LESSONS
"+Polemos patêr pantôn.+"
War is the father of all things.
Can we draw lessons from this historical review of the social
movement? I think we can, on many points; to show you what these
lessons are will be my effort in this last lecture. Perhaps I may
exert some influence upon the judgment of those who personally stand
outside of the present social strife and desire to be merely
passionless observers. And I shall be glad if, here and there among
those actively engaged in the struggle, some shall be found who will
recognise the justice of what I may say.
It seems to me that the first impression to be made upon anyone by
quiet observation of the social movement must be that it is necessary
and unavoidable. As a mountain torrent, after a thunder-storm, must
dash down into the valley according to "iron, unchangeable law," so
must the stream of social agitation pour itself onward. This is the
first thing for us to understand, that something of great and historic
importance is developing before our eyes; to recognise "that in all
that happens and is accomplished in connection with this movement we
are in the midst of a great process of world history which with
elementary force takes hold of individuals and even nations, and
concerning which it is as wrong short-sightedly to deny the fact as
inadequately to struggle against it." (Lorenz von Stein.) Probably
there are some who believe that the social movement is merely the
malicious work of a few agitators, or that the social democracy has
been "brought up by Bismarck," and the like; probably there are some
who naturally are forced to the false idea that some medicine or charm
can drive away this fatal poison out of the social body. What a
delusion! What a lack of intelligence and insight as to the nature of
all social history! If anything has resulted from my investigation I
hope it is this--a recognition of the historic necessity of the social
movement.
But we must advance to a further admission--that the modern social
movement, at least in its main features, exists necessarily as it is.
Among these main features I include the object that it sets before
itself, the socialistic ideal; also the means which it chooses for the
accomplishment of this ideal,--class strife. I have already attempted
to show you why these points must be allowed as the necessary result
of existing conditions.
Now shall we who do not stand in the ranks of those who struggle for
the new social order, shall we who only tremble for the permanence of
that which seems to us necessary for the upholding of our
civilisation--shall we be greatly pained and troubled at the present
condition of things as thus shown?
I think it hardly necessary to excite ourselves over the "dangers" of
any socialistic order of society in the future. We who know that all
social order is only the expression of specific economic relations can
face what comes with indifference; so long as these arrangements of
economic life are not given up, especially so long as the character of
the persons involved, is not completely changed, no power on earth, no
party--be it ever so revolutionary--can succeed in establishing a new
social order for humanity. And if these conditions are at any time
fulfilled--then will be the time to look further.
But it is not this socialistic ideal of the future that principally
causes anxiety to so many men. It is rather the form in which this
ideal is striven for; it is that word of terror, uttered by
Philistines both male and female--class strife.
I must acknowledge that for me this idea has in it nothing at all
terrible, rather the opposite. Is it really true that, even if strife
rules throughout society, man must give up entirely the hope of a
further and successful development of humanity? Is it really true that
all culture, all the noblest acquirements of the race, are endangered
by that strife?
First let me dispel the delusion that "class strife" is identical with
civil war, with petroleum, dynamite, the stiletto, and the barricades.
The forms of class strife are many. Every trade union, every
social-democratic election, every strike, is a manifestation of this
strife. And it seems to me that such internal struggle, such conflict
of different interests and ideas, is not only without danger to our
civilisation, but on the contrary will be the source of much that is
desirable. I think that the old proverb is true as applied even to
social strife, "+Polemos patêr pantôn.+" It is only through struggle
that the most beautiful flowers of human existence bloom. It is only
struggle that raises the great masses of the common people to a higher
level of humanity. Whatever of culture is now forced upon the masses
comes to them through struggle; the only warrant for the hope that
they can be developed into new and higher forms of culture lies in the
fact that they must rise through their efforts, that step by step they
must fight for their rights. It is struggle alone that builds
character and arouses enthusiasm, for nations as for classes. Let me
remind you of a beautiful saying of Kant's, that expresses the same
thought: "Thanks to nature for intolerance, for envious and emulous
self-seeking, for the insatiable desire to have and to rule! Without
this, all the desirable qualities of humanity would lie eternally
undeveloped. Man wants peace, but Nature knows better what is
necessary for him; she wants strife."
