WOLSEY’S SERVANT
After the year 1524, there is no further mention of Thomas Cromwell as
the cloth-merchant and wool-dyer. He probably realized that his business
as a lawyer brought him into much more prominence as a public man, but
his term in Parliament doubtless aroused in him a desire for even
greater things than the life of a successful solicitor. His advance in
legal prominence, however, is marked by his admittance in 1524 as a
member of Gray’s Inn, and by his appointment in the same year as one of
the Subsidy Commissioners for the Hundred of Ossulton in Middlesex[62];
but such petty distinctions fade into the background in the face of a
matter of far more absorbing interest, that is, his rapidly growing
favour and intimacy with Cardinal Wolsey.
During the years 1524-1525 he was actively engaged in the Cardinal’s
service, and received many letters on legal business which he transacted
for his master[63]. Seekers for Wolsey’s mercy or patronage invariably
came to him, as a likely means of getting their wishes granted. In
several cases requests to the Cardinal are addressed directly to the
‘right worshipful Mr. Cromwell.’ It is evident from the tone of the
letters which he received, that to obtain his favour was the first and
most important step towards gaining that of his master. He was usually
spoken of as ‘Councillor to my Lord Legate,’ and was pre-eminent above
all the rest of Wolsey’s advisers. It has been thought by some that the
Cardinal employed him in connexion with his political schemes, but this
is an error. Cromwell began modestly, as befitted his lowly birth and
humble origin, and at this time, at any rate, was employed merely as an
agent, chosen for his wonderful knowledge of human nature and his great
capacity for business.
In the beginning of 1525, however, Wolsey felt that he had in Cromwell a
servant sufficiently capable to be trusted with the performance of a
work which was nearest the Cardinal’s heart, namely the destruction of
some of the smaller monasteries to furnish funds for the building of his
college at Oxford. So on the 4th of January of that year, he
commissioned Sir William Gascoigne, William Burbank, and Thomas
Cromwell, to survey the monasteries of Tykford, Raveneston, Poghley,
Medmenham, Wallingford, and Fynchingbroke and their possessions, and on
the same day he appointed Thomas Cromwell and John Smyth as attorneys
for the site and circuit of Thoby, Blakamore, Stanesgate, and Tiptree,
which had been granted to John Higden, Dean of Cardinal’s College[64].
It may seem strange that Wolsey’s suppression of the smaller religious
houses brought him so much unpopularity. It was certainly true that the
monasteries had long since ceased to observe the strict traditions of
religious asceticism, which had been the watchword of their foundation.
Some of them had become resorts of the idle and worthless, who were
permitted by supine or indulgent superiors to exchange a life of
monastic discipline for one of luxury and indolence, if not of downright
vice. But there were a few, seemingly unimportant facts, which
outweighed all these charges. In the first place the monks were the
easiest of landlords. In their practically defenceless state, it was
surely for their advantage to conciliate their fellow men in every way,
and to avoid disputes at any cost. They consequently suffered themselves
to be imposed upon by their neighbours and tenants, in preference to
risking their popularity by asserting themselves. So Wolsey’s measures,
which brought in stricter landlords, increased rents, and did away with
the good old slipshod management of so many years’ standing, met with
ill-concealed dislike. The monks, moreover, were the most hospitable of
people; the poor were never turned away unfed, the traveller could
always find shelter beneath their roof, and this fact, coupled with the
rooted opposition of the less educated class to any sweeping measure of
reform adopted apparently without reason, while the old system appeared
to all intents and purposes to work well, explained the rest. Wolsey’s
measures to suppress the smaller monasteries, and confiscate their
possessions to the use of his own colleges, may justly be described as
universally unpopular[65].
