SALVADOR, NICARAGUA, AND COSTA RICA.
1824-1840.
SALVADOR STATE GOVERNMENT—LIBERALS OVERTHROWN—SECESSION
FROM THE UNION—SAN SALVADOR AS THE FEDERAL SEAT OF
GOVERNMENT—GUATEMALA IMPOSES HER WILL—JEFE CAÑAS AND
COMANDANTE MALESPIN—NICARAGUA'S EARLY TROUBLES—SIEGE
AND BOMBARDMENT OF LEON—ORGANIZATION OF STATE
GOVERNMENT—DISSENSIONS AND WARFARE—ERUPTION OF
COSIGÜINA—SECESSION FROM THE CONFEDERATION—COSTA RICA AS
A CONFEDERATED STATE—JUAN MORA'S ADMINISTRATION—TOWNS'
BICKERINGS SETTLED—BRAULIO CARRILLO'S RULE—FINAL SECESSION
FROM THE CENTRAL AMERICAN REPUBLIC—PROSPERITY OF THE STATE.
Salvador, from the earliest days that utterance was given to the
idea of liberty and independence from Spain, was ready to echo
and champion it, and was the first to effect an organization for
self-government.[IX-1] The state was divided into four departments,
San Salvador, San Vicente, San Miguel, and Sonsonate.[IX-2] Under the
direction of the constituent assembly a state government was organized,
with Juan Vicente Villacorta as jefe,[IX-3] and Mariano Prado as
vice-jefe. After installing a superior court, the constituent assembly
adjourned sine die on the 23d of November, 1824.
For a long time past there had been differences between Guatemala
and Salvador upon ecclesiastical matters. The latter not only claimed
an authoritative voice in the political affairs of Central America,
but also to be placed upon an independent footing as regarded the
ecclesiastical. Hence the anxiety to have a bishopric erected at San
Salvador. This matter assumed a threatening aspect, and engaged the
attention of ecclesiastics and statesmen, as well as the public at
large in both sections of the country. The details will be given in
a separate chapter treating of the church in Central America. It is
in order to state here, however, that the disputes about the diocese
of San Salvador had a deep influence in the country's politics. The
contending parties had taken up the question. The liberals in both
states sided with José Matías Delgado, who had been appointed by the
Salvador legislature the first bishop. The servile element, on the
other hand, supported the archbishop of Guatemala. But after a time
Delgado, who was not unmindful of his purposes, supported President
Arce, thus forsaking his former friends, and joining the servile party.
A marked change occurred soon after, however, the relations between
Arce and Delgado becoming cold because the latter suspected that Arce
really sympathized with the archbishop. The liberals failed not to
strengthen that suspicion, nor to fan the flame.[IX-4]
Jefe Villacorta, owing to impaired health, surrendered the government
to the vice-jefe, Mariano Prado,[IX-5] whose first act was one of
opposition to the national government, by repealing Arce's convocation
of October 10th for a new congress, and issuing one of his own, on
December 6, 1826, appointing Ahuachapan, in Salvador, as the place
of assemblage. Prado now began the military preparations which were
followed by a war between Salvador and the federal government, and
which terminated with the overthrow of the servile party by Morazan.
[Sidenote: RULE OF CORNEJO AND PRADO.]
A liberal policy was for a short time pursued in Salvador under the
rule of José M. Cornejo, who had become the jefe in January 1829,[IX-6]
and peace reigned during the next three years. But in 1832 it was
again disturbed. The government of the state, becoming dissatisfied
with its former hero, Morazan, attempted to secede from the union, but
was brought under subjection.[IX-7] Cornejo was deposed, and, together
with those who aided him in the rebellion, was sent to Guatemala as
a prisoner, to be dealt with according to law.[IX-8] Elections for
authorities were then held, and Mariano Prado was chosen jefe,[IX-9]
and Joaquin San Martin y Ulloa vice-jefe. A period of liberalism now
commenced, like that of Guatemala in 1829. Several liberal measures
were adopted, one of which was the establishment—decreed August 21,
1832—of a single, very moderate, direct tax.[IX-10] This enactment,
intended to relieve the exhausted treasury, met with violent opposition
in San Salvador, and sedition broke out on the 24th in several wards;
but the rioters were dispersed. Prado issued a proclamation expressing
his resolution to uphold the law and maintain order; but as the
excitement continued, he ordered that the supreme authorities should
transfer themselves to the villa de Cojetepeque on the 31st.[IX-11] On
the 14th of November there was also a seditious movement in San Miguel,
which was quelled by Colonel Benitez.
