REPUBLIC OF COSTA RICA.
1841-1856.
RULE OF CARRILLO CONTINUED—PLOTS FOR ITS OVERTHROW—INVASION
OF MORAZAN—CHANGE OF GOVERNMENT—MORAZAN'S
POLICY—OPPOSITION—REVOLTS—MORAZAN'S DEFEAT AND
DEATH—SATISFACTION OF THE OLIGARCHS—MEASURES
OF THE VICTORS—NEW CONSTITUTION—SUBSEQUENT
AMENDMENTS—SEDITION—CASTRO'S ADMINISTRATION—COSTA RICA
DECLARED A REPUBLIC—RECOGNITION BY SPAIN—RELATIONS
WITH OTHER POWERS—BOUNDARY QUESTIONS WITH NICARAGUA AND
COLOMBIA—PRESIDENT JUAN RAFAEL MORA—HIS REPRESSIVE MEASURES.
Carrillo, believing himself clothed with unlimited authority, on the
8th of March, 1841, issued what he called a 'ley de garantias,' giving
himself a life tenure of office and inviolability.[XI-1] The supreme
government was made to consist of the executive, and two chambers,
named respectively 'consultiva' and 'judicial,' whose members were to
be chosen by electoral colleges.[XI-2] Intending to celebrate with
éclat the inauguration of the cámara consultiva, Carrillo recalled
from exile Juan Mora and four others.[XI-3] The consultiva, following
Carrillo's wishes, elected Manual Antonio Bonilla segundo jefe.[XI-4]
The enemies of the present ruler were numerous, and increasing. They
called Morazan to their aid, through General Bermudez of Peru.
[Sidenote: MORAZAN AND SARAVIA.]
Morazan sailed from Chiriquí in Panamá, and after visiting several
places in Central America landed with about 500 men at Caldera[XI-5]
on the 7th of April, 1842. With him were generals Saget, Cabañas,
Saravia, and Rascon.[XI-6] Carrillo heard of the invasion in the
evening of the 8th, and at once assumed personal command of the troops
to operate against the enemy, turning over the executive office to
Bonilla, the vice-jefe,[XI-7] and providing other measures for an
active campaign. Nearly 1,000 men under Colonel Vicente Villaseñor
composed the expedition, among whose captains and lieutenants were some
of the wealthiest persons in the country.[XI-8] Morazan had issued a
manifesto assuring the Costa Ricans that his policy would be one of
order, union, and progress, to accomplish which Braulio Carrillo must
be ousted from power. As the government forces approached the invaders,
Villaseñor made known its contents to his command, and asked whether
they were for fighting or for a peaceable arrangement. Both officers
and men almost unanimously[XI-9] favored the latter, and a convention
was concluded at Jocote on the 11th of April, by virtue of which the
two forces fraternized, becoming one army. It was further agreed that
a constituent assembly should be called to reorganize the state, the
government meanwhile remaining in charge of Morazan, or in his absence
in that of Vicente Villaseñor.[XI-10] This convention was accepted
on the next day at San José by Carrillo, with a few additions which
did in no wise vitiate it, and Morazan afterward ratified the whole
at Heredia.[XI-11] He was enthusiastically welcomed at Alajuela and
Heredia, and with an augmented force marched on San José, which he
entered without hindrance. As jefe supremo provisorio he made José
Miguel Saravia his sole minister of state, and issued a proclamation
embodying complete forgetfulness of all past political offences, and
tendering an asylum in Costa Rica to all persons, of whatever party,
suffering persecution in the other states.[XI-12] He next appointed
a committee to revise the laws enacted by Carrillo, with the view of
repealing such as were deemed unwise or arbitrary, and a number of
them were accordingly annulled, the preposterous one of March 8, 1841,
not being, of course, excepted. The state constitution of January
21, 1825, was revived, and the people were called upon to elect a
constituent assembly, which was to meet at San José on the 10th of
July.[XI-13] This body, composed of thirteen members, one of whom was
the distinguished ex-jefe Juan Mora, was installed on the appointed
day under the presidency of José F. Peralta, deputy for Cartago, and
on the 15th of July unanimously elected Morazan provisional jefe of the
state.[XI-14]
The great political change thus effected in Costa Rica greatly alarmed
the reactionists; and specially those of Guatemala, who lost no time in
adopting measures to destroy Morazan. This chief, on the other hand,
took steps toward the reorganization of Central America, equipping
troops therefor. Some of his measures were deemed too severe, giving
rise to rebellion in some localities. There were intimate relations
between Carrera of Guatemala and General Antonio Pinto of Costa Rica,
as well as between the serviles of both states, who, together with the
clergy, worked to promote a revolt. An attempt in Guanacaste by Colonel
Manuel A. Molina failed, and caused his arrest, trial, and execution
at Puntarenas.[XI-15] Colonel Molina was a son of Pedro Molina, the
noted champion of free principles, and however legal his execution may
have been, it was certainly impolitic. His sentence might have been
commuted, thus averting the disruption which at once broke out in the
liberal ranks.[XI-16]
[Sidenote: WAR AND REBELLION.]