The first requisites for the accomplishment of such a design as the
suppression of the monasteries were an intimate knowledge of law,
especially as related to lands and property, and a far-seeing, harsh,
and rather unscrupulous nature. These qualities Cromwell possessed in
the very highest degree, and as he had been eminently successful in
carrying on all Wolsey’s legal business up to this time, and as the
Cardinal was too busy with his foreign policy to give his own attention
to this favourite scheme, it is no wonder that he chose Cromwell to
supervise it for him. The work consisted in surveying and estimating the
value of the property of the condemned monasteries, making careful
inventories thereof, and finally in stripping them of all their
transportable riches, which usually meant altars, furnishings, bells,
and tapestry, while their lands and permanent possessions were sold or
leased on the spot. The transfer of property, settlements with tenants,
and adjustment of claims were a task of far greater intricacy than
Wolsey had expected, and Cromwell’s success in carrying it out was
little short of marvellous. He was usually present in person at the
surrenders and dissolutions; when this was impossible one of his many
and faithful agents sent him an exact account of the proceedings in his
absence. The number of monks and nuns that were suddenly turned out upon
the world with small and irregularly paid pensions was not the least
evil feature of the ruthless way in which the suppressions were carried
on; but it was nothing to what was to follow a decade later[66].
In addition to surveying and confiscating monastic property, Cromwell
was employed directly in connexion with the new buildings at Oxford and
Ipswich. He drew up all the necessary deeds for both foundations, and
was appointed receiver-general of Cardinal’s College by Wolsey in 1527.
He kept account of all the incomes from the suppressed houses and all
the expenses incident to the building of both colleges. He was
continually superintending the workmen at Oxford and Ipswich, and
reported their progress to his master. The Dean of the college at
Ipswich wrote to the Cardinal, Sept. 26, 1528, how Cromwell came thither
with copes, vestments, and plate, and took great pains to see all the
stuff carried in safely, and to prepare hangings and benches for the
Hall. Long lists of the manors and monasteries, the incomes of which
were devoted to the building and establishment of the two colleges, are
to be seen to-day at the Record Office, and attest the gigantic amount
of labour that he performed[67].
Cromwell’s efficiency in carrying on this work was only equalled by his
notorious accessibility to bribes and presents in the disposal of
monastic leases. Adding to this the fact that the measure was radically
unpopular in itself, and that when no bribes were offered, Cromwell and
most of Wolsey’s other agents were harsh and overbearing in the extreme,
the reader ceases to wonder at the outburst of popular indignation. The
minute Wolsey’s back was turned Cromwell and his companion Dr. Alen, a
hard and grasping man equally well trained in business, proceeded to use
the power given into their hands to enrich themselves by every possible
means, some of which were utterly unjustifiable. The monastery which
could pay a large bribe was often left untouched; of those that were
suppressed, probably a certain proportion of the spoils was never
employed at Oxford or Ipswich, but went straight into the pockets of the
suppressors[68]. Petitions to save farms for poor people, or to get
benefices for those whose property was gone, were answered by Cromwell
favourably, if granting them meant a substantial reward for him;
unfavourably, if the reverse. He became so generally hated that in
August, 1527, it was said that a ‘sanctuary man’ lay in wait to slay
him, and Cardinal Pole, who was then in London and knew him well,
informs us that it was commonly reported that he had been sent to
prison, and would be punished for his crimes as Wolsey’s agent[69].
But in spite of all this, instead of being removed from his important
post, Cromwell kept on rising to higher favour and more importance. In
April, 1527, Henry Lacy writes to congratulate him on his promotion
through Wolsey’s favour. In May of the same year he is mentioned as a
granter of annuities. His position brought him a great amount of
patronage. In 1528 Richard Bellyssis promises him a good gelding, if he
will prefer a friend to the position of mint-master in Durham. A
merchant requests him to get his son a promotion from the Cardinal. He
received many petitions from poor men, who feared they would lose house
and home through the dissolution of the monastery from which they were
held. But the noble and great, as well as the lowly and humble, were his
correspondents and suitors. The Abbot of York writes his heartfelt
thanks for his kindness in speaking well of him and his monastery to
Wolsey, and Lord Berners begs for his aid in his dealings with the
Cardinal[70].
