came the last months when, amid a world's sympathy and reverence,

the great life, in weariness and pain, wore to its end. The "lying in

state" in Westminster Hall seemed to me ill arranged. But the burying

remains with me as one of those perfect things, which only the Anglican

Church at its best, in combination with the immemorial associations of

English history, can achieve. After it, I wrote to my son:

I have now seen four great funerals in the Abbey--Darwin, Browning,

Tennyson, and the funeral service for Uncle Forster, which was very

striking, too. But no one above forty of those in the Abbey

yesterday will ever see the like again. It was as beautiful and

noble as the "lying in state" was disappointing and ugly. The music

was exquisite, and fitting in every respect; and when the high

sentence rang out, "and their name liveth for evermore," the effect

was marvelous. One seemed to hear the voice of the future already

pealing through the Abbey--as though the verdict were secured, the

judgment given.

We saw it all, admirably, from the Muniment Room, which is a sort of

lower Triforium above the south Transept. To me, perhaps, the most

thrilling moment was when, bending forward, one saw the

white-covered coffin disappear amid the black crowd round it, and

knew that it had sunk forever into its deep grave, amid that same

primeval clay of Thorny Island on which Edward's Minister was first

reared and the Red King built his hall of judgment and Council. The

statue of Dizzy looked down on him--"So you have come at last!"--and

all the other statues on either side seemed to welcome and receive

him.... The sloping seats for Lords and Commons filled the

transepts, a great black mass against the jeweled windows, the Lords

on one side, the Commons on the other; in front of each black

multitude was the glitter of a mace, and in the hollow between, the

whiteness of the pall--perhaps you can fancy it so.

But the impetus of memory has carried me on too fast. There are some

other figures and scenes to be gathered from these years--1893-98--that

may still interest this present day. Of the most varied kind! For, as I

turn over letters and memoranda, a jumble of recollections passes

through my mind. Baron Ferdinand de Rothschild, on the one hand, a

melancholy, kindly man, amid the splendors of Waddesden; a meeting of

the Social Democratic Federation in a cellar in Lisson Grove; days of

absorbing interest in the Jewish East End, and in sweaters' workshops,

while _George Tressady_ was in writing; a first visit to Mentmore while

Lady Rosebery was alive; a talk with Lord Rosebery some time after her

death, in a corner of a local ball-room, while _Helbeck_ was shaping

itself about the old Catholic families of England, which revealed to me

yet another and unsuspected vein of knowledge in one of the best

furnished of minds; the Asquith marriage in 1894; new acquaintances and

experiences in Lancashire towns, again connected with _George Tressady_,

and in which I was helped by that brilliant writer, worker, and fighter,

Mrs. Sidney Webb; a nascent friendship with Sir William Harcourt, one of

the most racy of all possible companions; happy evenings in the Tadema

and Richmond studios with music and good talk; occasional meetings with

and letters from "Pater," the dear and famous Professor, who, like my

uncle, fought half the world and scarcely made an enemy; visits to

Oxford and old friends--such are the scenes and persons that come back

to me as I read old letters, while all through it ran the continual

strain of hard literary work mingled with the new social and religious

interests which the foundation of the Passmore Edwards Settlement had

brought me.

We have been at Margot Tennant's wedding to-day [I wrote to my son

on May 10, 1894]--a great function, very tiring, but very brilliant

and amusing--occasionally dramatic, too, as, when after the service

had begun, the sound of cheering in the street outside drowned the

voice of the Bishop of Rochester, and warned us that Mr. Gladstone

was arriving. Afterward at the house we shook hands with three

Cabinet Ministers on the door-step, and there were all the rest of

them inside! The bride carried herself beautifully and was as

composed and fresh as though it were any ordinary party. From our

seat in the church one saw the interior of the vestry and Mr.

Gladstone's white head against the window as he sat to sign the

register; and the greeting between him and Mr. Balfour when he

had done.

This was written while Lord Rosebery was Prime Minister and Mr. Balfour,

still free, until the following year, from the trammels of office, was

finishing his brilliant _Foundations of Belief_, which came out in 1895.