And why lose courage, as we see that even in social life struggle is
the solution? To me this seems no reason for despair. I rejoice in
this law of the history of the world; that is a happy view of life
which makes struggle as the central point of existence.
But we should never forget that as conflict is the developer of what
is good, so it may also be the disturber and destroyer of all
civilisation. It does not lead only and by necessity to a higher life,
it is not necessarily the beginning of a new culture: it can also
betoken the end of the old, and of all, human existence.
For this reason I think that we should never lose sight of two great
ideas in this strife.
First, all social struggle should be determinedly within legal bounds.
Thus only can the sanctity of the idea of right remain uninjured.
Without this we plunge into chaos. Man must struggle in the name of
right against that which he considers wrong, upon the basis of
existing right. Man must respect this right because it has become
right, and passes for such; and he must not forget that our fathers
struggled not less intensely for that right which to-day we hold, and
have had in heart not less enthusiasm than their sons for the right of
the future. Only thus can a man awaken and sustain faith in that which
at some future time shall be right.
This exhortation addresses itself in like manner to both parties in
the struggle; to those who are now in power, not less than to those
who are carrying on the social agitation. _Intra muros peccatur et
extra!_ There is sin within, as without, the walls.
The same is true of a second demand, which must be developed in the
name of culture and humanity within these struggling parties, if the
social strife is not to be a war of extermination. It must be carried
on with proper weapons, not with poisoned arrows. How greatly have
both sides been to blame in this respect! How difficult it is to keep
out of the battle on the one side bitterness, mendacity, malice; on
the other side brutality, derision, violence! How readily does the one
opponent charge dishonour or bad motive against the other! How
repellent, how offensive, too often, is the tone in which opinion is
expressed! Must that be? Is that necessary for energetic assertion of
one's standpoint? Does a man think that he loses anything by conceding
that his opponent is an honourable man and by assuming that truth and
honour will control in the dealings of his adversary? I do not think
so. The man who places himself really in the struggle, who sees that
in all historic strife is the germ of whatever occurs, should be able
easily to conduct this strife in a noble way, to respect his opponent
as a man, and to attribute to him motives no less pure than his own.
Then is not the social struggle, according to this idea of it, as
necessary as a thunder-storm in a heavy atmosphere? He who sees in the
struggle something artificial, produced by bad men, may perhaps
attribute to the creator of the disturbance bad motives for this
knavery, for this frivolous and malicious upsetting of social rest.
But he who understands that the struggle arises necessarily out of the
constitution of social life, and that it is only a warfare between two
great principles, each of which has been, and must be, constituted by
a combination of objective circumstances--he who looks at differences
of idea as to the world and life which arise from the fact of
different standpoints and which are the necessary occasion of
differences in conditions of life--this one will come to the
conviction that even his opponent stands on much the same grounds as
he himself; that not personal baseness, but the compelling force of
fate, has placed him in a position such that he must be an opponent.
Then will it be easy, I think, to respect the other man, to refrain
from suspicion and contempt, to battle with him openly and honourably.
Shall we extol the Geneva Convention, which humanised warfare, as a
fruit of advanced culture; and yet within our kingdom, like
barbarians, without any consideration for the opponent, fly one upon
another with dishonourable weapons?
In this the development of English social agitation can serve as a
model. It points out to us how men may conduct in social life a moral
and civilised warfare. Even upon the Continent, I hope, will the more
humane form of struggle reach acceptance, if only because it springs
of necessity from a deeper conception of what class strife really is.
So long as the battle rages legally and honourably, we need not worry
about the future of our civilisation.
Schiller's lines show how undisturbed we may be at the social
struggle:
"A full life is what I want,
And swinging and swaying, to and fro,
Upon the rising and falling waves of fortune.
For a man becomes stunted in quietness of life;
Idleness and rest are the grave of energy.
* * * * *
But war develops strength.
It raises all to a level above what is ordinary,
It even gives courage to the cowardly."
CHRONICLE OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT (1750-1896).