By far the greater portion of Cromwell’s correspondence during the years
1525-1529 is connected with the suppression of the monasteries or the
foundation of Wolsey’s colleges. Reports and receipts of money from his
agents who visited the religious houses in various parts of the country
at his orders, or who superintended the works at Ipswich and Oxford,
crowd in upon him with great frequency. Deeds of the sale of castles and
manors, valuations and inventories of the property of various
monasteries, are received by him in large numbers[71]. In these letters
we frequently meet with the names of William Brabazon and Ralph Sadler,
who were destined in the near future to become so well known as his
agents and commissioners when he entered the King’s service. Before this
period he had made the acquaintance of Stephen Vaughan, his friend and
correspondent in later years, who figured in connexion with Tyndale in
the Low Countries. Vaughan was certainly known to Cromwell at least as
early as 1523[72]; and in 1526 was employed by the Cardinal’s servant in
connexion with the college at Oxford. In April, 1527, we find Cromwell
helping his friend in the recovery of certain goods lost on the sea, and
in the following year Vaughan addresses a cordial letter to his
benefactor, reporting various things of interest in London, and
announcing that he has found so strong a chain for the wicket of
Cromwell’s house at Austin Friars Gate, that it will be impossible for
any one to enter by force[73]. A year later he was employed as
Cromwell’s agent in the Netherlands.
Though mainly occupied with Wolsey’s affairs, Cromwell’s correspondence
during the years 1524-1529 shows that he still kept up his business as a
lawyer independently. William Bareth writes in November, 1525, that he
trusts he will solicit his matter to Mr. Rowe, and sends his wife six
plovers ‘for to drynke a quart of wyn w_i_t_h_all[74]’; in August, 1526,
George Monoux, alderman, promises Cromwell that if his ‘grete matier’ is
brought to a safe conclusion, he shall have twenty marks[75]. A ‘lovyng
l_ette_re’ from the Aldermen of our Lady’s Gild in Boston, in Dec. 1528,
shows that Cromwell still retained the friendship which he probably made
years before by obtaining for them the indulgences from the Pope by the
offer of choice sweetmeats. It was doubtless through him that the Gild
gained the privilege of supplying rare and delicate fowls for the
Cardinal’s sumptuous table[76]. Cromwell also found time to correspond
with Miles Coverdale, who was then at Cambridge, and who writes with
enthusiasm of the pleasures of a visit to his friend in London[77].
It is probable that the terrible sweating sickness which ravaged
England from 1527 to 1528 carried off Cromwell’s wife Elizabeth, as
there is no further mention of her in his later papers and
correspondence, except in his will of July, 1529, where she is referred
to as his ‘late Wyff[78].’ She left him one son, Gregory, who appears to
have been a dull and plodding lad, and who, after his mother’s death,
was sent with his very precocious cousin, Christopher Wellyfed, and
several other boys, to be put under the care of a tutor at Cambridge,
John Chekyng by name, whose correspondence with Cromwell about the
progress of ‘his scolers’ is very interesting and entertaining[79].
Chekyng seems at the very outset to have been unfavourably impressed
with Gregory’s talents, declares that he has been so badly taught that
he could hardly conjugate three verbs when committed to his care, and
reports that he is now studying ‘the things most conducive to the
reading of authors,’ and spends the rest of the day in forming letters;
while Christopher does not require ‘much stirring up.’ A little later he
sends word that Gregory is getting on well in learning under his care,
and desires his father to send five yards of ‘marble frieze,’ for his
winter ‘galberdyne’; and again, in 1530, he declares that he has been so
successful in his teaching, that Gregory will be ‘loadyd with Latyne’
before he comes home again; but it is evident throughout that Chekyng
considers every step in advance to have been due to the excellence of
his own tuition, rather than to the aptitude of his pupil. If the tone
of Gregory’s letters to his father be taken as a criterion of the boy’s
character, he must indeed have been stupid and slow beyond belief[80].
