HABITATIONS.

_The winter house_ (_ĭ´glu_).--The permanent winter houses are built

of wood[N126] and thickly covered with clods of earth. Each house

consists of a single room, nearly square, entered by an underground

passage about 25 feet long and 4 to 4½ feet high. The sloping mound of

earth which covers the house, grading off insensibly to the level of

the ground, gives the houses the appearance of being underground,

especially as the land on which they stand is irregular and hilly.

Without very careful measurements, which we were unable to make, it is

impossible to tell whether the floor is above or below the surface of

the ground. It is certainly not very far either way. I am inclined to

think that a space at or near the top of a hillock is simply leveled

to receive the floor. In this case the back of the house on a hill

side, like some in Utkiavwĭñ, would be underground.

[Footnote N126: In some of the older houses, the ruins of which

are still to be seen at the southwest end of the village of

Utkiavwĭñ, whales’ bones were used for timbers. Compare Lyon

Journal, p. 171, where the winter huts at Iglulik are described as

“entirely constructed of the bones of whales, unicorns, walruses,

and smaller animals,” with the interstices filled with earth and

moss.]

[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Plans of Eskimo-winter house.]

The passage is entered at the farther end by a vertical shaft about 6

feet deep in the center of a steep mound of earth. Round the mouth is

a square frame or combing of wood, and blocks of wood are placed in

the shaft to serve as steps. One or two houses in Utkiavwĭñ had ship’s

companion ladders in the shaft. This entrance can be closed with a

piece of walrus hide or a wooden cover in severe weather or when the

family is away. The passage is about 4 feet wide and the sides and

roof are supported by timbers of whalebone. On the right hand near the

inner end is a good-sized room opening from the passage, which has a

wooden roof covered with earth, forming a second small mound close to

the house, with a smoke hole in the middle, and serves as a kitchen,

while various dark and irregular recesses on the other side serve as

storerooms. The passage is always icy and dark.

[Illustration: FIG. 10.--Interior of iglu, looking toward door.]

At the inner end of the passage a circular trapdoor in the floor opens

into the main room of the house, close to the wall at the middle of

one end. The floor is at such a height from the bottom of the tunnel

that a man standing erect in the tunnel has his head and shoulders in

the room. These rooms vary somewhat in dimensions, but are generally

about 12 or 14 feet long and 8 or 10 feet wide. The floor, walls, and

roof are made of thick planks of driftwood, dressed smooth and neatly

fitted together, edge to edge. The ridgepole runs across the house and

the roof slopes toward each end. The two slopes are unequal, the

front, or that towards the entrance, being considerably the longer.

The walls are vertical, those at the ends being between 3 and 4 feet

high, while the sides run up to 6 or 7 feet at the ridgepole. The wall

planks run up and down, and those of the roof from the ridge to the

ends of the house, where there is a stout horizontal timber. In some

houses the walls are made of paneled bulkheads from some wrecked

whaler.

[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Interior of iglu, looking toward bench.]

In the front of the house over the trapdoor there are no planks for a

space of about 2 feet. The lower part of this space is filled in with

short transverse beams, so as to leave a square hole close to the

ridge. This hole has a stout transverse beam at the top and bottom and

serves as a window. When the house is occupied it is covered by a

translucent membrane made of strips of seal entrail sewed together and

stretched over two arched sticks of light wood--whalebone was used in

Dr. Simpson’s time[N127]--running diagonally across from corner to

corner. The window is closed with a wooden shutter when the house is

shut up in winter, but both apertures are left open in summer. Just

above the window, close to the ridgepole, is a little aperture for

ventilation. Across the back of the room runs a platform or banquette,

about 30 inches high in front and sloping back a little, which serves

as a sleeping and lounging place. It is about 5 feet wide, and the

front edge comes nearly under the ridgepole. It is made of thick

planks running across the house, and supported at each end by a

horizontal beam, the end of which projects somewhat beyond the bench

and is supported by a round post. At each side of the house stands a

lamp, and over these are suspended racks in the shape of small ladders

for drying clothing,[N128] etc. Deerskin blankets for the bed, which

are rolled up and put under the bench when not in use, and a number of

wooden tubs of various sizes--I counted nine tubs and buckets in one

house in Utkiavwĭñ--complete the furniture.