These tables contain the first attempt to make a synchronistic
presentation of the most important dates in the modern social, that
is, the proletarian, movement. We here specify these dates for the
chief countries, England, France, Germany; and as well for the
international activity of the working-men's movement. In addition, the
most important occurrences in the development of capitalism and of
social legislation, so far as they have relation of cause or effect
with the social movement, are indicated in heavy type.
======+=================+=================+=================+=================
YEAR.| ENGLAND. | FRANCE. | GERMANY. | INTERNATIONAL.
------+-----------------+-----------------+-----------------+-----------------
1750-|Notable | | |
1800 |inventions of | | |
|modern | | |
|machinery: | | |
|(1764-75. | | |
|Spinning machine.| | |
|1780. | | |
|The puddling | | |
|process. | | |
|1785-90. | | |
|The machine loom.| | |
|1790. | | |
|Steam engine. | | |
|1799. | | |
|Paper machine.) | | |
|Rapid development| | |
|of the great | | |
|centres of | | |
|industry. | | |
|"Machine Riots." | | |
|Petitions to | | |
|forbid legally | | |
|machines and | | |
|manufactories, | | |
|and to | | |
|reintroduce the | | |
|Elizabethan trade| | |
|ordinances. | | |
|Laws for the | | |
|protection of | | |
|machines. | | |
| | | |
1776 |Adam Smith | | |
|(1723-90). | | |
|"Wealth of | | |
|Nations." | | |
| | | |
1796 | |Babeuf's | |
| |conspiracy, or | |
| |"The Equals." | |
| | | |
1800 |Robert Owen | | |
|(1771-1858; chief| | |
|writings: "A New | | |
|View of Society,"| | |
|"Book of the New | | |
|Moral World"). | | |
|Enters the Dale | | |
|manufactory at | | |
|Lanark. | | |
| | | |
|Rigorous | | |
|prohibition of | | |
|combination. | | |
| | | |
1808 | |Charles Fourier's| |
| |(1772-1837) first| |
| |great book | |
| |appears: "Théorie| |
| |de quatre | |
| |mouvements" | |
| |(1822: "Théorie | |
| |de l'unité | |
| |universelle," | |
| |1824: "Le nouveau| |
| |monde industriel | |
| |et sociétaire"). | |
| | | |
1813-|Complete removal | | |
1814 |of the | | |
|Elizabethan trade| | |
|restrictions. | | |
| | | |
1815-|Struggle of the | | |
1832 |proletariat for | | |
|political rights.| | |
| | | |
1819 |The "Savannah" | | |
|arrives at | | |
|Liverpool. | | |
| | | |
1821 | |Saint Simon's | |
| |(1760-1825) chief| |
| |work, "Du Système| |
| |Industriel," | |
| |appears (1825: | |
| |"Nouveau | |
| |Christianisme"). | |
| | | |
1825 |More liberal | | |
|coalition law. | | |
| | | |
|Rise of the Trade| | |
|Unions. | | |
| | | |
1830 |Opening of the | | |
|Manchester- | | |
|Liverpool | | |
|Railroad. | | |
| | | |
1830-| |July Kingdom. | |
1848 | |Rapid economic | |
| |development; | |
| |"Enrichissez- | |
| |vous, messieurs."| |
| | | |
1830-| |The movement of | |
1832 | |Bazard and | |
| |Enfantin, the | |
| |disciples of | |
| |Saint Simon. | |
| | | |
1831 | |Insurrection of | |
| |the silk workers | |
| |in Lyons: "Vivre | |
| |en travaillant ou| |
| |mourir en | |
| |combattant." | |
| | | |
1833 |Beginnings of | | |
|specific | | |
|legislation for | | |
|working-men. | | |
| | | |
1834 |Grand national | |Founding of the |
|consolidated | |German |
|trade union, in | |Zollverein. |
|the spirit of | |Beginnings of |
|Robert Owen. | |national |
| | |industry. |
| | | |
1836 | |Beginning of the | |The "Junger
| |"Journalistic" | |Deutschland" in
| |period of | |Switzerland.
| |Fourierism under | |"Bund der
| |Victor | |Gerechten";
| |Considerant. | |with its
| |Appearance of the| |central office
| |Christian | |in London after
| |socialists (De La| |1840.