But Cromwell was too much occupied with his own affairs, to pay much
attention to the remarks of honest John Chekyng. Indeed there is reason
to think that his grasping disposition showed itself in small ways to
such an extent that he did not always pay the very moderate bills that
the tutor sent in for Gregory’s board, lodging, and tuition; but instead
taunted Chekyng with not having done well with his ‘folks.’ To these
insults Chekyng replied that he had brought up six M.A.’s and fellows
of colleges, and that the least Cromwell could do was to pay for the
furniture which his scholars had ruined; he then goes on to tell how
Christopher ‘dyd hynge a candel in a playt to loyk apone hys boyk and so
fell ascleype and the candell fell into the bed strawe’ and there were
burnt the bed, bolster, ‘three overleydes and a sparver[81].’
In spite of his niggardly treatment of John Chekyng, it is certain that
Cromwell was in very comfortable circumstances during his years of
service under Wolsey. An inventory of his goods at his house at Austin
Friars, dated June 26, 1527[82], which exists to-day at the Public
Record Office, proves that his dwelling was furnished handsomely if not
luxuriously, while a draft of his will, written July 12, 1529[83],
indicates that his property at that time was by no means inconsiderable.
It is to this document that we owe the greater part of our present
information concerning Cromwell’s family. It is written in the hand of
Cromwell’s chief clerk, and was altered at a later date by Cromwell
himself[84]. The document is for the most part self-explanatory, but
there are a few interesting facts to be especially noted in connexion
with it. The bequests to Cromwell’s daughters ‘Anne and Grace’ and to
his ‘litill Doughter Grace’ are our only proof that he had other
children than Gregory; and the fact that both these items were crossed
out after the year 1529 possibly indicates that the daughters died when
young. We also learn that Cromwell’s nephew Richard, the son of
Katherine Cromwell and Morgan Williams, had followed in his uncle’s
footsteps, and was ‘s_er_u_au_nt w_i_t_h_ my lorde Marques Dorssett’ at
the time that the will was first composed; but he certainly received
other employment soon afterwards, for the name of his master was scored
through in the will by Cromwell at a later date, and we also know from
other sources that Richard Williams entered his uncle’s service and was
active in suppressing the monasteries and in subduing the Pilgrimage of
Grace, during the year 1536 and afterwards[85]. Before this date he had
changed his name to Cromwell, and later became great-grandfather to the
Protector[86]. His mother died before 1529, for Cromwell in his will
refers to Elizabeth Wellyfed as his ‘onlye Suster.’ Cromwell’s wife, as
we have already seen, had also died before the will was made; her sister
Joan married a certain John Williamson, an old friend of Cromwell’s, who
later figured prominently in the latter’s service. We also meet with
many of the other names mentioned in this will, in Cromwell’s later
correspondence. Nearly all the friends of his earlier days were employed
by him in one capacity or another as spies, agents, or even minor
ambassadors to foreign Courts, after he had entered the King’s service.
APPENDIX TO CHAPTER III
THE WILL OF THOMAS CROMWELL
R.O. Cal. iv. 5772 (1)
In the name of god Amen The xij^{th} Daye of Iulie in the yere of our
lorde god MCCCCCxxix^{ti}[87] and in the xxj^{ti} yere of the Reigne of
our Souereigne Lorde king Henry the viij^{th} I Thom_a_s Crumwell of
london gentilman being hole in bodie and in good and parfyte memorye
Lauded be the holie Trynytee make ordeyn and Declare this my p_re_sent
testament conteyning my last will in man_er_ and ‹fourme› Folowing.