[Footnote N127: Op. cit., p. 256.]

[Footnote N128: Compare Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 46: “Small lattice

shelves * * * on which moccasins * * * are put to dry.” Plover

Bay. See also plate to face p. 160 Parry’s Second Voyage.]

Two families usually occupy such a house, in which case each wife has

her own end of the room and her own lamp, near which on the floor she

usually sits to work. Some houses contain but one family and others

more. I knew one house in Utkiavwĭñ whose regular occupants were

thirteen in number, namely, a father with his wife and adopted

daughter, two married sons each with a wife and child, his widowed

sister with her son and his wife, and one little girl. This house was

also the favorite stopping-place for people who came down from Nuwŭk

to spend the night. The furniture is always arranged in the same way.

There is only one rack on the right side of the house and two on the

left. Of these the farther from the lamp is the place for the lump of

snow. In this same corner are kept the tubs, and the large general

chamber pot and the small male urinal are near the trap door. Dishes

of cooked meat are also kept in this corner. This leaves the other

corner of the house vacant for women visitors, who sit there and sew.

Male visitors, as well as the men of the house when they have nothing

to do, usually sit on the edge of the banquette.

In sleeping they usually lie across the banquette with their feet to

the wall, but sometimes, when there are few people in the house, lie

lengthwise, and occasionally sleep on the floor under the banquette.

Petitot says that in the Mackenzie region only married people sleep

with their heads toward the edge of the banquette. Children and

visitors lie with their heads the other way.[N129] (See Fig. 9, ground

plan and section of house, and Figs. 10 and 11, interior, from

sketches by the writer. For outside see Fig. 12, from a photograph by

Lieut. Ray).

[Footnote N129: Monographie, etc., p. xxiii.]

At the back of the house is a high oblong scaffolding, made by setting

up tall poles of driftwood, four, six, or eight in number, and

fastening on cross pieces about 8 or 10 feet from the ground, usually

in two tiers, of which the lower supports the frames of the kaiaks and

the upper spears and other bulky property. Nothing except very heavy

articles, such as sledges, boxes, and barrels, is ever left on the

ground. A man can easily reach this scaffold from the top of the

house, but it is high enough to be out of reach of the dogs. The cross

pieces are usually supported on crotches made by lashing the lower jaw

of a walrus to the pole, so that one ramus lies along the latter.

Scaffolds of this sort, usually spoken of as “caches” or “cache

frames,” are of necessity used among the Eskimos generally, as it is

the only way in which they can protect their bulky property.[N130]

[Footnote N130: See for instance, Crantz, History of Greenland,

vol. 1, p. 141; Franklin, 1st Exped., vol. 2, p. 194 (Coppermine

River); 2d Exped., p. 121 (Mouth of the Mackenzie, where they are

made of drift logs stuck up so that the roots serve as crotches to

hold the cross pieces); Hooper, Tents, etc., pp. 48, 228, and 343

(Plover Bay, Point Barrow, and Toker Point); J. Simpson, op. cit.,

p. 256 (Point Barrow); Nordenskiöld, Vega, vol. 2, p. 92

(Pitlekaj).]

Around Norton Sound, however, they use a more elaborate structure,

consisting of a regular little house 6 feet square, raised 6 to 10

feet from the ground on four posts.[N131]

[Footnote N131: Dall, Alaska, p. 13.]

Belonging to each household, and usually near the house, are low

scaffolds for the large boats, rows of posts for stretching lines of

thong, and one or more small cellars or underground rooms framed with

whales’ bones, the skull being frequently used for a roof, which serve

as storehouses for blubber. These may be called “blubber rooms.”

[Illustration: FIG. 12.--House in Utkiavwĭñ.]

These winter houses can only be occupied when the weather is cold

enough to keep the ground hard frozen. During the summer the

passageways are full of water, which freezes at the beginning of

winter and is dug out with a pickax. The people of Utkiavwĭñ began to

come to us to borrow our pickax to clean out their iglus about

September 24, 1882, and all the houses were vacated before July 1,

both seasons.

