THE PARLIAMENT OF 1523
The heavy veil that shrouds in mystery the early life of Thomas Cromwell
is not completely lifted until after he becomes counsellor to the King,
but even before and during his service with Wolsey, we catch several
interesting glimpses of him. Especially important is the information we
possess concerning the part he played in the Parliament of 1523. We have
no means of knowing how he obtained a seat there, but there are
fortunately preserved two documents of undoubted authenticity that shed
much light on the attitude he assumed towards the problems which came up
for discussion. The first is a speech which exists to-day at the Public
Record Office in the hand of one of Cromwell’s clerks, and contains a
distinct and careful enunciation of the policy which the future minister
actually pursued in after years. The second is a letter from Cromwell to
a friend, John Creke, in Biscay, in which he tells how he ‘amongyst
other indured a parlyament[46].’ This epistle is in itself an excellent
index to the character and political ideals of its author. Cromwell’s
ill-concealed contempt for the vague discussions and fruitless arguments
of the Commons, who finally in disgust left off where they began, his
evident disappointment that the ‘right large subsydye’ had been granted
in spite of his disapproval, and his sneering statement that this
Parliament had failed as signally as its predecessors had, to do
anything of real practical value to King or realm, but had wasted its
time in foolish theorizing and useless debate--all are perfectly
consistent with the characteristics revealed by his later policy and
actions.
In order to understand the speech which Cromwell wrote to deliver in
this Parliament, a preliminary survey of some of the business that lay
before the House may be helpful. The period immediately previous to the
session of 1523 had been occupied by Henry and Wolsey in sending
messages to the powerful and traitorous Duke of Bourbon, to obtain from
him a recognition of the King’s title to the throne of France. The
breach between England and France was becoming wider every day. Charles
V. had of course seized the favourable opportunity to ally himself with
Bourbon and Henry, and had as usual succeeded in making the latter do
the lion’s share of the work, and pay practically all the bills. Loans
to the Emperor and to the Duke, and the expense of keeping up the
defences in the north, where Scotland daily threatened to break out into
open war, had drained the country’s resources to their lowest ebb.
Under these circumstances Henry thought it fit to summon a Parliament,
the first since December, 1515. The policy of Wolsey, in regard to the
great legislative body of the kingdom, had up to this time been very
closely followed. He had not reached the point which Cromwell at a later
day was destined to attain; that is, he had not so completely obtained
the upper hand of the Commons that he could use them as a tool to
accomplish his will. He rather regarded Parliament as a dangerous power
to be suppressed at all costs, than as a means to attain his own ends.
Consequently it had not met for nearly eight years. But the present
crisis was one which called for more than the ordinary resources of the
nation; nothing could be accomplished against France unless an enormous
subsidy was granted; that subsidy could only be granted by Parliament,
and Wolsey, rather unwillingly, was forced to consent to the King’s
summoning it, relying on Henry’s great personal popularity, and the
peculiarly bitter national hatred of France, to make it accomplish for
him what he could not do for himself[47].
Sir Thomas More was chosen Speaker, probably because of his high favour
with Henry, who did not scruple to give Parliament broad hints of his
pleasure in all matters in which he was interested, and though, as Roper
says, More was ‘very loath to take this room upon him[48],’ yet the
King would not consent to his resignation. And the story goes on to tell
how Wolsey ‘found himself much grieved with the burgesses of this
Parliament, for that nothing was so soon done or spoken therein but that
it was immediately blown abroad in every ale-house[49],’ and how,
fearing that the subsidy bill might not pass, he determined to be
present at the debate himself, and was received, at Sir Thomas More’s
suggestion, ‘with all his pomp, with his maces, his pillars, his
poleaxes, his crosses, his hat, and his great seal too.’ But Wolsey need
not have been so anxious about the passage of his bill. Though at first
the House would not deign to consider the subsidy in his presence,
alleging that ‘there was not so much money out of the King’s hands in
the whole realm,’ it had been out of practice too long to realize its
own power, and after a great deal of haggling and fruitless endeavours
by the members to beg off for less than the £800,000 at first demanded,
Wolsey carried his point[50], and by the end of June was able to
announce to Henry that there was no further hindrance to the proposed
invasion of France.
While the debate was in progress, however, Cromwell was one of the
strongest opponents of the Cardinal’s scheme. The following speech,
which he wrote to deliver on this occasion[51], clearly reveals his
attitude on the questions before the House.