| |Mennais); the | |
| |"Icarian | |
| |Communism" of | |
| |Cabet (Voyage en | |
| |Icarie, 1840). | |
| | | |
1836 | |Beginning of the | |
| |economic unions | |
| |(Buchez, born | |
| |1796). | |
| | | |
1837-|The Chartist | | |
1848 |movement. Six | | |
|points. Lovett. | | |
|Feargus O'Connor.| | |
| | | |
1839-|Activity of | | |
1854 |Thomas Carlyle | | |
|("Past and | | |
|Present," 1843), | | |
|and the Christian| | |
|socialists | | |
|(Charles | | |
|Kingsley, Thomas | | |
|Hughes, J.D. | | |
|Maurice). | | |
| | | |
1839 | |Louis Blanc | |
| |(1813-1882): | |
| |"Organisation du | |
| |travail." | |
| | | |
1840 |Rowland Hill's |Fullest | |
|penny postage is |development of | |
|introduced. The |anarchistic- | |
|telegraph is |communistic | |
|first applied to |clubbism and | |
|English |conspiracy in | |
|railroads. |"Société des | |
| |Travailleurs | |
| |egalitaires." | |
| | | |
| |P.J. Proudhon | |
| |(1809-1865). | |
| |"Qu'est-ce que la| |
| |propriété?" | |
| | | |
1844 |The Pioneers of | |Loom riots in |
|Rochdale. | |Langenbielau u. |
| | |Peterswaldau; |
| | |tumults of |
| | |working-men in |
| | |Breslau, |
| | |Warmbrunn, and |
| | |other places. |
| | | |
1847 | | | |The "Bund der
| | | |Gerechten"
| | | |changes itself
| | | |into the "Bund
| | | |der
| | | |Kommunisten"
| | | |and takes as
| | | |its platform
| | | |the
| | | |"Communistic
| | | |Manifesto,"
| | | |written by Karl
| | | |Marx (1818-
| | | |1883) and
| | | |Frederick
| | | |Engels
| | | |(1820-1895).
| | | |"Proletarians
| | | |of all lands,
| | | |unite
| | | |yourselves."
| | | |
1848 | |The Paris |Communistic |
| |"February |agitation on the |
| |Revolution." |Rhine, started by|
| | |Karl Marx and |
| |Proletarian |associates. |
| |representatives |("Neue Rheinische|
| |in the |Zeitung," 1. VI. |
| |provisional |48-19. V. 49). |
| |government; |The German |
| |Louis Blanc and |working-men's |
| |Albert. 23. u. |movement captured|
| |24. VI., "June |by the |
| |insurrection." |hand-workers. |
| |The proletariat |Stefan Born. W. |
| |defeated in |Weitling. |
| |street fights. | |
| | | |
1850-|England's | | |
1880 |position of | | |
|industrial | | |
|monopoly in the | | |
|markets of the | | |
|world. Rapid | | |
|development of | | |
|the trade unions.| | |
| | | |
1850-| | |Stern regulations|
1856 | | |of the various |
| | |German |
| | |governments and |
| | |of the |
| | |Confederation for|
| | |the complete |
| | |repression of the|
| | |working-men's |
| | |movement. |
| | | |
| | |Gradual founding |
| | |of working-men's |
| | |associations and |
| | |"culture unions" |
| | |(Schulze- |
| | |Delitzsch). |
| | | |
1851-| |Severe laws of | |
1854 | |Napoleon III. for| |
| |the repression of| |
| |all social | |
| |agitation. | |
| | | |
1851 |Founding of the | | |First World's
|United Society of| | |Exposition in
|Machinists. | | |London.
| | | |
1852 | | | |The "League of
| | | |Communists"
| | | |dissolves.