In acknowledging the copy which he sent me, I ventured to write some

pages on behalf of certain arguments of the Higher Criticism which

seemed to me to deserve a fuller treatment than Mr. Balfour had been

willing to give them--in defense also of our English idealists, such as

Green and Caird, in their relation to orthodoxy. A year or two earlier I

find I had been breaking a lance on behalf of the same school of writers

with a very different opponent. In the controversy between Professor

Huxley and Doctor Wace, in 1889, which opened with the famous article on

"The Gadarene Swine," the Professor had welcomed me as an ally, because

of "The New Reformation," which appeared much about the same time; and

the word of praise in which he compared my reply to Mr. Gladstone, to

the work "of a strong housemaid brushing away cobwebs," gave me a

fearful joy! I well remember a thrilling moment in the Russell Square

drawing-room in 1889, when "Pater" and I were in full talk, he in his

raciest and most amusing form, and suddenly the door opened, and "Doctor

Wace" was announced--the opponent with whom at that moment he was

grappling his hardest in the _Nineteenth Century_. Huxley gave me a

merry look--and then how perfectly they both behaved! I really think the

meeting was a pleasure to both of them, and when my old chief in the

_Dictionary of Christian Biography_ took his departure, Huxley found all

kinds of pleasant personal things to say about him.

But the Professor and I were not always at one. Caird and Green--and,

for other reasons, Martineau--were to me names "of great pith and

moment," and Christian Theism was a reasonable faith. And Huxley, in

controversy, was no more kind to my _sacra_ than to other people's. Once

I dared a mild remonstrance--in 1892--only to provoke one of his most

vigorous replies:

MY DEAR M.--Thanks for your pleasant letter. I do not know whether I

like the praise or the scolding better. They, like pastry, need to

be done with a light hand--especially praise--and I have swallowed

all yours, and feel it thoroughly agrees with me.

As to the scolding I am going to defend myself tooth and nail. In

the first place, by all my Gods and No Gods, neither Green, nor

Martineau, nor the Cairds were in my mind when I talked of

"Sentimental Deism," but the "Vicaire Savoyard," and Charming, and

such as Voysey. There are two chapters of "Rousseauism," I have not

touched yet--Rousseauism in Theology, and Rousseauism in Education.

When I write the former I shall try to show that the people of whom

I speak as "sentimental deists" are the lineal descendants of the

Vicaire Savoyard. I was a great reader of Channing in my boyhood,

and was much taken in by his theosophic confectionery. At present I

have as much (intellectual) antipathy to him as St. John had to the

Nicolaitans.

... Green I know only from his Introduction to Hume--which reminds

me of nothing so much as a man with a hammer and chisel knocking out

bits of bad stone in the Great Pyramid, with the view of bringing it

down.... As to Caird's _Introduction to the Philosophy of Religion_,

I will get it and study it. But as a rule "Philosophies of Religion"

in my experience turn out to be only "Religions of

Philosophers"--quite another business, as you will admit.

And if you please, Ma'am, I wish to add that I think I am _not_

without sympathy for Christian feeling--or rather for what you mean

by it. Beneath the cooled logical upper strata of my microcosm there

is a fused mass of prophetism and mysticism, and the Lord knows what

might happen to me, in case a moral earthquake cracked the

superincumbent deposit, and permitted an eruption of the demonic

element below.... Luckily I am near 70, and not a G.O.M.--so the

danger is slight.

One must stick to one's trade. It is my business to the best of my

ability to fight for scientific clearness--that is what the world

lacks. Feeling Christian or other, is superabundant....

Ever yours affectionately,

T. H. HUXLEY.

A few more letters from him--racy, and living as himself--and then in

1895, just after his first article on the "Foundations of Belief," we

heard with dismay of the illness which killed him. There was never a man

more beloved--more deeply mourned.

The autumn of 1896 brought me a great loss in the death of an intimate

friend, Lady Wemyss--as marked a personality in her own circle as was

her indomitable husband, the famous Lord Elcho, of the Volunteer

movement, on the bigger stage. It was at Balliol, at the Master's table,

and in the early Oxford days, that we first made friends with Lord and

Lady Wemyss, who were staying with the Master for the Sunday. I was

sitting next to Lord Wemyss, and he presently discovered that I was

absent-minded. And I found him so attractive and so human that I soon

told him why. I had left a sick child at home, with a high temperature,

and was fidgeting to get back to him.

"What is the matter?--Fever?--throat? Aconite, of course! You're a

homeopath, aren't you? All sensible people are. Look here--I've got a

servant with me. I'll send him with some aconite at once. Where do you

live?--in the Parks? All right. Give me your address."