The vice-jefe, San Martin, was in accord with the revolutionists, and
kept up a correspondence with Galvez in Guatemala, who wanted Prado
overthrown. This was known in San Salvador, and gave encouragement to
the remnants of Cornejo's party. The removal of the capital was not
sufficient. Another revolt broke out at San Salvador early in 1833,
and Prado, together with the members of the co-legislative bodies
and of the superior court, had to abandon their places. On the 13th
of February the state followed the example of Nicaragua and seceded
from the union. The vice-jefe, San Martin, who had gone into hiding
on the 9th of February to save himself from harm, was called by the
revolutionists to assume the executive authority.[IX-12] In July a
revolt broke out among the Indians of Santiago Nonualco. Headed by
Anastasio Aquino, they formed the plan of exterminating the white and
colored population, and installing a government of natives.[IX-13] The
utmost cruelties characterized this war of races, which was fortunately
soon suppressed. Most of the ringleaders, among them Aquino, were
captured. The chief was executed on the 24th of July, 1833, at San
Vicente.[IX-14] But peace did not follow the suppression of this
rebellion. Salvador, always jealous of Guatemala, insisted on having
the federal government removed from her rival's territory. At last,
in February 1834, the federal authorities came to reside in Sonsonate,
and later, in June, at San Salvador. It was a great mistake to expect
harmony. Before the month was out there was a street fight of several
hours between troops of the two powers. The federals were victorious,
and the state's jefe, San Martin, was deposed.[IX-15] The executive
authority was assumed first by Cárlos Salazar, commander of the federal
forces, and afterward by Gregorio Salazar, the vice-president of the
republic. Neither of them had a legal title.[IX-16] From this time the
state remained wholly under the control of the federal government and
the liberal party, which became still more cemented when in 1835 the
capital was made the federal district. In the great struggle between
Morazan and Carrera, of which a detailed account has been given in a
former chapter, Salvador had to rely entirely on her own resources when
her territory was invaded in 1838 and 1839.
[Sidenote: MORE TROUBLE AT SAN SALVADOR.]
After Morazan's signal defeat at Guatemala, Salvador no longer was
disposed to make sacrifices; indeed, she was too exhausted to raise a
new army. However, she was by no means willing to uphold the victorious
Carrera; but being unable to resist, had for a while to submit to
the force of circumstances, and to recognize the government placed
over her.[IX-17] But as soon as Carrera went back to Guatemala, that
government was overthrown by the people, and the jefe, José Antonio
Cañas, had to resign,[IX-18] Norberto Ramirez becoming the jefe
provisional.[IX-19] More than any other of the Central American states,
Salvador needed a period of peace to recover from the wounds inflicted
in nearly twenty years of warfare. She had upheld the principles of
liberty and union long after the others had given them up, and now
required a prudent and wise government to restore her almost extinct
life and strength.
* * * * *
While the other provinces experienced but few difficulties in
organizing themselves after the separation from Spain and Mexico,
Nicaragua suffered for years from intestine strife. This was not
exactly a contest between two political parties, but rather between
towns, and between the partisans of one leader and another; in
other words, the results partly of sectional hatred, and partly
of personal ambition. Persecutions for political causes were of
daily occurrence.[IX-20] A junta gubernativa, recognized by the
general government, had been installed at Leon,[IX-21] where Basilio
Carrillo was the commander of the forces, and claimed the right to
rule the province; but there was another junta at Granada, where the
notorious Cleto Ordoñez held sway in accord with the jefe político,
Juan Argüello, which, of course, ignored the pretensions of the
Leonese authorities. Managua, though siding with Leon, had become the
headquarters of the anti-republicans, with Bishop García at their head,
who strove to rid the place from Leonese influence. Most of the other
towns were in a similar condition; so that it may be asserted that
the whole province was in a state of anarchy. The junta gubernativa
of Leon accepted, on the 2d of July, 1823, the decree of the national
government of March 29th, calling for a national congress, and declared
Nicaragua united with the other provinces that had formerly been the
reino de Guatemala.