| | | |
1862 | | |Deputation of |
| | |working-men from |
| | |Leipzig to the |
| | |leaders of the |
| | |national union in|
| | |Berlin; "Honorary|
| | |members!" |
| | | |
1863 | | |Ferdinand |
| | |Lassalle |
| | |(1825-1864; 1858,|
| | |"Heraklit, der |
| | |Dunkle"; 1861, |
| | |"System der |
| | |erworbenen |
| | |Rechte"); 1. |
| | |III.: "Offenes |
| | |Antwortschreiben |
| | |an das Central |
| | |Kommittee zur |
| | |Berufung eines |
| | |allgemeinen |
| | |deutscher |
| | |Arbeiter- |
| | |Kongresses |
| | |zu Leipzig." |
| | | |
| | |23. V.: Founding |
| | |of the general |
| | |German |
| | |working-men's |
| | |movement by |
| | |Lassalle. |
| | |Disruption after |
| | |Lassalle's death |
| | |in the male line |
| | |(Becker, J.B. von|
| | |Schweitzer) and |
| | |in the female |
| | |line (Countess |
| | |Hatzfeld). |
| | | |
1864 | | | |Founding of the
| | | |International
| | | |Working-Men's
| | | |Association by
| | | |the delegates
| | | |of different
| | | |nations at the
| | | |World's
| | | |Exposition in
| | | |London.
| | | |Inaugural
| | | |address and a
| | | |constitution by
| | | |Karl Marx. He
| | | |remains the
| | | |veiled leader
| | | |of the
| | | |"International."
| | | |The general
| | | |office of the
| | | |Society is in
| | | |London.
| | | |
1865 | | |Beginnings of |
| | |trade agitation; |
| | |the tobacco |
| | |workers; (1866 |
| | |the printers). |
| | | |
1867 | | |Bismarck forces |Appearance of
| | |the general, |the first
| | |equal, secret, |volume of
| | |and direct |"Capital" by
| | |ballot. |Karl Marx.
| | | |
1868 | | | |Founding of the
| | | |"Alliance
| | | |international
| | | |de la
| | | |démocratic
| | | |sociale" by
| | | |Michael Bakunin
| | | |(1814-1876),
| | | |with
| | | |anarchistic
| | | |tendencies in
| | | |clear
| | | |opposition to
| | | |the Marxist
| | | |ideas.
| | | |
1869 | | |Liberal trade |
| | |regulation for |
| | |the German |
| | |Empire. Rapid |
| | |development of |
| | |capitalism, |
| | |especially after |
| | |the war. |
| | | |
| | |The founding of |
| | |the "Social- |
| | |Democratic |
| | |Working-men's |
| | |Party" at the |
| | |Congress at |
| | |Eisenach: the |
| | |so-called |
| | |"Ehrlichen." |
| | |August Bebel |
| | |(born 1840); |
| | |Wilhelm |
| | |Liebknecht (born |
| | |1826). Founding |
| | |of the |
| | |"Hirsch-Duncker" |
| | |trade unions. |
| | | |
| | |The General |
| | |Assembly of the |
| | |German Catholic |
| | |unions decides |
| | |upon |
| | |participation in |
| | |the social |
| | |movement from the|
| | |Catholic |
| | |standpoint. |
| | | |
1871 |Trade-union act, |The Paris | |
|supplemented in |Commune. | |
|1875, sanctions | | |
|the trade-union | | |
|agitation. | | |
| | | |
1872 | | | |Congress of the
| | | |"I.A.A." at
| | | |Hague.
| | | |Exclusion of
| | | |Bakunin and his
| | | |faction, who
| | | |yet for a time
| | | |find a
| | | |standing-place
| | | |in the
| | | |"Fédération
| | | |juraissienne."
| | | |Removal of the
| | | |general office
| | | |of the "I.A.A."
| | | |to New York.
| | | |
1875 | | |Fusion of the |
| | |followers of |
| | |Lassalle with the|
| | |Eisenachers at |
| | |the congress in |
| | |Gotha. The |
| | |"compromise |
| | |platform" of |
| | |Gotha. |
| | |Gotha. |
| | | |
1876 | |First general | |The "I.A.A."
| |French | |formally
| |Working-Men's | | dissolves.
| |Congress at | |
| |Paris. | |
| | | |
1877 | | | |The Ghent
| | | |"World's
| | | |Congress."
| | | |Attempt for the
| | | |reconciliation
| | | |of the
| | | |Bakunists and
| | | |the Marxists
| | | |miscarries. A
| | | |general union
| | | |of
| | | |"International
| | | |Socialism" is
| | | |resolved upon
| | | |by the
| | | |Marxists, but
| | | |does not come
| | | |to importance.