Out came an envelope and a pencil. A message was sent round the

dinner-table to Lady Wemyss, whose powerful dreaming face beside the

Master lit up at once. The aconite was sent; the child's temperature

went down; and, if I remember right, either one or both of his new

medical advisers walked up to the Parks the next day to inquire for him.

So began a friendship which for just twenty years, especially from about

1885 to 1896, meant a great deal to me.

How shall I describe Lady Wemyss? An unfriendly critic has recently

allowed me the power of "interesting fashionable ladies in things of the

mind." Was Lady Wemyss a "fashionable lady"? She was the wife,

certainly, of a man of high rank and great possessions; but I met her

first as a friend--a dear and intimate friend, as may be seen from his

correspondence--of Mr. Jowett's; and Mr. Jowett was not very tolerant of

"fashionable ladies." She was in reality a strong and very simple

person, with a natural charm working through a very reserved and often

harsh manner, like the charm of mountain places in spring. She was a

Conservative, and I suppose an aristocrat, whatever that word may mean.

She thought the Harcourt death-duties "terrible" because they broke up

old families and old estates, and she had been brought up to think that

both were useful. Yet I never knew anybody with a more instinctive

passion for equality. This means that she was simply and deeply

interested in all sorts of human beings and all sorts of human lots;

also that, although she was often self-conscious, it was the

self-consciousness one sees in the thoughtful and richly natured young,

whose growth in thought or character has outrun their means of

expression, and never mean or egotistical. Her deep voice; her fine,

marked features; and the sudden play of humor, silent, self-restrained,

yet most infectious to the bystander, that would lighten through them;

her stately ways; and yet, withal, her childlike love of loving and

being loved by the few to whom she gave her deepest affection--in some

such phrases one tries to describe her; but they go a very little way.

I can see her now at the dinner-table at Gosford, sardonically watching

a real "fashionable lady" who had arrived in the afternoon and was

sitting next Lord Wemyss at the farther end--with a wonderful frizzled

head, an infinitesimal waist sheathed in white muslin and blue ribbons,

rouged cheeks, a marvelous concatenation of jewels, and a caressing,

gesticulating manner meant, at fifty, to suggest the ways of "sweet and

twenty." The frizzled head drew nearer and nearer to Lord Wemyss, the

fingers flourished and pointed; and suddenly I heard Lady Wemyss's deep

voice, meditatively amused, beside me:

"Her fingers will be in Frank's eyes soon!" Or again, I see her, stalled

beneath the drawing-room table, on all-fours, by her imperious

grandchildren, patiently playing "horse" or "cow," till her scandalized

daughter-in-law discovered her and ran to her release. Or in her last

illness, turning her noble head and faint, welcoming smile to the few

friends that were admitted; and finally, in the splendid rest after

death, when those of us who had not known her in youth could guess what

the beauty of her youth had been.

She was an omnivorous and most intelligent reader, and a friend that

never failed. Matthew Arnold was very fond of her, and she of him; Laura

Lyttelton, who was nearly forty years her junior, loved her dearly and

never felt the bar of years; the Master owed much to her affection, and

gratefully acknowledged it. The _Commonplace Book_, privately printed

after her death, showed the range of interests which had played upon her

fresh and energetic mind. It was untrained, I suppose, compared to the

woman graduate of to-day. But it was far less tired; and all its

adventures were of its own seeking.

It was in 1896, not long after the appearance of _George Tressady_, that

a conversation in a house on the outskirts of the Lakes suggested to me

the main plot of _Helbeck of Bannisdale._ The talk turned on the

fortunes of that interesting old place, Sizergh Castle, near Kendal, and

of the Catholic family to whom it then still belonged, though mortgages

and lack of pence were threatening imminently to submerge an ancient

stock that had held it unbrokenly, from father to son, through many

generations.

The relation between such a family--pinched and obscure, yet with its

own proud record, and inherited consciousness of an unbroken loyalty to

a once persecuted faith--and this modern world of ours struck me as an

admirable subject for a novel. I thought about it next day, all through

a long railway journey from Kendal to London, and by the time I reached

Euston the plot of _Helbeck of Bannisdale_ was more or less clear to me.