Saget was at Puntarenas attending to the embarkation of 45 officers,
200 men, 2,000 or 3,000 muskets, and about 1,300 pounds of powder
and lead. At Alajuela were 300 recruits of that department and 100
of Cartago, all commanded by Florentin Alfaro. This officer was won
over by Morazan's enemies, and revolting on the 11th of September
marched upon San José, where the people followed his example. The
revolutionists then called General Pinto to the command.[XI-17]
Morazan's body-guard of forty Salvadorans thrice repulsed the
assailants, but finally had to retreat to the chief barracks.[XI-18]
The jefe, together with Cordero, Cabañas, and Saravia, and 80 men
sustained another terrible onslaught on the 12th. The besiegers were
constantly on the increase till they numbered 5,000, and the besieged
on the decrease by death and desertion.[XI-19] Chaplain José Antonio
Castro came to propose a capitulation based on Morazan's abandonment
of the country, and a pledge of security to his supporters. Believing
that his loyalty and military honor were at stake, Morazan declined
the propositions.[XI-20] Pinto's secretary, Vicente Herrera, was very
virulent, demanding Morazan's blood; and the chaplain reported that
the jefe wanted war, refusing to recognize any authority on the part of
his adversaries to give pledges, which enraged their commander and his
secretary all the more.[XI-21] The fight continued, and blood flowed
freely.[XI-22] Mayorga, comandante at Cartago, rebelled, and Morazan's
situation had become a desperate one on the 13th. No reënforcements
could reach him, and provisions were exhausted. Juan Mora and Chaplain
Castro endeavored to bring about an arrangement, but the terms offered,
being oppressive, were rejected. The firing was resumed between one
and two o'clock in the morning of the 14th. Morazan and his handful
of supporters, worn out by fatigue, hunger, and wounds, made their way
through the besiegers and reached Cartago,[XI-23] Cabañas covering the
retreat with 30 men. Mayorga's wife, who disapproved her husband's
disloyalty, sent them word of their danger. But it came too late.
Morazan and the rest were surrounded and captured. Young Francisco
Morazan and Saravia, arriving a little later, were also secured.
Deception toward Cabañas was used,[XI-24] and treachery toward Morazan,
who was promised his life.
[Sidenote: BLOODY WORK.]
Early the next morning, an officer named Darío Orozco came to inform
Morazan and his companions that they were to be put in irons, by demand
of the troops. Saravia rose and seized a pistol to blow his brains out;
but Morazan prevented the suicide, though only for a few moments. He
then walked a while smoking, and finally submitted to have the shackles
put on his feet, and just as it was being done he had a horrible
convulsion which ended in death. It is said that he had swallowed
poison. The shackles were riveted on a corpse![XI-25] Villaseñor
stabbed himself with a dagger, and fell to the ground covered with
blood, unfortunately for him, not dead. Morazan was shackled. The
prisoners were at once taken to San José. Morazan, though wounded,
rode on horseback, and Villaseñor was carried in a hammock; but on
arriving at the Cuesta de las Moras, Captain Benavides, a Peruvian who
commanded their guard, made them walk to the court-house. Morazan on
the way conversed with Pardo and Vijil, and remembering that it was the
15th of September, remarked to Vijil, "How solemnly we are keeping the
anniversary of independence!" The other prisoners were confined in the
building called Los Almacenes, and Morazan was left with Villaseñor as
his sole companion.