‘To recou_er_ agayne by the sworde the Realme of Fraunce, belongyng to
o_ur_ most Redowbtid Souerayne by good and iuste tytle, and to chaunge
the Sums of monay whiche we haue in sundrey yeres Receyued from thens
into the hole and iust Reuenues that myght there from yere to yere be
Leuyed yf we did peasibly enioye the same, who ys here present that wold
not gladly dispend not oonly all his goodys but also his lyffe yf euery
of vs had ten thowsand lyues to help to obtayne vnto o_ur_ most benygne
souerayne and his most noble Succession besydys the high honour and wyde
spredyng of his most glorious fame, whiche while this world endured
shuld euer be had in memory, suche yerely reuenues and wellyng
spryngg_es_ as[52] treasure as shuld by thyse means contynually be
browght into this Realme, Whereoff there were no dowte but that ryght
haboundant stremys shuld from his most liberall magnyfysence be dereuyed
into eu_er_y parte of this his Realme to the grete Inryching and
enprosperyng of vs and all suche as hereafter showld lyue vnder hys
obeysaunce and subieccion. And that this high and Magnanyme ent_er_pryse
ys at this p_re_sent by o_ur_ saide Souerayne not only in secret wyse in
his high cowrage conceyued, but also vttred to his most prudent
counsayll, and at sundrey tymes by his grace and them rypely dygested
debated ye and fynally concluded as the thyng by his most high wysdome
and thens thowg_ht_ not only possible but also very apparaunt and
lykely, all reasonable dowt_es_ auoyded, we All haue clerely persayued
as well by the mowth and reporte of my lorde legatt_es_ good grace as by
the Recapitulacion of the Right w_or_shipfull best Assuryd and discrete
Speker, in so moche that we haue ben_e_ adu_er_tised of the Indentures
all reddy passed bytwene o_ur_ said most noble Souerayne and the
Emparo_ur_s Magesty, conteynyng not oonly the nombre of horseme_n_ and
Fotemen, estemed sufficient for the saide enterpryse, but also the day
p_re_fixid for the Arryuall beyond the see of the saide Army. Whyche
thyng sythyns o_ur_ most Redowbted Souerayne hathe so depely myndyd,
that for the more effectuall puttyng in execucion of the same, his high
enterpryze, he hathe promysed in the saide endentures, to goo ou_er_ in
his owne noble p_er_sone Whoo ys here p_re_sent in this ryght
w_or_shipfull assemble, or any other his subiet Whatsoeuer he be whiche
to the vtterest of his power wold not payne and endeu_er_ hymself, that
this so glorious, so profyttable and so wysshefull an enterpryse myght
properously be atcheuyd and o_ur_ souerayne w_i_t_h_ assuryd hono_ur_ to
Reto_ur_ne agayne after this grete acte well and victoryously
p_er_fynysshed. But for somoche As yt hathe pleased o_ur_ most Redowbtid
Souuerayne of his most high and haboundant goodnes, to declare vnto vs
by the mowthe of my saide Lorde Cardinallis grace, not only this his
purpose, but also the manyfold p_ro_uocacions and hainous iniures done
aswell to his noble highnes, as to his most dere sist_er_ the quene
Douriere of Fraunce, in wrongus[53] w_i_t_h_holding of her Dowre, and
also the grete vexacion of his subiect_es_ by robbyng and spoylyng of
them, to theire vtter vndoyng, by Francoys now raynyng there, and on the
other side the manyfold policies and gracious meanes studied by o_ur_
saide most noble Souuerayne, and hys Counsayll, to establysshe a
generall peace amongyst all Crysten Prync_es_ and to stay the saide
Frauncoys yf yt had bene possible by ma_n_nys industry from his synyster
wayes and disturbyng of all Regions abowte hym. Me semyth that his
highnes hathe heryn Declared vnto vs the grettest loue that eu_er_ did
noble prynce vnto his humble and obeysaunt subiect_es_, seyng that his
high wysdome doth not disdayne to co_m_municate and declare vnto vs his
waighty entrepases and affayres, in this autentyk man_er_ assemblyd by
the mowthe of so notable a p_er_sonage, beseching god of his haboundant
goodnes and ynfynyte m_er_cye whiche w_i_t_h_drawyth not his lyght from
the poore and low estate but vnto humble hartt_es_ departyth of his
grace, that this notable benygnete of o_ur_ saide Souerayne be not
amongyst vs all frustrate, but that sum of vs here p_re_sent may say in
this weyghty matier the thyng vaylable and worthye in his most highe
Juggement to be regarded whiche by the Mowthe and report of the ryght
wyse dyscrete and excellently lettred speker may be benyng
Interpretacion And as we meane cu_m_ vnto his most g_ra_cious Erys.