I confided it to Lord Acton a little while afterward. We discussed it,

and he cordially encouraged me to work it out. Then I consulted my

father, my Catholic father, without whose assent I should never have

written the book at all; and he raised no difficulty. So I only had

to begin.

But I wanted a setting--somewhere in the border country between the

Lakes mountains and Morecambe Bay. And here another piece of good luck

befell, almost equal to that which had carried us to Hampden for the

summer of 1889. Levens Hall, it appeared, was to be let for the

spring--the famous Elizabethan house, five miles from Kendal, and about

a mile from Sizergh. I had already seen Levens; and we took the

chance at once.

Bannisdale in the novel is a combination, I suppose, of Sizergh and

Levens. The two houses, though of much the same date, are really very

different, and suggest phases of life quite distinct from each other.

Levens compared to Sizergh is--or was then, before the modern

restoration of Sizergh--the spoiled beauty beside the shabby ascetic.

Levens has always been cared for and lived in by people who had money to

spend upon the house and garden they loved, and the result is a

wonderful example of Elizabethan and Jacobean decoration, mellowed by

time into a perfect whole. Yet, for my purposes, there was always

Sizergh, close by, with its austere suggestions of sacrifice and

suffering under the penal laws, borne without flinching by a long

succession of quiet, simple, undistinguished people.

We arrived there in March, 1897. The house greeted us on a clear and

chilly evening under the mingled light of a frosty sunset, and the blaze

of wood fires which had been lit everywhere to warm its new guests.

At last we arrived--saw the wonderful gray house rising above the

river in the evening light, found G---- waiting at the open door for

us, and plunged into the hall, the sitting-rooms, and all the

intricacies of the upper passages and turrets with the delight and

curiosity of a pack of children. Wood and peat fires were burning

everywhere; the great chimneypieces in the drawing-room, the arms of

Elizabeth over the hall fire, the stucco birds and beasts running

round the Hall, showed dimly in the scanty lamplight (we shall want

about six more lamps!)--and the beauty of the marvelous old place

took us all by storm. Then through endless passages and kitchens,

bright with long rows of copper pans and molds, we made our way out

into the gardens among the clipped yews and cedars, and had just

light enough to see that Levens apparently is like nothing else

but itself.

... The drawback of the house at present is certainly _the cold_!

Thus began a happy and fruitful time. We managed to get warm in spite of

a treacherous and tardy spring. Guests came to stay with us--Henry

James, above all; the Creightons, he then in the first months of that

remarkable London episcopate, which in four short years did so much to

raise the name and fame of the Anglican Church in London, at least for

the lay mind; the Neville Lytteltons, who had been since 1893 our summer

neighbors at Stocks; Lord Lytton, then at Cambridge; the Sydney Buxtons;

old Oxford friends, and many kinsfolk. The damson blossom along the

hedgerows that makes of these northern vales in April a glistening

network of white and green, the daffodils and violets, the

lilies-of-the-valley in the Brigsteer woods came and went, the _Helbeck_

made steady progress.

But we left Levens in May, and it took me another eight months to finish

the book. Except perhaps in the case of _Bessie Costrell_, I was never

more possessed by a subject, more shut in by it from the outer world.

And, though its contemporary success was nothing like so great as that

of most of my other books, the response it evoked, as my letters show,

in those to whom the book appealed, was deep and passionate.

My first anxiety was as to my father, and after we had left England for

abroad I was seized with misgivings lest certain passages in the talk of

Doctor Friedland, who, it will perhaps be remembered, is made the

spokesman in the book of certain points in the _intellectual_ case

against Catholicism, should wound or distress him. I, therefore, no

sooner reached Italy than I sent for the proofs again, and worked at

them as much as fatigue would let me, softening them, and, I think,

improving them, too. Then we went on to Florence, and rest, coming home

for the book's publication in June.

The joy and emotion of it were great. George Meredith, J. M. Barrie,

Paul Bourget, and Henry James--the men who at that time stood at the

head of my own art--gave the book a welcome that I can never forget.

George Meredith wrote:

Your _Helbeck of Bannisdale_ held me firmly in the reading and

remains with me.... If I felt a monotony during the struggle, it

came of your being faithful to your theme--rapt--or you would not

have had such power over your reader. I know not another book that

shows the classic so distinctly to view.... Yet a word of thanks for

Doctor Friedland. He is the voice of spring in the book.