Moderate men strongly urged a strict observance of law, aside from
prejudice or passion;[XI-26] but their voice was drowned in the uproar
of the enemies of Morazan,[XI-27] clamoring for his death without form
of trial, regardless of the requirements of the constitution of 1825,
and of the fact that he was the legitimate chief of the state.[XI-28]
But nothing availed to save his life. Pinto, like his prototype Pontius
Pilate, after a slight hesitation, signed the order of execution of
both Morazan and Villaseñor, to be carried out within three hours.
Morazan then summoned his son Francisco, and dictated to him his last
will and testament; some of its clauses are epitomized below.[XI-29]
After placing in charge of Montealegre a handkerchief and a few other
objects for his wife, so soon to become a widow, he walked with dignity
and a firm step to the place of execution. Villaseñor, who was nearly
dead from his wound, was carried in a chair. On arriving at the fatal
spot Morazan embraced Villaseñor, saying, "My dear friend, posterity
will do us justice." Barrundia thus describes the last moments of
the ex-president: He gave the order to prepare arms, saw that a good
aim was taken, then gave the command to fire, and fell to the ground.
Still raising his bleeding head, he cried out: "I am yet alive;" when
a second volley despatched him. Thus on the 15th of September, the
anniversary of Central American independence, just as the sun was
sinking in the west, the soul of the noble patriot returned to the
region whence it came.[XI-30]
[Sidenote: MORAZAN'S GREATNESS RECOGNIZED.]
Morazan's death caused much satisfaction to the ruling powers of
Guatemala and Honduras.[XI-31] In Guatemala it was an occasion for
rejoicing, with high mass and other religious ceremonies.[XI-32]
The time came, however, when Morazan's greatness was recognized
in Guatemala and Honduras, when the servile element no longer had
a voice in public affairs.[XI-33] Relations had been suspended by
the Guatemalan government with that of Costa Rica, while the latter
recognized Morazan as its chief.[XI-34] Treaties of union and mutual
defence had been made by the states of Guatemala, Salvador, Nicaragua,
and Honduras against Costa Rica on the 7th and 16th of October.[XI-35]
After Morazan's downfall an attempt was made to prevail on the new
government to subscribe to these treaties, but it failed.[XI-36]
[Sidenote: CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.]
On the 23d of September the civil and other authorities at San José
passed acts setting aside the supreme powers that had ruled the state
since its occupation by Morazan, and proclaiming J. M. Alfaro as jefe
provisorio, with Antonio Pinto as comandante general.[XI-37] These
acts were subsequently confirmed by the people of the state.[XI-38]
Among Alfaro's first measures were to forbid the return of political
exiles, including Carrillo; to check attempts at rebellion; to
invite Morazan's soldiers to return to their homes;[XI-39] to restore
confiscated property; to establish an official journal; and to raise a
forced loan.[XI-40] Disregarding the remonstrances of Guatemala, the
government, of which José María Castro was now minister-general, by
its decree of the 5th of April, 1843, called upon the people to send
deputies to a constituent assembly. This body was installed on the 1st
of June, and soon after adopted the groundwork upon which was to be
erected the fundamental law of the state.[XI-41] The assembly likewise
enacted a law declaratory of the rights of man; and another on freedom
of the press under certain limitations. Among the other acts worthy
of mention passed by this body were the following: The jefe, Alfaro,
was to hold his office till the promulgation of the constitution and
the election of his successor under it. All his acts were approved,
and a vote of thanks was awarded him. A similar vote was given to
General Pinto. Francisco M. Oreamuno was chosen segundo jefe, and a
short time afterward he was called to fill the executive chair, upon
leave of absence being given to Alfaro.[XI-42] The assembly adjourned
on the 22d of September, to meet again on the 13th of November.