FURSTE I bequethe my Sowle to the grete god of heuen my maker Creato_ur_
and Redemer beseching the most gloryous virgyn o_ur_ blessed ladie
Saynct Mary the vyrgyn and Mother w_ith_ all the holie companye of heuen
to be Medyatours and Intercessours for me to the holie trynytee So that
I may be able when it shall please Almightie god to call me out of this
miserable worlde and transitorie lif to inherite the kingdome of heuen
amongst the nomber of good christen people. And whan so eu_er_ I shall
departe this present lif, I bequethe my bodie to be buryed where it
shall please god to ordeyn me to die and to be ordered after the
discression of myn executours vndernamed And for my good_es_ which our
lorde hathe lent me in this Worlde I will shalbe ordered and disposed in
man_er_ and fourme as hereafter shall insue. Furst I gyue and bequethe
vnto my Soon Gregory Crumwell Syx hundreth threscore Syx poundes thirten
shelynges foure pens[88] of lawfull money of Englonde W_ith_ the Whiche
Syx hundreth threescore Syx powndes xiij^s foure pens[89] I will myn
executours vndernamed ymediatlye or assone as they conuenyently may
after my Decesse shall purchase lond_es_ tenement_es_ and
hereditament_es_ to the clere yerelye value of xxxiij^{li} vj^s
viij^d[90] by the yere aboue all charges _and_ reprysys to thuse of my
saide Soon Gregorye for terme of his lif And after the Decesse of the
saide Gregorye to the heyres Males of his bodie lawfully to be begotten
And for lacke of heires Males of the bodie of the saide Gregory lawfully
to be begotten to the heires generall of his bodie lawfully begotten.
And for lacke of suche heires to the right heires of me the saide Thomas
Crumwell in Fee. I will also that ymedyatly and assone as the saide
lond_es_ ten_emen_t_es_ and hereditament_es_ shalbe so purchased after
my deth as is aforsaide by myn executours that the yerelie proffyt_es_
thereof shalbe hollie spent and imployed in and about_es_ the educacyon
and fynding honestly of my saide Soon Gregory in vertue good lerning and
Maners vntill such tyme as he shall cu_m_ to the full age of xxij yeres.
During Which tyme I hertely desir _and_ require my saide executours to
be good vnto my saide Son Gregory and to see he do lose no tyme but to
se him v_er_teously ordered & brought vp according to my trust It_e_m I
gyue and bequethe to my saide Soon Gregorie When he shall cu_m_ to his
full age of xxiiij yeres Twoo[91] Hundreth pound_es_ of lawfull ynglissh
money to order then as _our_ lorde shall gyue hym grace and discression
Which cc^{li} I will shalbe put in suertie to thintent the same may
cu_m_ to his hand_es_ at his saide age of xxiiij^{ti} yeres. It_e_m I
gyue and bequethe to my saide Soon Gregory of such houseold stuf as god
hathe lent me Three[92] of my best Fetherbedd_es_ w_ith_ thayr bolsters
ij^o the best[93] payre of blankett_es_ of Fustyan my best Couerlet of
Tapistrye and my Quylte of yelow Turquye Saten, x payre of my best
Shet_es_ foure[94] pillowes of downe w_ith_ iiij payre of the best
pillowe beres foure[95] of my best table clothes, foure of my best
towell_es_ Twoo dosen[96] of my Fynest Naptkynnes and ij^o dozen of my
other Naptkynnes, ij^o[97] garnyssh of my best vessell, iij of my best
brasse pottes, iij of my best brasse pannes, ij^o of my best kettilles,
ij^o of my best Spitt_es_, My best ioyned bed of Flaunders wo_ur_ke
w_ith_ the best Syler and tester and other thapp_ur_ten_au_nc_es_ therto
belonging My best presse caruen of Flaunders wo_ur_ke and my best
Cupbourde caruen of Flaunders wo_ur_k w_ith_ also vj Joyned Stoles of
Flaunders wo_ur_ke and vj of my best Cusshyns It_e_m I gyue and bequethe
to my saide Soon Gregorye A Bason w_ith_ a Lewer p_ar_cell gilte my best
Salt gilt my best Cup gilt, Three[98] of my best goblettes gilt three
other of my best goblettes p_ar_cell gylt, Twelue of[99] my best Syluer
spones, Three of[100] my best Drynking ale pot_es_ gilt. All the which
p_ar_cell_es_ of plate and houseold stuf I will shalbe savelye kept to
thuse of my saide Soonne Gregorye till he shall cu_m_ to his saide full
age of xxij^{ti} yeres and all the which plate household stuf Naperye
and other the p_re_misses I will myn executo_ur_s do put in saufe keping
vntill my saide Soon shall cu_m_ to the saide yeres or age of xxij^{ti}.