| | | |
1879-| | | |
1890 | | |Law concerning |
| | |the socialists. |
| | | |
| | |Destruction of |
| | |working-men's |
| | |organizations. |
| | |Removal of the |
| | |strength of the |
| | |agitation to |
| | |other lands. |
| | |("Social- |
| | |demokrat" in |
| | |Zurich and |
| | |London.) |
| | | |
1878 | | |Founding of a |
| | |conservative |
| | |Christian |
| | |Socialism by |
| | |Stöcker. |
| | | |
1879 | |Working-Men's | |
| |Congress in | |
| |Marseilles for | |
| |the first time | |
| |gives power to | |
| |the | |
| |Collectivists. | |
| | | |
1880 | |Working-Men's | |
| |Congress in | |
| |Havre; rupture | |
| |between the | |
| |moderates and the| |
| |radicals. The | |
| |latter constitute| |
| |themselves as a | |
| |"Parti ouvrier | |
| |révolutionnaire | |
| |socialiste | |
| |français." | |
| | | |
1881 |Founding of the | | |
|Social-Democratic| | |
|Federation under | | |
|the control of | | |
|Marxian | | |
|influence. | | |
| | | |
1882 | |Working-Men's | |
| |Congress at St. | |
| |Etienne. Division| |
| |between the | |
| |Possibilists and | |
| |the "Guesdists." | |
| |The former split,| |
| |at a later time, | |
| |into "Bronssists"| |
| |("Fédération des | |
| |travailleurs | |
| |socialiste de | |
| |France"), | |
| |Marxists, and | |
| |"Allemanists" | |
| |(Parti ouvrier | |
| |socialiste | |
| |révolutionnaire | |
| |français). | |
| | | |
1883 |Founding of the | |Beginning of |
|Fabian Society. | |governmental |
| | |working-man's |
| | |assurance; |
| | |Insurance for the|
| | |sick; 1884 |
| | |Insurance against|
| | |accident; 1890, |
| | |Insurance for the|
| | |sick and aged. |
| | | |
1884 | |A new "Syndicate"| |
| |law favors the | |
| |development of | |
| |the trade-union | |
| |movement. | |
| | | |
1885 | |Founding of the | |
| |"Société | |
| |d'économie | |
| |sociale" by | |
| |Benoit Malon, the| |
| |center of the | |
| |"independent" | |
| |socialists | |
| |("Parti | |
| |socialiste | |
| |independant"). | |
| | | |
1886 | |Founding of the | |
| |"Fédération des | |
| |syndicate" at the| |
| |Congress at | |
| |Lyons. | |
| | | |
1887 |Beginning of the | | |
|"new Unionism;" | | |
|the trade-union | | |
|movement reaches | | |
|lower strata of | | |
|the working men | | |
|with socialistic | | |
|tendencies (John | | |
|Burns, Tom Mann, | | |
|Keir Hardie). | | |
| | | |
|Independent labor| | |
|party. | | |
| | | |
1889 | | | |Two
| | | |International
| | | |Congresses of
| | | |Working-men at
| | | |Paris
| | | |constituted by
| | | |the
| | | |"Possibilists"
| | | |and the
| | | |"Guesdists,"
| | | |proclaim as the
| | | |salvation of
| | | |the proletariat
| | | |in general the
| | | |legal enactment
| | | |of an
| | | |eight-hour day
| | | |of work, and
| | | |the celebration
| | | |of May 1st as
| | | |the
| | | |working-men's
| | | |holiday. (The
| | | |first
| | | |International
| | | |Association
| | | |Congress under
| | | |the new
| | | |enumeration.)
| | | |
1890 |The Trade-Union | | |The first May
|Congress in | | |festival of the
|Liverpool | | |proletariat in
|endorses a legal | | |all civilized
|establishment of | | |lands.
|the eight-hour | | |
|work-day by a | | |The first
|vote of 193 to | | |International
|155. | | |Miners'
| | | |Congress at
| | | |Jolimont.
| | | |
1890 | | | |International
| | | |Working-Men's
| | | |Protection
| | | |Conference in
| | | |Berlin called
| | | |by Kaiser
| | | |Wilhelm II.,
| | | |attended by
| | | |delegates from
| | | |13 nations.