The constitutional bases, nicknamed by the conservatives "de los
tribunos," did not meet the approval of the government. The assembly
then adopted a constitution, which made provision for two chambers,
the executive authority being exercised by a jefe, as formerly, and all
the functionaries constituting the supreme powers being chosen by the
whole people. The promulgation of the new fundamental law was made on
the 11th of April, 1844,[XI-43] and all officers were required to take
an oath to support it. Pinto, the comandante general, refused to do so
without first consulting Alfaro and others. He tried to make an armed
opposition, but did not succeed, and was dismissed, Colonel José María
Quiroz superseding him.[XI-44]
The publication of the new fundamental law was celebrated with feasts
for three days. But the fact of Pinto's dismissal from the command
of the forces caused serious divisions in families,[XI-45] which has
been felt ever since in the political events of the country. The two
chambers decreed by the constituent assembly complicated the political
machinery, and the enemies of the new constitution exaggerated its
defects. The necessity of a senate in Costa Rica was not clear, for
the composition of the house of deputies was such that it required
impulsion rather than checks. Therefore, what would be the mission of
the senate?[XI-46]
[Sidenote: MOYA, GALLEGOS, AND ALFARO.]
Alfaro reassumed the duties of the executive office on the
28th of June, on which date Castro resigned his position of
secretary-general,[XI-47] to take a seat in the chamber of deputies,
which was installed on the 3d of July. The first duty of this body
was to count the votes for senators; but the returns were coming in
very slowly, so that the senate did not assemble till the 12th of
November.[XI-48] Both houses then on the 15th declared Francisco María
Oreamuno duly elected jefe of the state. He took possession of the
office with reluctance.[XI-49] The spirit of localism which caused so
much trouble in 1835 was still rampant, and Oreamuno found himself
confronted by it. Whatever measure was proposed in favor of any one
locality was certain to displease the others. Rather than contend
with such difficulties, he tendered, on the 26th of November, his
resignation, which was not accepted; but he was resolved to retire,
and one day, being more than usually disgusted, he abandoned his post
and went off to his home in Cartago.[XI-50] His successor was Rafael
Moya, then president of the senate,[XI-51] who exerted himself to
do away with localism, and to promote harmony between the several
sections; but his senatorial term expiring on the 30th of April, 1845,
he could no longer continue holding the executive authority, and the
chamber of deputies called to assume its duties Senator José Rafael
Gallegos,[XI-52] who was made chief of the state at the expiration
of Juan Moran's second term. He took the chair on the 1st of May. An
ominous cloud could already be descried away in the horizon. The new
constitution had thus early become an object of abuse, even by the
men who had enthusiastically proclaimed it, and acrimoniously censured
Pinto for refusing it recognition.[XI-53]
During the elections a bloodless revolt of four regiments
simultaneously occurred, on the 7th of June, 1846, at San José,
Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela, to overthrow the organic law. The
movement was seconded at once by the people,[XI-54] and José María
Alfaro was summoned to assume the reins of government, Gallegos
returning to the presidency of the senate. Every one recognized
Gallegos as an upright man, against whom no complaint was made.[XI-55]
Alfaro accepted the rôle, went into office on the 9th, and immediately
proceeded to carry out the purposes of the revolution. Elections took
place under the existing constitution, Alfaro being chosen jefe, and
José M. Castro vice-jefe and secretary-general. The latter being the
intellectual superior of Alfaro, every branch of the administration
finally fell under his control.