Whiche my p_er_fyte trust ys that his noble grace wyll not so vtterly
regecte, but that yt may oons entre into his noble harte byfore the tyme
come that he shall put hys high entrepryse in execucio_n_ seyng yt ys
yet oon hole yere therunto and all thowgh I reckyn myselff of all other
the most vnworthy to haue in the awdience of so many sauge and notable
p_er_sons, any mann_er_ saiyngg_es_, especially in this weighty mattier
whiche makyth me to tremble, for fere, whan I thyncke upon hyt and
represent vnto my fantasy How the thre gou_er_no_ur_s of Crystendom,
accompanyed w_i_t_h_ so grete nomb_re_ of prync_es_ noble men and other
their Subgiett_es_ shuld after so manyfold p_ro_uocacions of dedely
hattred encounter togyder w_i_t_h_ theire Swordys in theire hand_es_, to
trye where the pleasure of god shalbe to stryke, and shew his
indignacion, Of whiche slawghter, most nedis ensue, the moste Lamentable
cryes, and sorowfull wryngyng of handys, that hath happened in
Cristendome many yeres. Neu_er_thelesse after my symple and yngnorant
man_er_, I shall humbly beseche yow all of yo_ur_ benygne Supportacion
that I may here w_i_t_h_ yo_ur_ fauo_ur_s vtter my poore mynde whose
intent ys no_ne_ other but to geue vnto yow, whiche be of far more
assuryd Wysdom, Lernyng and experience then I, occasion to vtter yo_ur_
wyse counsayll_es_, for yn myself I know well ys nought ell_es_ but the
intent of good wyll, and entier desyre, of the Contenuaunce yn
p_ro_sp_er_ite of my most redowtyd souerayne, with the most frutefull
cons_er_uacion of the polytyk weall of this his noble Realme, and the
good fertheryng of all the enterprysys and affayres in any wyse
belongyng to the same.
‘To speke of peace certeynly as now hit ys no tyme, Albe hit that I doo
in my hart therfore ryght sore lament, but want of trowth ys so depely
in the Frenche Nacion enrotid, and theire insaciable apetite to extent
theire bond_es_ and to accroche from other their Domynyons and
possessions to the grete molestyng and trowbelyng of all the nacions
abowte theym, ys so manyfest and notorys to all the word[54],
w_i_t_h_oute any regarde hauyng ether to godde or Justyce, that thowgh
we Hadde for o_ur_ owne p_ar_ticuler causes no mann_er_ quarell_es_ vnto
them, yet cowld we not but haue in detestacion their false and fleyghty
Dealyng Wherw_i_t_h_ other Cristened prync_es_ be by them so sore
molestyd. But now ys hyt soo that our most Drad Souerayne ys soo notably
prouoked by the manyfold Iniuryes done aswell to hymself as to his most
derest Syster, and sundrey his Subiect_es_ that me thynckyth, there be
none, his true and faythefull Subiett_es_, that can refrayne to bere
toward_es_ them a worthy haatred and fast inpryntyd groutche, as vnto
the nacion, whiche eu_er_ ys onrestful, And of suche malicious nature
that there ys no remedy, but other they most be skowrgyd or ellys they
wyll suerly be a skowrge to other, and other their possessions must be
ruffilled and dymynysshed or ellys they wyll not cesse to Dymynysshe and
take away from other their possessions, of whiche Arogant Nacion thowgh
we haue of o_ur_ self_es_ by goddys Ayde and suffer_au_nce ben the
Chastners and terryble stronge yet at this p_re_sent tyme Allmyghty god