| | | |
1891 | | |A new party |Second
| | |programme for the|International
| | |Social-Democracy |Working-Men's
| | |founded |Congress at
| | |definitely upon |Brussels.
| | |Marxian |
| | |principles: the |Exclusion of
| | |so-called "Erfurt|the Anarchists.
| | |programme." |
| | | |Encyclical of
| | |Separation of the|Leo XIII.,
| | |"independent" |"_Rerum
| | |socialists of |novarum_,"
| | |anarchistic |defines the
| | |tendency from the|programme of
| | |Social-Democracy.|all
| | | |Catholic-social
| | | |agitation.
| | | |
1892 | |Congress of |First general |
| |socialists at |trade-union |
| |Marseilles |Congress at |
| |resolves upon an |Halberstadt. |
| |agrarian | |
| |programme with | |
| |recognition of | |
| |small peasantry | |
| |holdings. | |
| | | |
1893 | |First Congress of|The Social- |Third
| |the "Fédération |Democracy comes |International
| |de Bourses du |out of the |Working-Men's
| |Travail." |parliamentary |Congress in
| | |elections as the |Zurich; the
| | |strongest party |English
| | |in Germany--with |trade-unions
| | |1,786,738 votes. |deliberate
| | | |officially in
| | | |union with the
| | | |continental
| | | |socialists.
| | | |
1894 |The Trade-Union | |Beginning of a |First
|Congress at | |Democratic- |International
|Norwich declares | |Christian-Social |Weaver's
|itself by a | |agitation by |Congress at
|majority vote for| |Pastor Naumann |Manchester.
|a communization | |(Die Hilfe). |
|of the means of | | |
|production. | | |
| | | |
1896 | | | |Fourth
| | | |International
| | | |Working-Men's
| | | |Congress in
| | | |London.
------+-----------------+-----------------+-----------------+-----------------
INDEX
"Agrarian question," The, 158
Agricultural development, The Marxian theory of development not
applicable to, 159
_Alliance Internationale de la Démocratic Sociale_, The, 128
Anarchism, French, 79
Anti-capitalistic literature, 23
Anti-ecclesiastical nature of the proletarian movement, 162
Anti-national tendency of the proletariat, 165
Anti-religious nature of the proletarian movement, 162
Asiatic development, 166
Assurance, Beginning of the German governmental working-men's, 191
Attitude of America towards Asiatic development, 167
Babeuf, The insurrection of, 46
Bakunin, Work in Spain and Italy of, 79
Ballot, Bismarck's general, equal, secret, and direct, 186
Bebel, August, 132
Bourgeoisie, The, 74
Capitalism, Rapid development in Germany of, 187
Capitalistic methods of production, 24
Carlyle, Thomas, 22
Characterisation of the social movement, 5
Chartist movement, The, 50
Christian socialism, 22
Class interest, Creation of, 108
Class strife, Various forms of, 172
Class struggle, 1
Clubbism, 73
Coalition law, More liberal, 180
"Coalition Law," The, 40
Combination, Rigorous prohibition of, 179
Communistic Manifesto of Marx and Engels, 93
Conditions under which the working class lives, 6
Constitution of 1793, The, 45
Danton, 45
_Droits de l'Homme_, 45
Eight-hour work-day, Endorsement by the Liverpool Trade-Union Congress
of an, 192
Elizabethan trade law, 49
Elizabethan trade restriction, Complete removal of, 180
Engels's _Struggle of Classes in France_, 119
English industrial monopoly, 1850-1880, 64
English social development, 57
English "social peace", 69
English type of working-men's movement, 53
English working-men's movement, Characterisation of, 62
English working-men, The temperament of, 68
"Erfurt" programme, The, 134
Essential elements in every social movement, 3
Ethical socialism, 22
Evolution idea, Marx's application of, to the social movement, 100
Factionism, 73
Fourier, 32
Fourier, First great book of, 179
French "revolutionism", 53
French Revolution of 1789, The, 39
French trade-union agitation, 137
French type of working-men's movement, 53
German social agitation, Peculiarities of, 81
German type of working-men's movement, 53
"Gotha" programme, The, 133
Grün, 22
Hegel, 12
Hess, 22
"Honourables," The, 133