[Sidenote: NICARAGUAN COMPLICATIONS.]
On the 13th of January, 1824, a popular uprising in Leon caused
the junta gubernativa to remove Basilio Carrillo from his command,
replacing him with the jefe político, Cármen Salazar.[IX-22] Early in
the same year Justo Milla came with the appointment of intendente from
the general government, and with instructions to pacify the country;
but his mission failed.[IX-23] On the 22d of July Ordoñez had himself
proclaimed comandante general by the garrison and populace. Some of the
wards of Leon attempted, on the 6th of August, to overthrow Ordoñez and
restore Melendez, the successor of Milla; but they were overpowered,
and the city was sacked.[IX-24] On the 14th the forces of Managua,
under Colonel Crisanto Sacasa, captured portions of the city of
Granada. After twenty days of incessant fighting the besiegers retired
in good order. On the other hand, a division of Leonese and Granadans
attacked Managua on the 24th of August, with the same result.
A junta gubernativa had been installed on the 9th of the month at El
Viejo, in opposition to that of the capital,[IX-25] and organized a
force of 2,000 men, intended to lay siege to Leon. The united forces
of El Viejo and Managua, commanded by Sacasa and the Colombian Juan
José Salas, assaulted Leon, captured the suburbs, and penetrated to
the plazuela de San Juan. The garrison, composed of Leonese and some
Granadans, now found itself confined to the chief plaza and contiguous
blocks. During the siege, which lasted 114 days, there was incessant
fighting, both besiegers and besieged exhibiting bitter animosity.
Sacasa was mortally wounded, and died twelve days after. The fighting
often took place inside of the houses, and even of the churches.
Upwards of 900 houses were either demolished or burned, and the number
of dead and wounded on both sides was large, probably over 900 killed.
The contest ceased only on the 4th of January, 1825, when the besieging
forces retired.[IX-26]
The villa de Managua laid down its arms on the 22d of January, 1825,
peaceably receiving Manuel José Arce, who had entered Nicaragua with
an auxiliary force from Salvador, and with instructions to pacify the
state. In consequence of his arrival, the dissensions were quieted for
a time.[IX-27] Arce, without bloodshed, also disarmed the troops of
Ordoñez at Granada, and despatched him, together with Bishop García,
to Guatemala. After having made arrangements for elections, the
peace-maker returned to Salvador, leaving, however, a portion of the
force at Leon.
[Sidenote: RULE OF ARGÜELLO.]
On the 10th of April, 1825, preliminary arrangements being completed,
the first constituent assembly of Nicaragua met under the presidency of
Juan Manuel Zamora, and ten days later Manuel Antonio de la Cerda was
installed as jefe of the state,[IX-28] and Juan Argüello as vice-jefe.
Unfortunately there were disagreements on the part of Cerda with both
the constituent assembly and Argüello, which delayed the labors on the
state constitution, so that it was not decreed till the 8th of April,
1826.[IX-29]
The convention then adjourned sine die, and the regular or ordinary
assembly met on the 13th of August, at Leon, but in the middle of the
following month removed to Granada.[IX-30] Meantime the dissatisfaction
with Jefe Cerda had assumed such proportions that the legislative
body resolved to impeach him. He was, accordingly, suspended, and
Argüello placed temporarily in charge of the executive authority. New
elections were also decreed.[IX-31] But Argüello had not fostered all
these troubles merely to surrender the government to a new man, and by
intrigues contrived to bring about, in February 1827, the dissolution
of the assembly.[IX-32]
The indefatigable Colonel Cleto Ordoñez made, with the aid of troops
of Leon and Senator Hernandez, an unsuccessful attempt[IX-33] to seize
the government, declaring Argüello suspended. An effort was also made
by the president on behalf of Cerda, but it was defeated by Herrera,
the jefe of Honduras. The state of war continued; Arce reluctantly had
removed, at Argüello's request, the few men of Salvador that had been
stationed in Nicaragua since 1825,[IX-34] and thus the only adversary
of importance Argüello had was Cerda. The contest remained for a long
time undecided. Argüello took Granada, while Cerda's headquarters were
first at Managua, and, when that place seceded, at Rivas, the ancient
town of Nicaragua.