This particular form of winter house, though in general like those

built by other Eskimo, nevertheless differs in many respects from any

described elsewhere. For instance, the Greenland house was an oblong

flat-roofed building of turf and stones, with the passageway in the

middle of one side instead of one end, and not underground. Still, the

door and windows were all on one side, and the banquette or “brix”

only on the side opposite the entrance. The windows were formerly made

of seal entrails, and the passage, though not underground, was still

lower than the floor of the house, so that it was necessary to step up

at each end.[N132]

[Footnote N132: Egede, Greenland, p. 114; Crantz, History of

Greenland, vol. 1, p. 139; Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 7.]

A detailed description of the peculiar communal house of the East

Greenlanders, of which, there is only one at each village, will be

found in Capt. Holm’s paper in the Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, pp.

87-89. This is the long house of West Greenland, still further

elongated till it will accommodate “half a score of families, that is

to say, 30 to 50 people.” John Davis (1586) describes the houses of

the Greenlanders “neere the Sea side,” which were made with pieces of

wood on both sides, and crossed over with poles and then covered over

with earth.[N133]

[Footnote N133: Hakluyt, Voyages, etc. (1589), p. 788.]

[Illustration: FIG. 13.--Ground plan and section of winter house in

Mackenzie region.]

At Iglulik the permanent houses were dome shaped, built of bones, with

the interstices filled with turf, and had a short, low passage.[N134]

No other descriptions of permanent houses are to be found until we

reach the people of the Mackenzie region, who build houses of timbers,

of rather a peculiar pattern, covered with turf, made in the form of a

cross, of which three or all four of the arms are the sleeping rooms,

the floor being raised into a low banquette.[N135] (See Fig. 13.)

Petitot[N136] gives a very excellent detailed description of the

houses of the Anderson River people. According to his account the

passageway is built up of blocks of ice. He mentions one house with a

single alcove like those at Point Barrow.[N137]

[Footnote N134: Lyon, Journal, p. 171.]

[Footnote N135: See Fig. 13, ground plan and section, copied from

Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. XXIII.]

[Footnote N136: Monographie, etc., p. XXI.]

[Footnote N137: See also Franklin, 2d Exped., p. 121 (Mouth of the

Mackenzie), and pp. 215 and 216 (Atkinson Island, Richardson.

A ground plan and section closely resembling Petitot’s are given

here); and Hooper, Tents, etc., p. 243 (Toker Point).]

We have no description of the houses at the villages between Point

Barrow and Kotzebue Sound, but at the latter place was found the large

triple house described by Dr. Simpson, and compared by him with that

described by Richardson, though in some respects it more closely

resembles those seen by Hooper.[N138] This house really has a

fireplace in the middle, and in this approaches the houses of the

southern Eskimo of Alaska. According to Dr. Simpson,[N139]

“a modification of the last form, built of undressed timber, and

sometimes of very small dimensions, with two recesses opposite each

other, and raised a foot above the middle space, is very common on the

shores of Kotzebue Sound,” but he does not make it plain whether

houses like those used at Point Barrow are not used there also.

[Footnote N138: See ante.]

[Footnote N139: Op. cit., p. 258.]

This form of house is very like the large snow houses seen by Lieut.

Ray at hunting camps on Kulugrua. Dr. Simpson describes less permanent

structures which are used on the rivers, consisting of small trees

split and laid “inclining inward in a pyramidal form towards a rude

square frame in the center, supported by two or more upright posts.

Upon these the smaller branches of the felled trees are placed, and

the whole, except the aperture at the top and a small opening on one

side, is covered with earth or only snow.”[N139b] These buildings, and

especially the temporary ones described by Dr. Simpson, used on the

Nunatak, probably gave rise to the statement we heard at Point Barrow

that “the people south had no iglus and lived only in tents.” The

houses at Norton Sound are quite different from the Point Barrow form.

The floor, which is not planked, is 3 or 4 feet under ground, and the

passage enters one side of the house, instead of coming up through the

floor, and a small shed is built over the outer entrance to the

passage. The fire is built in the middle of the house, under the

aperture in the roof which serves for chimney and window, and there is

seldom any banquette, but the two ends of the room are fenced off by

logs laid on the ground, to serve as sleeping places, straw and spruce

boughs being laid down and covered with grass mats.[N140]

[Footnote N139b: Op. cit., p. 258.]

[Footnote N140: Dall, Alaska, pp. 13 and 14, diagram on p. 13.]