"Ideal" and "programme," Confusion of, 151
"Inaugural Address," The, 125
Insurance for the sick, against accident, for the aged, in Germany, 191
International combination, First attempt for, 123
Internationalism, 122
"International," The, 123
International Working-Men's Congress in London, Fourth, 194
International Working-Men's Congress in Zurich, Third, 193
International Working-Men's Protection Conference in Berlin, 193
Inventions of modern machinery, 178
Japanese, The, 11
Kant, 2
Kingsley, 22
Kurd, The, 11
Lamennais, 22
Lassalle, Ferdinand, 81
Lassalle movement, The, 87
Legislation for working men, Beginning of specific, 181
Legislation in favour of the working man, Value of, 68
Leroux, Pierre, 22
Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 132
_Loi martiale_, The, 40
Lyons, Insurrection of the silk weavers in, 180
"Machine Riots", 178
Machines and manufactories, Petitions against, 178
Machines, Laws for the protection of, 178
Manchester-Liverpool Railroad, Opening of the, 180
Manufactures, Marxian theory of development applies only to the sphere
of, 159
Marat, 43
Marxian system, Extension of the, 135
Marxian theory of social agitation, 93
Marxism, a social-political realism, 118
Marx, Karl, 91
Men of Montaigne, The, 44
Middle-class movements, 37
"Minimum programme" of all social agitation, The, 139
Müller, Adam, 23
Nationalism, 164
Owen, Robert, 25
Owen, Robert, Chief writings of, 179
Patriotism, 164
Penny postage, Institution of Rowland Hill's, 182
Philanthropic socialism, 22
Practical tendency of the old English trade-union, 68
Proletarian agitation, The first, 47
Proletarian movement, Anti-ecclesiastical nature of the, 162
Proletarian movement, Anti-religious nature of the, 160
Proletariat, Ideal and material emancipation of the, 103
Proletariat, The relation of the, to the _demos_, 155
Proudhon, 74
Putschism, 73
"Rack-rent" (Irish) tenants, 10
Reign of Terror, The significance of the, 75
Revolutionary passions in the modern proletariat, The ground of, 12
"Revolutionism", 16
Revolutionism, a manifestation of unripeness, 146
Revolutionist, English working-men contrasted with Roman type of, 76
Revolution of 1848, The proletarian-socialistic character of the, 121
Ricardo, David, 20
Robespierre, 45
Russian peasants, 10
Sans-culottes, The, 44
"Savannah," Arrival at Liverpool of the, 180
Schulze-Delitzsch, 85
Sismondi, 22
Smith, Adam, 32
Smith, Adam, "Wealth of Nations", 179
Social agitation, Centripetal and centrifugal tendency of the, 140
Social agitation, Severe laws of Napoleon III. for the repression of, 184
"Social-Democratic Party", 133
Social-Democratic Working-Men's Party, 133
Social development, Theoretical and practical, 149
Social evolution, The meaning of, 147
Socialists, German law concerning the, 189
Social literature, Old and new, 19
Social movement of the masses, Beginnings of the, 37
Social movement, Characterisation of the, 75
Social movement, Contradictions apparent in the, 142
Social movement, Meaning of the, 3
Social movement, The political influence of the, 145
Social struggle, Legal bounds of, 174
Social struggle, Proper weapons of, 175
St. Simon, 32
St. Simon, Chief work of, 180
Telegraph applied to English railroads, The, 182
Time environment of the modern social movement, 15
Tories and Whigs, Alternation of power between, 65
Trade regulation for the German Empire, Liberal, 187
Trade-union act (English) supplemented in 1875, 188
Unification of the proletariat, Internal and external, 131
Utopian socialists, 25
Value, Marx's theory of, 99
Variations of the social movement, 56
von Haller, Leopold, 23
Working class, Condition of life of the, 6
Working-men's assurance, Beginning of the German governmental, 191
Working-men's movement, German governmental regulations for the
repression of the, 184
"Working-Men's Union," The, 132
World's Exposition in London, Fourth, 185
Zollverein, Founding of the German, 181
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