J.M. Barrie's generous, enthusiastic note delights and inspires me again

as I read it over. Mr. Morley, my old editor and critic, wrote: "I find

it intensely interesting and with all the elements of beauty, power, and

pathos." For Leslie Stephen, with whom I had only lately made warm and

close friends, I had a copy bound, without the final chapter, that the

book might not, by its tragic close, depress one who had known so much

sorrow. Sir Alfred Lyall thought--"the story reaches a higher pitch of

vigor and dramatic presentation than is to be found even in your later

books"; while Lord Halifax's letter--"how lovable they both are, each in

his way, and how true to the ideal on both sides!"--and others, from Mr.

Godkin, of the American _Nation_, from Frederic Harrison, Lord Goschen,

Lord Dufferin, and many, many more, produced in me that curious mood

which for the artist is much nearer dread than boasting--dread that the

best is over and that one will never earn such sympathy again. One

letter not written to myself, from Mr. George Wyndham to Mr. Wilfred

Ward, I have asked leave to print as a piece of independent criticism:

On Sunday I read _Helbeck of Bannisdale_, and I confess that the

book moved me a great deal. It is her best book. It is a true

tragedy, because the crash is inevitable. This is not so easy to

effect in Art as many suppose. There are very few characters and

situations which lead to inevitable crashes. It is a thousand to one

that a woman who thinks she ought not to marry a man, but loves him

passionately, will, in fact, marry him. She will either discover an

ingenious way out of her woods or else just shut her eyes and "go it

blind," relying on his strength and feeling that it is really right

to relinquish to him her sense of responsibility. In choosing a girl

with nothing left her in the world but loyalty to a dead father and

memory of his attitude toward religion, without knowledge of his

arguments for that attitude, I think that Mrs. Ward has hit on the

only possible _persona_. Had Laura, herself, been a convinced

rationalist, or had her father been still alive, she would have

merged herself and her attitude in Helbeck's strength of character.

Being a work of art, self-consistent and inevitable, the book

becomes symbolic. It is a picture of incompatibility, but, being a

true picture, it is a symbolic index to the incompatible which plays

so large a part in the experience of man.

For the rest, I remember vividly the happy holiday of that summer at

Stocks; the sense of having come through a great wrestle, and finding

everything--my children, the garden, my little Huxley nephews, books and

talk, the Settlement where we were just about to open our Cripple

School, and all else in life, steeped in a special glamour. It faded

soon, no doubt, "into the light of common day"; but if I shut my

thoughts and eyes against the troubles of these dark hours of war, I can

feel my way back into the "wind-warm space" and look into the faces that

earth knows no more--my father, Leslie Stephen, Alfred Lyall, Mr.

Goschen, Alfred Lyttelton, H. O. Arnold-Forster, my sister, Julia

Huxley, my eldest brother--a vanished company!

And in the following year, to complete the story, I owed to _Helbeck_ a

striking and unexpected hour. A message reached me in November, 1898, to

the effect that the Empress Frederick, who had just arrived at Windsor,

admired the book and would like to see the writer of it.

A tragic figure at that moment--the Empress Frederick! That splendid

Crown Prince, in his white uniform, whom we had seen at Schwalbach in

1872, had finished early in 1890 with his phantom reign and tortured

life, and his son reigned in his stead. Bismarck, "the Englishwoman's"

implacable enemy, had died some four months before I saw the Empress,

after eight years' exclusion from power. The Empress herself was on the

verge of the terrible illness which killed her two years later. To me

her life and personality--or, rather, the little I knew of them--had

always been very interesting. She had, of course, the reputation of

being the ablest of her family, and the bitterness of her sudden and

irreparable defeat at the hands of Fate and her son, in 1889-90, had

often struck me as one of the grimmest stories in history. One incident

in it, not, I think, very generally known, I happened to hear from an

eye-witness of the scene, before 1898. It was as follows:

The Empress Frederick in the midst of the Bismarck crisis of March,

1890, when it was evident that the young Emperor William II was bent

on getting rid of his Chancellor, and so "dropping the pilot" of his

House, was sitting at home one afternoon, with the companion from

whom I heard the story, when a servant, looking a good deal scared,

announced that Prince Bismarck had called and wished to know whether

her Majesty would receive him.

"Prince Bismarck!" said the Empress, in amazement. She had probably

not seen him since the death of her husband, and relations between

herself and him had been no more than official for years. Turning to

her companion, she said, "What can he possibly want with me!"