The houses in the Kuskokwim region are quite similar to those just

described, but are said to be built above ground in the interior,

though thy are still covered with sods.[N141] There are no published

accounts of the houses of the St. Lawrence islanders, but they are

known to inhabit subterranean or partly underground earth-covered

houses, built of wood, while the Asiatic Eskimo have abandoned the old

underground houses, which were still in use at the end of the last

century, and have adopted the double-skin tent of the Chukches.[N142]

In addition to the cases quoted by Dall, Capt. Cook speaks of finding

the natives of St. Lawrence Bay in 1778 living in partly underground

earth-covered houses.[N143]

[Footnote N141: Petroff, Report, etc., p. 15.]

[Footnote N142: See Dall, Cont. to N. A. Ethn., vol. 1, p. 105.

Mr. E. W. Nelson tells me, however, that the village at East Cape,

Siberia, is composed of real iglus.]

[Footnote N143: Third Voyage, vol. 2, p. 450.]

_Arrangement in villages._--The village of Utkiavwĭñ occupies a narrow

strip of ground along the edge of the cliffs of Cape Smyth, about

1,000 yards long, and extending some 150 yards inland. The houses are

scattered among the hillocks without any attempt at regularity and at

different distances from each other, sometimes alone, and sometimes in

groups of two contiguous houses, which often have a common cache

frame. Nuwŭk, from Dr. Simpson’s account[N144] and what we saw in our

hurried visits, is scattered in the same way over the knolls of Point

Barrow, but has its greatest extension in an east and west direction.

From Simpson’s account (ibid.) double houses appear more common at

Nuwŭk than at Utkiavwĭñ, and he even speaks of a few threefold ones.

All the houses agree in facing south. This is undoubtedly to admit the

greatest amount of light in winter, and seems to be a tolerably

general custom, at least among the northern Eskimo.[N145]

[Footnote N144: Op. cit., p. 256.]

[Footnote N145: For example, I find it mentioned in Greenland by

Kane, 1st Grinnell Exp., p. 40; at Iglulik by Parry, 2d Voy.,

p. 499; and at the mouth of the Mackenzie by Franklin, 2d Exp.,

p. 121, as well as by Dr. Simpson at Nuwŭk, op. cit., p. 256.]

The custom of having the dwelling face south appears to be a deeply

rooted one, as even the tents in summer all face the same way.[N146]

[Footnote N146: Frobisher says the tents in Meta Incognita

(in 1577) were “so pitched up, that the entrance into them, is

alwaies South, or against the Sunne.” Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc.,

(1589) p. 628.]

The tents on the sandspit at Plover Bay all face west. The same was

observed by the Krause brothers at East Cape.[N147] At Utkiavwĭñ there

are twenty-six or twenty-seven inhabited houses. The uninhabited are

mostly ruins and are chiefly at the southwest end of the village,

though the breaking away of the cliffs at the other end has exposed

the ruins of a few other old houses. Near these are also the ruins of

the buildings destroyed by the ice catastrophe described above

(p. 31). The mounds at the site of the United States signal station

are also the ruins of old iglus. We were told that “long ago,” before

they had any iron, five families who “talked like dogs” inhabited this

village. They were called Isû´tkwamiun. Similar mounds are to be seen

at Pernyû, near the present summer camp. About these we only learned

that people lived there “long ago.” We also heard of ruined houses on

the banks of Kulugrua.

[Footnote N147: Geographische Blätter, vol. 5, p. 27.]

Besides the dwellings there are in Utkiavwĭñ three and in Nuwŭk two of

the larger buildings used for dancing, and as workrooms for the men,

so often spoken of among other Eskimo.

Dr. Simpson states[N148] that they are nominally the property of some

of the more wealthy men. We did not hear of this, nor did we ever hear

the different buildings distinguished as “So-and-so’s,” as I am

inclined to think would have been the case had the custom still

prevailed. They are called kû´dyĭgi or kû´drĭgi (karrigi of Simpson),

a word which corresponds, mutatis mutandis, with the Greenlandic

kagsse, which means, first, a circle of hills round a small deep

valley, and then a circle of people who sit close together (and then,

curiously enough, a brothel). At Utkiavwĭñ they are situated about the

middle of the village, one close to the bank and the others at the

other edge of the village. They are built like the other houses, but

are broader than long, with the ridgepole in the middle, so that the

two slopes of the roof are equal, and are not covered with turf, like

the dwellings, being only partially banked up with earth.