The constituent assembly met on the 15th of September, and completed,
on the 21st of January, 1847, the new constitution, which was
promulgated at once, to have effect from and after the 7th of
March.[XI-56] Experience having shown that several clauses of this
instrument were practically inexpedient, and that others were not
clearly worded, under article 187 of the same congress subsequently
adopted a number of amendments, which had been asked for by a majority
of the municipalities.[XI-57] The elections for supreme authorities,
decreed on the 17th of February, took place; the constitutional
congress assembled on the 1st of May, and after counting the votes for
president and vice-president on the 5th, declared Castro duly elected
for the first position and Alfaro for the second. They were inducted
into office on the 8th.[XI-58]
Castro's administration had to overcome serious obstacles which might
bring on political convulsions in the near future.[XI-59] Indeed,
several disturbances broke out at Alajuela, headed by Alfaro and his
friends, which were, however, easily quelled by President Castro, and
once by Vice-president Mora, when the president was absent.[XI-60] The
last of these troubles caused some bloodshed.[XI-61] Albeit the revolts
were put down, the state continued much agitated. Inflammatory writings
against the president were secretly circulated, which the government
gave importance to, and the official press tried to counteract their
influence. Castro concluded to resign his office, but congress by
a unanimous vote refused to accept the resignation.[XI-62] Costa
Rica having by the act of her congress, on the 30th of August, 1848,
declared herself a sovereign and independent nation, under the title
of República de Costa Rica, that body, on the 29th of the following
September, adopted a flag, coat of arms, and seal.[XI-63]
[Sidenote: INDEPENDENCE DECLARED.]
[Illustration: ARMS OF COSTA RICA.]
Costa Rica was the first state of Central America to be recognized as
an independent nation by Spain, which was done in the treaty of May
10, 1850, which was ratified by Costa Rica March 6, 1851. The republic
made a concordat with the Roman pontiff, for the understanding of
ecclesiastical affairs, on the 7th of October, 1852. She has endeavored
to maintain cordial relations with the powers of Europe and America. To
that end she concluded treaties with the United States of America, the
Hanseatic Towns, France,[XI-64] Great Britain, Belgium, Holland, Italy,
Germany, and several of the Spanish-American republics. With Guatemala
a treaty was entered into in February 1850, and the government awaited
the result of the efforts of the other three states to constitute
themselves under one nationality; and when they failed, and the states
assumed the rôle of independent republics, it made similar diplomatic
arrangements with them as foreign nations.[XI-65]
[Sidenote: THE BOUNDARY QUESTION.]
The boundaries of Costa Rica with Nicaragua on one side, and with
Panamá, one of the states of Colombia, on the other, have been a
source of constant anxiety, repeatedly occupying the minds of the
diplomates of the three countries. Fortunately, the points in dispute
have been peaceably discussed by the governments, though the press
and politicians have not always touched upon them with the same
spirit. The district of Nicoya or Guanacaste, at one time under the
government of Nicaragua, became annexed to Costa Rica in 1824. This
annexation was accepted by the Costa Rican assembly, and the federal
congress allowed it, in a decree of December 9, 1825, as a provisional
arrangement, to be in force till an opportunity was had to run the
boundary between the two states. This congress took no further action
in the premises; and since the dissolution of the Central American
union, the district remained attached to Costa Rica. Nicaragua never
assented to the segregation, though she made no attempt to recover the
territory by force of arms. She has, however, endeavored to sustain
her right to it in repeated diplomatic negotiations.[XI-66] The time
came when Nicaragua, being invaded by William Walker's filibusters,
and the independence of all Central America threatened, the citizens
of the five republics at once saw the necessity of having the question
amicably settled.[XI-67] The other republics, more particularly
Salvador, brought their influence to bear, and a treaty was concluded,
duly ratified, exchanged, and published as the law, to govern the
boundary between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.[XI-68] Under its second
article, both contracting parties ceded a portion of their claims,
Costa Rican territory not reaching the lake, nor the Flor River, but
merely the centre of Salinas Bay. On the other hand, Nicaragua no
longer claimed territory to the Salto or Alvarado River, but limited it
to the aforesaid bay, and to the line prescribed in the treaty.[XI-69]
The acts of several congresses of Nicaragua in after years indicated
that the treaty was recognized beyond cavil or dispute. Not a word was
officially uttered by Nicaragua in seven years against its validity.