And if he die before the age of xxij^{ti}[101] Then I will all the saide
plate vessell and houseold stuf shalbe sold by myn executours And the
money thereof cum_m_yng to be gyuen and equallie Deuyded amongst my
poure kynnesfolk_es_. That is to say amongst the children as well of myn
owne Susters Elizabeth and Katheryn as of my late Wyff_es_ Suster Johane
Wif to John Willyamson, And if it happen that all the children of my
saide Susters and Suster in law Do dye before the particyon and deuysion
be made and none of them to be lyuyng Then I will that all the saide
plate vessell and houseold stuf shalbe solde and yeuen to other my poure
kynnesfolk_es_ then being on lyue and other poure and indigent people in
Deades of charytee for my Sowle my Father and Mother their Sowles, and
all _Christ_en Sowles[102] Item I gyue and bequethe vnto my Suster
Elizabeth Wellyfed Wif to Wyllyam Wellyfed xl^{li}[103] iij Goblett_es_
w_ith_out a Cou_er_[104] a Macer, And A Nutt Item I gyue and bequethe to
my nephew Rycharde Wyllyams[105] lxvj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d[106]
sterling_es_ my best[107] gowne Doblett and Jaquet It_e_m I gyue and
bequethe to my nepue _Christ_ofer Wellyfed my nephe xl^{li}[108] my
v^{th} gowne doblett and Jaquett It_em_ I gyue and bequethe to my nephew
Wyllyam Wellyfed the Yonger xx^{li}[109] Item I gyue and bequethe to my
nece Alice Wellyfed to her Maryage xx^{li} And if it happen her to Dye
before maryage then I will the saide xx^{li} shall remayne to her
brother _Christ_ofer And if it happen him to Dye the same xx^{li} to
remayne to Willyam Wellyfed the yonger his brother. And if it happen
them all to Dye before their lawfull age or maryage, then I will that
their part_es_ shall remayne to Gregory my Soon. And if it happen him to
Dye before them then I will all the said p_ar_t_es_ shall remayn to
Rychard Wyll_ia_ms and Water Will_ia_ms my nephews[110] And if it happen
them to Dye then I will that all the said part_es_ shalbe Distributed in
Dead_es_ of charytee for my Sowle my Father and Mothers Sowles and all
christen Sowles. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my Mother in law Mercye
Pryo_ur_ xl^{li} of lawfull ynglissh money and her ch_a_umber w_ith_
certen houseold stuf, That is to saye A Fetherbed, a Bolster ij pillowes
w_ith_ their beres vj payre of Shet_es_ A payre of blankettes, A
garnyssh of vessell, ij^o pott_es_, ij^o pannes, ij^o Spyttes w_ith_
such other of my houseold stuf as shalbe thought mete for her by the
Discression of myn executours And suche as she will reasonablye Desire
not being bequethed to other vses in this my p_re_sent testament and
last will. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my said mother in law a lytill
Salt of Syluer a Maser, vj Silu_er_ Spones and a drinking pot of Syluer
And also I charge myn executours to be good vnto her duryng her lyffe.