[Footnote N148: Op. cit., p. 259.]

The one visited by Lieut. Ray on the occasion of the “tree dance” was

16 by 20 feet and 7 feet high under the ridge, and held sixty people.

In the fall and spring, when it is warm enough to sit in the kû´dyĭgi

without fire and with the window open, it is used as a general

lounging place or club room by the men. Those who have carpentering

and similar work to do bring it there and others come simply to lounge

and gossip and hear the latest news, as the hunters when they come in

generally repair to the kû´dyĭgi as soon as they have put away their

equipments.

They are so fond of this general resort that when nearly the whole

village was encamped at Imêkpûñ in the spring of 1883, to be near the

whaling ground, they extemporized a club house by arranging four

timbers large enough for seats in a hollow square near the middle of

the camp. The men take turns in catering for the club, each man’s wife

furnishing and cooking the food for the assembled party when her

husband’s turn comes. The club house, however, is not used as a

sleeping place for the men of the village, as it is said to be in the

territory south of Bering Strait,[N149] nor as a hotel for visitors,

as in the Norton Sound region.[N150] Visitors are either entertained

in some dwelling or build temporary snow huts for themselves.

[Footnote N149: Petroff, Report, etc., p. 128.]

[Footnote N150: Dall, Alaska, p. 16.]

The kû´dyĭgi is not used in the winter, probably on account of the

difficulty of warming it, except on the occasions of the dances,

festivals, or conjuring ceremonies. Crevices in the walls are then

covered with blocks of snow, a slab of transparent ice is fitted into

the window, and the house is lighted and heated with lamps. Buildings

of this sort and used for essentially the same purposes have been

observed among nearly all known Eskimo, except the Greenlanders, who,

however, still retain the tradition of such structures.[N151] Even the

Siberian Eskimo, who have abandoned the iglu, still retained the

kû´dyĭgi until a recent date at least, as Hooper saw at Oong-wy-sac a

performance in a “large tent, apparently erected for and devoted to

public purposes (possibly as a council room as well as a theater, for

in place of the usual inner apartments only a species of bench of

raised earth ran round it).”[N152] These buildings are numerous and

particularly large and much used south of Bering Strait, where they

are also used as steam bath houses.[N153]

[Footnote N151: See Rink, Tales and Traditions, p. 8; also

Geografisk Tidskrift, vol. 8, p. 141. Speaking of buildings of

this sort, Dr. Rink says: “Men i Grønland kjendes de vel kun af

Sagnet. Paa Øer Disko vil man have paavist Ruinen af en saadan

Bygning, som besynderlig nok særlig sagdes at have været benyttet

til Festligheder af erotisk Natur.” Boas, “The Central Eskimo,”

passim; Lyon, Journal, p. 325 (Iglulik); Richardson, in Franklin’s

2d Exp., pp. 215-216 (Atkinson Island); Petitot, Monographie,

etc., xxx; “_Kêchim_, ou maison des assemblées;” Beechey, Voyage,

p. 268 (Point Hope); Dall, Alaska, p. 16 and elsewhere; Petroff,

Rep. p. 128 and elsewhere.]

[Footnote N152: Tents, etc., p. 136.]

[Footnote N153: See references to Dall and Petroff, above.]

_Snow houses_ (_apúya_).--Houses of snow are used only temporarily, as

for instance at the hunting grounds on the rivers, and occasionally by

visitors at the village who prefer having their own quarters. For

example, a man and his wife who had been living at Nuwŭk decided in

the winter of 1882-’83 to come down and settle at Utkiavwĭñ, where the

woman’s parents lived. Instead of going to one of the houses in the

village, they built themselves a snow house in which they spent the

winter. The man said he intended to build a wooden house the next

season. These houses are not built on the dome or beehive shape so

often described among the Eskimo of the middle region of Dr.