In September 1828, Cerda's party had made so much headway that Argüello
and his followers had vessels in readiness to effect their escape
should the jefe gain another victory. But the priests, who worked
against the latter, inspired the disheartened Argüellistas with renewed
courage, and in another encounter they were victorious. Cerda's star
now waned. A revolt planned by two of his officers was quelled, and the
leaders were shot.[IX-35] This severity, and the heavy taxes he levied,
increased his foes.[IX-36] At last, on the 8th of November, 1828,
when Rivas was almost without troops, one of his officers, who was a
relative, named Francisco Argüello, made him a prisoner, and before
his troops could come from Jinotepe to his rescue, a force of the
vice-jefe entered Rivas. A military court was at once organized, and
Cerda, being subjected to its action,[IX-37] was sentenced to death,
and executed.[IX-38]
[Sidenote: HERRERA'S RULE.]
Argüello was now free from his strongest adversary; but the struggle
went on as new pretenders sprang up, and its effects in the course
of time were most disastrous. It brought the state to a condition of
desolation unequalled in Central America. Dionisio Herrera, chief of
Honduras, undertook, under instructions of the federal government, in
1829, the task of pacifying Nicaragua. He visited Leon, and succeeded
in conciliating parties and restoring order; and when new elections
took place in May 1830 he was himself chosen its jefe.[IX-39] Managua,
the last place to hold out, was finally, without the use of force,
prevailed upon to recognize the newly constituted authorities, and
in June was already enjoying the benefits of peace. In order to
consolidate the peace throughout the state, Herrera made the leaders of
parties leave its territory. His rule was a quiet one for the next two
years, and until Nicaragua was called upon by the national government
to furnish her contingent of troops to suppress revolutionary movements
beyond her boundary.[IX-40]
The revolutionary spirit showed itself again in 1832. On December 3,
1832, the state assembly attached the federal revenue, and refused
further recognition of the general government. A few months later a
revolt broke out against Herrera. The movement originated in Managua,
and was seconded in Masaya and Matagalpa. Granada and Leon opposed it.
Jefe Herrera at first was loath to resist it, and laid his resignation
before the legislature, and it was accepted on the 1st of March,
1833. But that body, under popular pressure, four days after revoked
the resolution, and recalled Herrera to hold the executive authority,
with the extraordinary powers that had been decreed him on the 8th of
February previous.[IX-41]
The insurrection had spread also in Metapa, Chocoyos, Nandaime, San
Jorge, and throughout the department of Nicaragua. At the head of the
movement was an ecclesiastic. Herrera exhausted all peaceful means,
and had to employ force, and Managua was taken on the 29th of June,
1833.[IX-42] Nicaragua and other places accepted the amnesty tendered
them.[IX-43] But it seemed almost impossible to maintain peace for
any length of time. In May 1834 Granada and Metapa rebelled, under one
Cándido Flores. The rebels were successful for several months, and took
possession of Managua. But on the 13th of August they were defeated; a
few days later Granada was recovered, and four of the ringleaders were
shot.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: A GREAT EARTHQUAKE.]
In the morning of the 20th of January, 1835, there was an eruption
of the volcano Cosigüina,[IX-44] attended by one of the most terrific
earthquakes ever experienced in Central America.[IX-45] The event was
a memorable one for the Nicaraguans, and its abatement was attributed
to the efficacious intercession of their saints; and in commemoration
of it they still have a feast of thanksgiving every year on the 23d of
January.[IX-46]
* * * * *
A short period of peace followed. Puny are the efforts of man at
killing each other when heaven fires its artillery! The exhausted state
seemed unable to continue its suicidal course. The tranquillity was
broken, however, though only for a short time, in 1837.[IX-47] The
assembly had, on the 21st of February, 1835, recognized José Zepeda
and José Nuñez as the duly elected jefe and vice-jefe respectively.