It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my brother in law Willya_m_ Wellyfed
xx^{li} my thurde gown Jaquet and Doblet. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to
John Wyllyamson my brother in law c m_ar_k_es_[111] a gown a Doblet and
a Jaquet, A Fetherbed, A bolster vj payre of Shet_es_ ij^o table
clothes, ij^o Dozen Naptkynnes, ij^o towell_es_ ij^o brasse pott_es_,
ij^o brasse pannes, a Sylu_er_ pott A Nutte p_ar_cell gilt, and to
Iohan_e_ his wyf x^{li}[112]. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to Johane
Wyllyamson their Doughter to her maryage xx^{li} and to eu_er_y other of
their children vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d[113]. It_e_m I bequethe to Walter
Wyllyams my nephue[114] xx^{li} It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to Rafe
Sadleyer my s_er_u_au_nte cc[115] Mark_es_ of lawfull ynglissh money my
Seconde[116] gowne Jaquet and Doblet and all my bok_es_ It_e_m I gyue
and bequethe to Hugh Whalley my Seru_au_nt vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d. It_e_m
I gyue and bequethe to Stephen Vaughan sumtyme my s_er_u_au_nte c
m_ar_k_es_[117] a gowne Jaquet and Doblet. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to
Page my Seru_au_nte otherwise called John du Pount vj^{li} xiij^s
iiij^d[118] and also to Thom_as_ Auerey my s_er_u_au_ntt vj^{li} xiij^s
iiij^d[119]. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to John Horwood vj^{li} xiij^s
iiij^d[120] It_e_m that the rest of myn apparell before not gyuen ne
bequethed in this my testament and last will shalbe yeuen and equally
Departed amongst my Seru_au_ntes after the order and discression of myn
executours It_e_m I will also that myn executours shall take the yerely
profytt_es_ aboue the charges of my Ferme of Canberye and all other
thing_es_ Conteynyd w_ith_in my sayd lease of Canberye in the Cowntye of
Middelsex[121] And w_ith_ the proffyt_es_ thereof[122] shall yerelie
paye vnto my brother in law Will_ia_m Wellffe‹d› and Elysabethe his
wyffe myn onlye Suster Twentye powndes duryng thayr lyves and the longer
of them and after the discease of the sayd Will_ia_m and Elysabeth the
proffett_es_ of the sayd Ferme ou_er_ _and_ aboue the yerlye Rentt to be
kept to the vse of my Son gregorye tyll he Cu_m_ to the age of xxij^{ti}
and at the yeres of xxij^{th} the sayd lease _and_ Ferme of Canberye I
do gyue and bequethe to my sayd Son gregorye to haue the same to hym his
executors and assignes[123] and if it Fortune the saide Gregorye my Soon
to dye before he shall cu_m_ to the age of xxij[124] yeres My sayd
bruthure_n_ in lawe and syster being dede Then I will my Cosyn Rychard
Will_ia_ms shall ‹haue› the Ferme w_ith_ the appurten_au_nc_es_ to hym
and his executors _and_ assignes and yf it happen my sayd Brother in law
my Suster[125] my Son gregorye _and_ my sayd Cosyn Rycharde to dye
before the accoumplyshement of this my wyll touching_e_ the sayd Ferme
then I wyll myn executors shall Sell the sayd ferme and the moneye
therof Cummyng to Imploye in ded_es_ of charyte to praye[126] for my
Sowle and all _Christe_n Sowles. It_e_m I will that myn executours shall
conducte and hyre a pryest being an honest p_er_son of contynent and
good lyuyng to Syng for my Sowle by the space of vij[127] yeres next
after my deth and to gyue him for the same Fortye Syx pownd_es_ thertene
sheling_es_ Foure pens that ys to saye vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d yerlye for
his stypend[128]. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe toward_es_ the making of
high wayes in this Realme where it shalbe thought most necessary[129]
xx^{li} to be Disposed by the Discression of myn executours. It_e_m I
gyue and bequethe to eu_er_y of the v orders of Freers w_ith_in the
Cytee of London to pray for my Soule xx^s[130]. It_e_m I gyue and
bequethe to lx poure Maydens Maryages xl^{li}[131] That is to saye
xiij^s iiij^d[132] to eu_er_ye of the saide poure Maydens to be gyuen
and Distributed by the Discression of myn executours. It_e_m I will that
there shalbe Delt and yeuen after my decesse amongst poure people
howseholders to pray for my Sowle xx^{li}[133]. It_e_m I gyue and
bequeth to the poure p_ar_ochians Suche as by myn executors shalbe
thowght most needffull of the p_ar_oche Where god shall ordeyn me to
haue my dwelling place at the tyme of my Deth x^{li}[134] to be trewlye
Distributed amongst them by the Discression of myn executours[135]
It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to the poure prysoners of Newgate Ludgate
Kynges benche and Marshall See to be equallye Distributed amongst them
x^{li} Wylling charging and desiring myn executo_ur_s vnderwrytten that
they shall See this my Will p_er_fourmed in euery poynte according to my
trew meaning and intente as they will answer to god and discharge their
consciences.