Rink.[N154]

[Footnote N154: Parry, 2nd Voy., p. 160 and plate opposite;

Franklin, 1st Exped. vol. 2, pp. 43-47, ground plan, p. 46; Boas,

“Central Eskimo,” pp. 539-553; Kumlien, Contributions, etc.,

p. 31; Petitot, Monographie, etc., p. xvii (a full description

with a ground plan and section on p. xix), and all the popular

accounts of the Eskimo.]

The idea naturally suggests itself that this form of building is

really a snow _tupek_ or tent, while the form used at Point Barrow is

simply the iglu built of snow instead of wood. When built on level

ground, as in the village, the snow house consists of an oblong room

about 6 feet by 12, with walls made of blocks of snow, and high enough

for a person to stand up inside. Beams or poles are laid across the

top, and over these is stretched a roof of canvas. At the south end is

a low narrow covered passage of snow about 10 feet long leading to a

low door not over 2½ feet high, above which is the window, made, as

before described, of seal entrail. The opening at the outer end of the

passage is at the top, so that one climbs over a low wall of snow to

enter the house.

At the right side of the passage, close to the house, is a small

fireplace about 2½ feet square and built of slabs of snow, with a

smoke hole in the top and a stick stuck across at the proper height to

hang a pot on. When the first fire is built in such a fireplace there

is considerable melting of the surface of the snow, but as soon as the

fire is allowed to go out this freezes to a hard glaze of ice, which

afterwards melts only to a trifling extent. Opposite to the door of

the house, which is protected by a curtain of canvas, corresponding to

the Greenlandic ubkuaĸ, “a skin which is hung up before the entrance

of the house,”[N155] the floor is raised into a banquette about 18

inches high, on which are laid boards and skins. Cupboards are

excavated under the banquette, or in the walls, and pegs are driven

into the walls to hang things on. As such a house is only large enough

for one family, there is only one lamp, which stands at the right-hand

side of the house[N156].

[Footnote N155: Grønlandsk Ordbog, p. 404; Kane’s 1st Grinnell

Exp., p. 40, calls it a “skin-covered door.” Compare, also, the

skin or matting hung over the entrance of the houses at Norton

Sound, Dall, Alaska, p. 13, and the bear-skin doors of the

Nunatañmiun and other Kotzebue Sound natives, mentioned by Dr.

Simpson, op. cit., p. 259.]

[Footnote N156: Compare Dr. Simpson’s description, op. cit.,

p. 259.]

[Illustration: FIG. 14.--Ground plan of large snow house.]

At the hunting grounds, or on the road thither in the winter, a place

is selected for the house where the snow is deeply drifted under the

edge of some bank, so that most of the house can be made by

excavation. When necessary, the walls are built up and roofed over

with slabs of snow. Such a house is very speedily built. The first

party that goes over the road to the hunting ground usually builds

houses at the end of each day’s march, and these serve for the parties

coming later, who have simply to clear out the drifted snow or perhaps

make some slight repairs. On arriving at the hunting ground they

establish themselves in larger and more comfortable houses of the same

sort; generally for two families. Lieut. Ray, who visited these camps,

has drawn the plan represented in Fig. 14. There is a banquette, _a_,

at each end of the room, which is much broader than long (compare the

form of house common at Kotzebue Sound, mentioned above, p. 78), but

only one lamp, on a low shelf of snow, _b_, running across the back of

the room and excavated below into a sort of cupboard. There are also

similar cupboards, _c_, at different places in the walls, and a long

tunnel, _f_, with the usual storerooms, _i_, and kitchen, _h_, from

which a branch tunnel often leads to an adjoining house. The floor is

marked _d_, the entrance to the tunnel _g_, and the door _e_. The

house is lighted by the seal-gut windows of the iglu brought from the

village.

On going into camp the railed sled is stuck points down into the snow

and net-poles, or ice-picks, thrust through the rails, making a

temporary cache frame,[N157] on which are hung bulky articles--

snowshoes and guns.[N158] Small storehouses of snow or ice

are built to contain provisions. In the autumn, many such houses are

built in the village, of slabs of clear fresh-water ice about 4 inches

thick cemented together by freezing. These resemble the buildings of

fresh-water ice at Iglulik, described by Capt. Lyon.[N159]

[Footnote N157: Compare the woodcut on p. 406, vol. 1, of Kane’s

2d Exp., where two sleds are represented as stuck up on end with

their “upstanders” meeting to form a platform--Smith Sound.]