After such a period had elapsed, Tomás Ayon, her minister of foreign
affairs, in a report to the national congress, disputed its validity,
and the boundary question was reopened,[XI-70] giving rise to grave
diplomatic discussions, and no little ill feeling between the citizens
of both countries from 1868 to 1883.[XI-71] At last, early in 1883,
a treaty was signed in Granada by plenipotentiaries of both countries
to bring the dispute to an end.[XI-72] President Cárdenas, in laying
the treaty before the Nicaraguan congress early in 1885, urged its
favorable consideration; but no action was taken.
[Illustration: COSTA RICA.]
[Sidenote: DIVERS TREATIES.]
[Sidenote: DISPUTED TERRITORY.]
Under the Gual-Molina treaty, concluded at Bogotá, March 15, 1825, the
Provincias Unidas del Centro de América and the Republic of Colombia
agreed to respect the boundaries then existing between them, and to
enter at an early convenient opportunity into a special convention
directed to fix the dividing line.[XI-73] The antecedents of the
subject will be found in a note at foot.[XI-74] All subsequent royal
provisions, down to 1803, tend to confirm the limits of Costa Rica
that were fixed for Cherino on the Atlantic side. But on the 20th of
November, 1803, a royal order placed the island of San Andrés, and
the coast of Mosquito from Cape Gracias á Dios to the River Chagres,
under the supervision of the viceroy at Bogotá. Nueva Granada, now
República de Colombia, has maintained that this royal order made a new
territorial division between the capitanía general of Guatemala and the
vireinato of Nueva Granada; and to the latter belongs all the territory
alluded to in the royal order, and that said territory was recognized
as hers by the Gual-Molina treaty. On behalf of Costa Rica, it has
been alleged that the Spanish crown never made a territorial division
with a mere royal order. The division of provinces, vice-royalties,
and captain-generalcies was effected under a pragmatic sanction, a
royal decree, or a royal cédula. The royal order aforesaid made no
division of territory, but merely placed San Andrés and the Mosquito
Coast under the care of the viceroy at Bogotá because Spain at that
time had military and naval resources at Cartagena. Nevertheless the
order had no effect; it became a dead letter, the viceroy never having
protected that coast. Such was the impression of the Central American
negotiator of the treaty of 1825.[XI-75] With this same understanding
the federal government of Central America made a contract in 1836 to
settle an Irish colony in the region of Boca del Toro,[XI-76] which
was not carried out because the New Granadan authorities drove away the
settlers, and have ever since held control of the region, disregarding
Costa Rica's claims.[XI-77]
Several diplomatic efforts were fruitlessly made to fix the
boundary.[XI-78] The last one was made at San José on the 25th of
December, 1880, in the form of a convention to refer the settlement of
the question at issue to the arbitration of a friendly power, namely,
the king of the Belgians or the king of Spain, and in the event that
neither of them could or would undertake it, then the president of the
Argentine confederation.[XI-79] It is understood that the matter was
finally submitted to the king of Spain, and that the resolution was
long pending.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT MORA.]
Political disturbances continuing in 1849, Castro resigned the
presidency on the 16th of November,[XI-80] before congress, which had
met in extra session October 2d; his resignation was accepted,[XI-81]
and the same day Juan Rafael Mora was chosen vice-president, and on the
24th president of the republic, being inducted into office on the 26th
of November.[XI-82] One of his first acts was to grant an amnesty for
political offences. The bonds of discipline and subordination having
become relaxed, Mora had before him a difficult task to restore peace
and order.[XI-83] He dealt severely with the authors of revolutionary
movements. Castro became a fugitive, and the others were exiled. For
his efforts to restore order, congress, on the 25th of June, 1850,
granted him the title of benemérito de la patria.
The president's policy was one of repression by all means; but finding
himself opposed in the chamber, he resigned the executive office, and
his resignation not being accepted, took upon himself to dismiss the
congress, calling on the people to choose new representatives.[XI-84]
The continued revolutionary attempts placed the government in a
difficult position, and prompted the president to adopt severe
measures; hence the orders of exile issued against prominent
citizens.[XI-85]
Mora and Oreamuno were on the 3d of May, 1853, elected president and
vice-president respectively.[XI-86] Peace was now restored, and the
government devoted its attention to the promotion of education, and of
the material interests of the country.[XI-87]