She consented, however, to receive him, and the old Prince, agitated

and hollow-eyed, made his appearance. He had come, as a last hope of

placating the new Kaiser, to ask the Empress to use what influence

she could on his behalf with her son. The Empress listened in

growing astonishment. At the end there was a short silence. Then she

said, with emotion: "I am sorry! You, yourself, Prince Bismarck,

have destroyed all my influence with my son. I can do nothing."

In a sense, it must have been a moment of triumph. But how tragic are

all the implications of the story! It was in my mind as I traveled to

Windsor on November 18, 1898. The following letter was written next day

to one of my children:

D---- and I met at Windsor, and we mounted into the quadrangle,

stopped at the third door on the right as Mrs. M---- had directed

us, interviewed various gorgeous footmen, and were soon in Mrs.

M----'s little sitting-room. Then we found we should have some

little time to wait, as the Empress was just going out with the

Queen and would see me at a quarter to 1. So we waited, much amused

by the talk around us. (It turned, if I remember right, on a certain

German Princess, who had arrived a day or two before as the old

Queen's guest, and had been taken since her arrival on such a

strenuous round of tombs and mausoleums that, hearing on this

particular morning that the Queen proposed to take her in the

afternoon to see yet another mausoleum, she had stubbornly refused

to get up. She had a headache, she said, and would stay in bed. But

the ladies in waiting, with fits of laughter, described how the

Queen had at once ordered her phenacetin, and how there was really

no chance at all for the poor lady. The Queen would get her way, and

the departed would be duly honored--headache or no headache. As

indeed it turned out.)

Presently we saw the Queen's little pony-carriage pass along beyond

the windows with the Empress Frederick, and the Grand Duke and

Duchess Serge walking beside it, and the Indians behind. Then in a

little while the Empress Frederick came hurrying back alone, and

almost directly came my summons. Countess Perponcher, her lady in

waiting, took me up through the Long Corridor, past the entrance to

the Queen's rooms on one side, and Gordon's Bible, in its glass

case, on the other, till we turned to the left, and I was in a small

sitting-room, where a lady, gray-haired and in black, came forward

to meet me.... We talked for about 50 minutes:--of German books and

Universities--Harnack--Renan, for whom she had the greatest

admiration--Strauss, of whom she told me various interesting

things--German colonies, that she thought were "all

nonsense"--Dreyfus, who in her eyes is certainly innocent--reaction

in France--the difference between the Greek Church in Russia and the

Greek Church in Greece, the hopes of Greece, and the freeing of

Crete. It is evident that her whole heart is with Greece and her

daughter there [the young Queen Sophia, on whose character recently

deciphered documents have thrown so strong a light], and she spoke

bitterly, as she always does, about the English hanging-back, and

the dawdling of the European Concert. Then she described how she

read _George Tressady_ aloud to her invalid daughter till the

daughter begged her to stop, lest she should cry over it all

night--she said charming things of _Helbeck_, talked of Italy,

D'Annunzio, quoted "my dear old friend Minghetti" as to the

fundamental paganism in the Italian mind, asked me to write my name

in her book, and to come and see her in Berlin--and it was time to

go.... She is a very attractive, sensitive, impulsive woman, more

charming than I had imagined, and, perhaps, less

intellectual--altogether the very woman to set up the backs of

Bismarck and his like. Never was there a more thorough Englishwoman!

I found myself constantly getting her out of focus, by that

confusion of mind which made one think of her as German.

And to my father I wrote:

The Empress began by asking after Uncle Matt, and nothing could have

been kinder and more sympathetic than her whole manner. But of

course Bismarck hated her. She is absolutely English, parliamentary,

and anti-despotic.... When I ventured to say in bidding her Good-by,

that I had often felt great admiration and deep sympathy for her,

which is true--she threw up her hands with a little sad or bitter

gesture--"Oh!--admiration!--for _me_!"--as if she knew very well

what it was to be conscious of the reverse. A touching, intelligent,

impulsive woman, she seemed to me--no doubt often not a wise

one--but very attractive.

Nineteen years ago! And two years later, after long suffering, like her

husband, the last silence fell on this brave and stormy nature. Let us

thank God for it as we look out upon Europe and see what her son has

made of it.

A Writer's Recollections — Volume 2 · 第 6 / 8 章