[Footnote N158: Firearms can not be carried into a warm room in

cold weather, as the moisture in the air immediately condenses on

the cold surface of the metal.]

[Footnote N159: Journal, p. 204; see also the plate opposite

p. 358 of Parry’s 2d Voyage.]

Other temporary structures of snow, sometimes erected in the village,

serve as workshops. One of these, which was built at the edge of the

village in April, 1883, was an oblong building long enough to hold an

umiak, giving sufficient room to get around it and work, and between 6

and 7 feet high. The walls were of blocks of snow and the roof of

canvas stretched over poles. One end was left open, but covered by a

canvas curtain, and a banquette of snow ran along each side. It was

lighted by oblong slabs of clear ice set into the walls, and warmed by

several lamps. Several men in succession used this house for repairing

and rigging up their umiaks, and others who had whittling to do

brought their work to the same place.

Such boat shops are sometimes built by digging a broad trench in a

snowbank and roofing it with canvas. Women dig small holes in the

snow, which they roof over with canvas and use for work-rooms in which

to dress seal skins. In such cases there is probably some

superstitious reason, which we failed to learn, for not doing the work

in the iglu. The tools used in building the snow houses are the

universal wooden snow-shovel and the ivory snow-knife, for cutting and

trimming the blocks. At the present day saws are very much used for

cutting the blocks, and also large iron knives (whalemen’s “boarding

knives,” etc.) obtained from the ships.

_Tents_ (_tupĕk_).--During the summer all the natives live in tents,

which are pitched on dry places upon the top of the cliffs or upon the

gravel beach, usually in small camps of four or five tents each. A few

families go no farther than the dry banks just southwest of the

village, while the rest of the inhabitants who have not gone eastward

trading or to the rivers hunting reindeer are strung along the coast.

The first camp below Utkiavwĭñ is just beyond the double lagoon of

Nunava, about 4 miles away, and the rest at intervals of 2 or 3 miles,

usually at some little inlet or stream at places called Sê´kqluka,

Nakĕ´drixo, Kuosu´gru, Nună´ktuau, Ĭpersua, Wă´lăkpa (Refuge Inlet,

according to Capt. Maguire’s map, Parl. Rep. for 1854, opp. p. 186),

Er´nĭvwĭñ, Sĭ´ñaru, and Sa´kămna. It is these summer camps seen from

passing ships which have given rise to the accounts of numerous

villages along this coast. There is usually a small camp on the beach

at Sĭ´nnyû and one at Imê´kpûñ, while a few go to Pernyû even early in

the season.

As the sea opens the people from the lower camps travel up the coast

and concentrate at Pernyû, where they meet the Nuwuñmiun, the

Nunatañmiun traders, and the whalemen, and are joined later in the

season by the trading parties returning from the east, all of whom

stop for a few days at Pernyû. On returning to the village also, in

September, the tents are pitched in dry places among the houses and

occupied till the latter are dry enough to live in. Tents are used in

the autumnal deer hunts, before snow enough falls to build snow

houses. In the spring of 1883, when the land floe was very heavy and

rough off Utkiavwĭñ, all who were going whaling in the Utkiavwĭñ boats

went into camp with their families in tents pitched on the crown of

the beach at Imêkpûñ, whence a path led off to the open water.

The tents are nowadays always made of cloth, either sailcloth obtained

from wrecks or drilling, which is purchased from the ships. The latter

is preferred as it makes a lighter tent and both dark blue and white

are used. Reindeer or seal skins were used for tents as lately as

1854. Elson saw tents of sealskin lined with reindeer skin at Refuge

Inlet,[N160] and Hooper mentions sealskin tents at Cape Smyth and

Point Barrow.[N161] Dr. Simpson gives a description of the skin tents

at Point Barrow.[N162] Indeed, it is probable that canvas tents were

not common until after the great “wreck seasons” of 1871 and 1876,

when so many whaleships were lost. The Nunatañmiun at Pernyû had tents

of deerskin, and I remember also seeing one sealskin tent at the same

place, which, it is my impression, belonged to a man from Utkiavwĭñ.