[136]It_e_m I gyue and bequeth to Will_ia_m brabason my s_er_u_au_nt
xx^{li} st_erling_ A gowne A dublett A Jaquet and my second gelding.
It_em_ I gyue and bequeth to John averey yoman of the bottell w_ith_ the
kyng_es_ highnes vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d, and doublet of Saten.
It_e_m I bequeth to thurston my Coke vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequethe to Will_ia_m bodye my s_er_u_au_ntt vj^{li}
xiij^s iiij^d.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to Peter mewtes my s_er_u_au_ntt vj^{li}
xiij^s iiij^d.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to Rychard Swyft my s_er_u_au_ntt vj^{li}
xiij^s iiij^d.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to george Wylkynson my s_er_u_au_ntt vj^{li}
xiij^s iiij^d.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to my Frend Thomas alvard x^{li} _and_ my
best gelding.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to my frend Thom_a_s Russhe x^{li}.
It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequeth to my s_er_u_au_ntt John Hynde my
horsekep_er_ iij^{li} vj^s viij^d.
It_em_ I wyll that myn executors shall Saluelye kepe the patentt of the
Mano_ur_ of Rompney to the vse of my Son gregorye and the money growing
therof tyll he shall Cu_m_ to his lawfull Age to be yerely Retayned to
the vse of my sayd Son and the hole revenew therof Cumyng to be trewlye
payd vnto hym at suche tyme as he shall Cu_m_ to the age of xxj yeres.
The residue of all my good_es_ catall_es_ and debtt_es_ not bequethed my
Funerall_es_ and buryall p_er_fourmed which I will shalbe Don w_ith_out
any erthelye pompe and my Dett_es_ payed, I will shalbe sold And the
money thereof cu_m_myng to be Distributed in wo_ur_k_es_ of charytee and
pytee after the good Discression of myn executours vndernamed whom I
make and Ordeyn Stephyn Vaugh_a_n[137] Rafe Sadleyer my
s_er_u_au_ntt_es_ and John[138] Wyllyamson my brother in law. Prayeng
and Desiring the same myn executours to be good vnto my Soon
Gregorye[139] and to all other my Frend_es_ poore kynsfolk_es_ and
Seruaunttes before named in this my testament And of this my p_re_sent
testament and last Will I make Roger More myn Ouerseer Vnto whom and
also to eu_er_y of the other myn executours I gyue and bequethe vj^{li}
xiij^s iiij^d[140] for their paynes to be taken in the execucyon of this
my last will and testament ou_er_ and aboue suche legacies as herebefore
I haue bequethed them in this same my testament and last will. In Wytnes
Wherof to this my p_re_sent testament and last will I haue sett my hand
in eu_er_y lefe conteyned in this Boke the day and yere before lymyted
p_er_ me Thomam Crumwell[141]
_Endorsed._ Thomas Crumwell a Copy of my M_aster_ his Will And bookes of
debt_es_ owinge to him.