ys so benygne vnto vs that we haue now a muche grete aduauntage to
compell them not oonly to syt in rest but also gladly to com_e_ to
Reason seyng that by theyre sayde mysprowde arregancy the[55] Haue in so
sundry Wayes prouoked the saide Emparo_ur_s magestye vnto iust hatered
and dyspleasure agaynst them w_i_t_h_ whome o_ur_ most Redowbted
Souerayne ys most assurydly co_n_federate and alied, Whose high and
myghty power ys so great that Joyned vnto owers they be enverouned on
eu_er_y syde wyth the nacions, whiche by goddes grace shall afflycte
them and abate their pryde. Whiche thyng the emparo_ur_s maiesty hath
full well for his partie shewyd in Recoueryng agayne of Nauerne Where
they had no smale ou_er_throw and also by Wynnyng from theym the Cytte
of To_ur_ney and the hole Countrey Tornasyes adiacent therunto, and
farthermore to the more sorar encresyng of their A_n_guysshefull
abasshement and shame haue dryuen them quyte owte of Ittaly and
dispossessed them of the noble Dowchye of Millayne, the gettyng and
defendyng wherof hath ben_e_ so maruaylous chargeable vnto theym and
also to the Cyttyes of Genes w_i_t_h_ the Terretoryes therunto
belongyng. And we for o_ur_ partye haue spoyled and brent Morkesse,
Destroyed also a grete Contrey w_i_t_h_ sundry villag_es_ and Townes
therin, and to the grete and high hono_ur_ of o_ur_ soueraigne and his
valiaunt nacion, and the grete Lawde and Prayse of the well fortunate
and sawge Capetayn, the yerle of Surrey, whiche taryed in the Domynyons
of the saide Francoyse w_i_t_h_ a smale Nombr_e_ of men in comparyson by
the space or vj or vij wekys where all the power of Fraunce durst not
geue hym battayll whiche sayde valiant Capeteyne, I trust by goddes
help, shall ou_er_throw and subdue also the Skott_es_, whome the Frenche
men haue so custuously intertayned, and of so long tyme mayntayned
agaynst vs, whiche thingg_es_, yf almyghty god of his goodnes, wyll
suffre to contynue this a while, there ys no dowte but that their hawlte
and mysprowde Cowrage shall or owght long abate, and that we shall
constrayne theym to be glad to entret for pease as men dryuen in to
grete and extreme Dyspayre, seing their pec_es_ whiche they haue bene so
long in gettyng bene so valiauntly and w_i_t_h_owt any hardynesse in
theym to make Resystance pullid away from theym, and they dare not trye
hyt by the sworde, nother w_i_t_h_ vs, nor w_i_t_h_ the saide
Emparo_ur_s Subiect_es_ for whan soeu_er_ they so doo, they wyn nowght
ellys but a shamefull overthrow, as we all know, by good experyence. But
now myght yt be in questyon whyther hyt showld be for the more
aduaunsyng of o_ur_ most Rodowtyd Souerayns Hono_ur_ and the Empero_ur_s
Mageste also, and more vayllable for the spedy acheuyng of bothe their
desiryd purposys other to contynew styll thys kynde of warre whyche
hytherto god be thancked hathe so prosperously succedyd or ellys to
chaunge o_ur_ warre in to another kynde, more sharper, more violent and
also more terable, that is to say, where he hathe not bene so hardy as
to mete A meane Armyee, other of owers or of the Empero_ur_s, to conuey
now in to hys Realme on eyther of o_ur_ sydys, so grete and myghty a
puyss_au_nce as shalbe able by goddys ayde, clerely to vanquysshe hym
vtterly and to subdue hym.