Deerskin tents are used by the Anderson River natives,[N163] while

sealskins are still in use in Greenland and the east generally.[N164]

The natives south of Kotzebue Sound do not use tents, but have summer

houses erected above ground and described as “generally log structures

roofed with skins and open in front.”[N165] That they have not always

been ignorant of tents is shown by the use of the word “topek” for a

dwelling at Norton Sound.[N166]

[Footnote N160: Beechey’s Voyage, p. 315.]

[Footnote N161: Tents, etc., pp. 216, 225.]

[Footnote N162: Op. cit., p. 260.]

[Footnote N163: MacFarlane MSS. and Petitot, Monographie, etc.,

p. xx, “des tentes coniques (_tuppeρk_) en peaux de renne.”]

[Footnote N164: See Rink, Tales, etc., p. 7 (“skins” in this

passage undoubtedly means sealskins, as they are more plentiful

than deerskins among the Greenlanders, and were used for this

purpose in Egede’a time--Greenland, p. 117; and Kumlien, op. cit.,

p. 33.). In east Greenland, according to Holm, “Om Sommeren bo

Angsmagsalikerne i Telte, der ere betrukne med dobbelte Skind og

have Tarmskinds Forhæng.” Geogr. Tids., vol. 8, p. 89. In

Frobisher’s description of Meta Incognita (in 1577), he says:

“Their houses are tents made of seale skins, pitched up with 4

Firre quarters, foure square, meeting at the toppe, and the

skinnes sewed together with sinewes, and layd thereupon.”

Hakluyt’s Voyages, etc. (1589), p. 628. See also Boas, “Central

Eskimo.”]

[Footnote N165: Petroff, op. cit., p. 128.]

[Footnote N166: Dall, Alaska, p. 13.]

The tents at Point Barrow are still constructed in a manner very

similar to that described by Dr. Simpson (see reference above). Four

or five poles about 12 feet long are fastened together at the top and

spread out so as to form a cone, with a base about 12 feet in

diameter. Inside of these about 6 feet from the ground is lashed a

large hoop, upon which are laid shorter poles (sometimes spears, umiak

oars, etc.). The canvas cover, which is now made in one piece, is

wrapped spirally round this frame, so that the edges do not meet in

front except at the top, leaving a triangular space or doorway, filled

in with a curtain of which part is a translucent membrane, which can

be covered at night with a piece of cloth. A string runs from the

upper corner of the cloth round the apex of the tent and comes

obliquely down the front to about the middle of the edge of the other

end of the cloth. The two edges are also held together by a string

across the entrance. Heavy articles, stones, gravel, etc., are laid on

the flap of the tent to keep it down, and spears, paddles, etc., are

laid up against the outside. (See Fig. 15, from a photograph by Lieut.

Ray.)

[Illustration: FIG. 15.--Tent on the beach at Utkiavwĭñ.]

Inside of the tent there is much less furniture than in the iglu, as

the lamp is not needed for heating and lighting, and the cooking is

done outdoors on tripods erected over fires. The sleeping place is at

the back of the tent, and is usually marked off by laying a log across

the floor, and spreading boards on the ground. Not more than one

family usually occupy a tent. The tents at the whaling camp mentioned

above were, at first, fitted out with snow passages and fireplaces

like a snow hut, and many had a low wall of snow around them, but

these had all melted before the camp was abandoned.

These tents differ considerably in model from those in use in the

east, though all are made by stretching a cover over radiating poles.

For example, the tents in Greenland have the front nearly

vertical,[N167] while at Cumberland Gulf two sets of poles connected

by a ridgepole are used, those for the front being the shorter.[N168]

The fashion at Iglulik is somewhat similar.[N169] Small rude tents

only large enough to hold one or two people are used as habitations

for women during confinement, and for sewing rooms when they are

working on deerskins in the autumn. Tents for the latter purpose are

called “su´dliwĭñ,” the place for working.

[Footnote N167: Egede, Greenland, p. 117; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 141;

Rink, Tales, etc., p. 7.]

[Footnote N168: Kumlien, op. cit., p. 33.]

[Footnote N169: See Parry’s 2nd Voyage, p. 271 and plate opposite.

Compare also Chappell, “Hudson Bay,” pp. 75-77, figure on p. 75.]

Ethnological results of the Point Barrow expedition Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1887-1888, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1892, pages 3-442 · 第 28 / 109 题