Colonel Zepeda was a distinguished patriot, who had rendered important
services to the cause of liberty. His election was hailed with approval
in Nicaragua, and in the other states of the union. He took possession
of office April 23, 1835.[IX-48] The government experienced no serious
difficulty during 1836 in the administration of public affairs. It
was engaged in improving the public roads, and in other matters of
general utility. But 1837 was inaugurated with infamous crimes, with
the murders of the jefe Zepeda, and of the citizens Roman Valladares,
Evaristo Berríos, and Pascual Rivas, which resulted from a revolt of
the garrison at Leon.[IX-49] The movement was promptly suppressed,
and the ringleader, Braulio Mendiola, executed. The vice-jefe, Nuñez,
assumed rulership, and during his administration a second constituent
assembly was convened, and commenced its labors on the 31st of March,
1838.[IX-50] One month later, on the 30th of April, the state seceded
from the federation, an act which may be called a mere formality,
inasmuch as Nicaragua had not taken part, to any notable degree, in the
affairs of the general government. Nominally, however, the idea of a
union of the Central American states was upheld, and still expressed in
the new state constitution framed by the assembly and confirmed on the
12th of November, 1838.[IX-51] All this was pure affectation, however,
for Nicaragua lent her hearty aid to eradicate the last remnants of the
federation. The coveted sovereignty was attained at last. Later events
will show whether or not it brought Nicaragua prosperity. The present
generation had grown up midst the noise of war, hearing the battle-cry
of one or another contending party, and it could hardly be expected
that it could appreciate the blessings of peace.[IX-52]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: EVENTS IN COSTA RICA.]
Costa Rica, owing to her geographical position, was almost isolated,
politically, from the rest of Central America. It would be wrong,
however, to infer that her participation in the general affairs of
the republic had been one of mere formality or policy for her own
convenience or safety. Nowhere had the idea of a union been more
warmly embraced. Four months only had elapsed after the bases for the
organization of the state had been adopted by the national constituent
convention, when Costa Rica's first assembly met,[IX-53] and on the
21st of January, 1825, decreed a state constitution.[IX-54] In the
middle of April the first ordinary legislature began its labors,
and on the 24th of September Juan Mora was installed as chief of the
state.[IX-55] This was a happy choice; for during his rule Costa Rica
escaped the evils which protracted warfare wrought in the other states
of the union. Following the example of Salvador, a decree was passed
in September creating a bishopric independent from Nicaragua, and
appointing Fray Luis García the first bishop; but the decree became a
dead letter.
The first effect of Mora's quiet rule was the enlargement of Costa
Rican territory. Dissatisfied with the jefe, Cerda of Nicaragua, the
district of Guanacaste, or Nicoya, which formerly belonged to that
state, declared its separation, and asked to be incorporated with Costa
Rica.[IX-56] The arrangement was approved by the federal congress on
December 9th, and since then Nicoya formed one of the five departments
of that state.[IX-57] Nicaragua protested; Costa Rica refused to
restore the territory, and the matter remained an open subject of
discussion, but never leading to hostilities.[IX-58]
Early in 1826 an attempt was made[IX-59] by a Spaniard named José
Zamora, at Alajuela, to overthrow the government. He attacked the
quarters of the garrison, but after several hours' fighting was
repulsed, with most of his followers slain, wounded, or made prisoners.
A few days afterward he was captured and shot.[IX-60] During several
years this was the only public disturbance. The struggle between
serviles and liberals in the other states did not affect Costa Rica,
which prudently maintained neutrality. She endeavored, however, to
bring on peace between the belligerents, by accrediting, in 1828,
Manuel Aguilar as special envoy to Guatemala and Salvador; but his
mission proved fruitless, chiefly owing to the success of the Salvador
arms, and the irreconcilable feeling thereby engendered.[IX-61] It
was the unsatisfactory result of this effort, which in a great measure
prompted Costa Rica, after Mora's reëlection in 1829, to secede from
the union till the federal authority should be reorganized. When this
took place, the secession act was revoked in January 1831.
In March 1833 the second term of office of Mora expired; and in
acknowledgment of his beneficent and wise policy, the assembly
decreed that his portrait should be placed in the hall of sessions,
with a highly complimentary inscription.[IX-62] Costa Rica had made
great progress from both the material and intellectual points of
view. A number of clergymen endeavored to introduce a decree of the
ecclesiastical authorities of Guatemala to burn certain so-called
forbidden books. They failed, the result being the importation of
a large number of the denounced works. Jefe Mora treated the pious
proposal with the contempt it deserved.[IX-63]
[Sidenote: RULE OF GALLEGOS AND CARRILLO.]
Mora's successor duly elected was José Rafael Gallegos, who assumed
his duties in April 1833.[IX-64] The state at this time was enjoying
liberty, and perfect freedom of the press.[IX-65] It was the asylum of
the exiles from other Central and South American states. It was not,
however, altogether exempt from the spirit of localism. Cartago had
been the capital, and wanted to recover that position. San José felt
as a loss the absence of the supreme authorities. Heredia and Alajuela
would not be less than the other two places. Guanacaste was the only
one out of the question. Hence the resolution adopted[IX-66] that the
state capital should alternately be at San José, Cartago, Heredia, and
Alajuela. A later law, of June 9th, prescribed that the residence of
the supreme authorities at each of said places should be for the period
of four years. Gallegos' rule was of short duration. He resigned in
March 1834.[IX-67]
Braulio Carrillo was elected jefe, and went into office in April
1835.[IX-68] In his time several liberal innovations were made, in
addition to those introduced some time previously; namely, suppression
of tithes and decrease of holidays;[IX-69] those enactments aroused the
clergy, and prompted them to fan, in retaliation, the flame of discord
existing between San José and Cartago, which culminated in an open
revolt on the 24th of September, 1835.
An alliance was entered into by Cartago with Alajuela and Heredia, to
refuse recognition to the government, and to convoke a new assembly
with equal representative rights for the different towns.[IX-70] The
allied forces marched upon San José, then the seat of government; but
were defeated in several encounters, and they again submitted.[IX-71]
The result of this revolt was the further strengthening of San José, to
which place was conveyed all the armament of the state. The government
was equally successful in the following year, when an armed force
from Nicaragua, led by the Costa Rican Manuel Quijano, formerly in his
country's military service, Pedro Abellan, and Manuel Dengo, entered
the department of Guanacaste, and marched upon its chief town, where
they expected to find support; but they only met with disappointment.
They were first repulsed by the inhabitants, and afterward routed by
the troops.[IX-72]
[Sidenote: REVOLT IN COSTA RICA.]
The peace thus restored was not of long duration. Braulio Carrillo was
succeeded as jefe of the state[IX-73] by Manuel Aguilar, in April 1837.
A plot intended to overthrow the government was soon after detected,
and the authors were sent into exile.[IX-74] But Carrillo had also
been disappointed at Aguilar's election, and being influential with the
soldiery, he had but little difficulty in getting together a party with
which, on the 27th of May, 1838, he deposed this official, sending him,
together with the vice-jefe, Juan Mora, into banishment.[IX-75] This
was the first instance in Costa Rica when the legitimate government
of the state was overthrown by force of arms. It cannot be said that
the change was altogether for the worse. Under Carrillo's active and
energetic rule the country made rapid progress in a material point
of view.[IX-76] He saw at once the hopelessness of reëstablishing the
Central American confederation,[IX-77] or of reorganizing it so as to
render it beneficent to the several states; and therefore, instead
of making fruitless efforts in that direction, strove rather to
isolate Costa Rica. This policy he impressed on the second constituent
convention, which met on the 1st of November, 1838,[IX-78] and on
the 15th the formal separation was declared, the convention still
manifesting a willingness to maintain a sort of union by means of
special treaties.[IX-79]
[Illustration: COSTA RICA.]
He also took effective steps to pay off Costa Rica's share of the
foreign debt, contracted by the Central American republic. The state
was for a long time exempted from the afflictions and consequent
injurious results which visited the other states during the bitter
last struggle in 1840 between Morazan and Carrera for the existence
of the republic. The other states were impoverished and brought to the
verge of ruin, whereas Costa Rica, with comparative tranquillity, was
constantly marching forward.
[Sidenote: COAT OF ARMS AND FLAG.]
The president, on the 21st of April, 1840, decreed a coat of arms and
flag for the state of Costa Rica.[IX-80] This was abrogated by the
provisional government two years later.[IX-81]