‘To this question I beseche god that sum sauge and well experte man here
amongyst vs p_re_sent may say the thyng that may be honorable to o_ur_
most Redowted souerayne and proffyttable this to his noble Realme, As
for myne owne partye knowyng my most redowtyd Souerayns high pleasure
Whereof we haue all by my saide lorde Cardinall_e_s grace ben_e_ so
clerely enfo_ur_med, I am at a poynt suche as dothe becom_e_ an humble
and obeysant subiect to be, beyng adu_er_tisid of his Souerayns most
redowtyd pleasure, especially by the mowthe of hys most nere and
cheffest Counsaylo_ur_, declaryd, oonly oon thyng there ys whiche
puttyth me in no small agonye, me thowght I harde my lorde Cardynall_e_s
grace say that o_ur_ most gracious Souuerayne, more derer vnto any of
hys Subiect_es_ that hathe any man_er_ zele to o_ur_ co_m_men welthe
then hys owne propre lyfe, indendyth to go ou_er_ in his Royall
p_er_sone, Whyche thyng I pray god for my partie I neu_er_ lyue to see,
Most humbly beseching hys haboundant and tendre benygnyte of m_er_cy and
p_ar_done of this my saiyng, for the humble and obeysant loue I ow vnto
his noble p_er_son, causyth me in this case to forget obeysance, and I
cannot consent to obey vnto this hys pleasure wheryn lyith the hazardyng
of this his noble Realme, and apon the whiche myght follow (whiche god
defend) the grettyst Calamyte and afflation[56] that eu_er_ happynned
ther vnto by cause I am desyrous to be owte of all dowtt_es_ that I may
all my lyfe dayes hereafter be his humble and obeisant subiet, and see
w_i_t_h_ the prosperite and suretye of his noble parson, his Realme and
power subiect_es_ to lyue assuryd in tranquylyte and to be reconforttid
w_i_t_h_ his noble p_re_sence, whose welthe and prosperyte ys so
vrgently necessary vnto vs all that I am sure their ys no good Englysshe
man whiche can be mery the day whan he happenyth to thynk that his grace
myght p_er_ch_au_nce be dystemp_er_id of his helthe so that albe hyt I
say for my partie, I stomak as a sory Subiect may doo, the high Iniures
done by the saide Francoys, vnto his most dere souerayne, yet rather
then the thyng shuld goo so ferre forth I cowld for my partie be
contented to forget altogyther soo that I may know the parson of my
souerayne to be yn helthe, and suretye owte of the thowsand Daungiers
whiche chaunce in warre, and lyue at his high Pleasure and assuryd myrth
for yf the Frenche men haue establysshed an orden_au_nce amongyst theym
that their kyng in hys owne p_er_sone shall neu_er_ com_e_ in Raungyd
Battayll agay_n_st o_ur_ nacion bycawse of the sundry hazardys that
their saide prync_es_ haue suffred in their owne parsons,
notw_i_t_h_standyng their maruelous pollecy deuysed amongest them for
the certayn and the establysshid succession of their Crowne, how
neidfull ys hyt for us consideryng in what case we be to make the
humblest sewyt that eu_er_ did pore Subiect_es_ to theyre Souuerayne,
that he wyll for o_ur_ sak_es_ and specially for the tendre and Fathyrly
loue he beryth to his most dere and oonly dowghter upon whose wele and
sircumspecte bestowyng next his noble parson dependyth all o_ur_ welthis
som_e_thyng to Reffrayne his high magnanyme Courage and for o_ur_
assuryd welthe and quyet and specially of her noble p_er_son desyst from
that Dawngerows entrepryse, And whereas his highnes hath the Reno_u_m to
be the most faythefull and substauncyall prynce, Crystayned yn the trew
p_er_fo_ur_myng of all his promyses that hyt may lyke his grace to lay
the wyte on vs his poore Subiect_e_s thowgh that he breke in that poynt
the tenour of his Indenture, For yf his highnes wold so farre presse vs
by o_ur_ allegence that he wold nedys cary ou_er_ w_i_t_h_ hym the Armay
in the same Endentures expressed, I am suer there showld not be oon
amongest them all that had any reason in his hed but he shuld be more
metar to wayle and wryng hys hand_e_s than assuryd to fyght, whan he
consydered that yf otherwyse then well showld fortune to that prescious
Juell whiche he had for hys partye, in custody, yt were more metar for
hym to departe in to Turkey than to Reto_ur_ne agayne in to his naturall
Contray to hys wyffe and chyldren. And now as yt fortunyth naturally
where as a man ys fully p_er_swadyd in any matter as I am trewly that
o_ur_ most Redowtid soueraygne showld in no wyse passe the Sees in his
owne noble p_er_son consideryng the thyng_es_ aforsaide to fayne Reasons
to make for His purpose, soo doo I now Fantasye syns I am so extremely
desyrows that the noble parson yf[57] my saide Prynce showlde tarry
withyn Hys Realme that hit were better to trayne owre warre and by
lyttyll and lyttyll to attempte wery the saide Francoys then at oons to
send ou_er_ agaynst hym the power Royall of this noble Royalme.
‘In the reasonyng of whiche matter I shall but vtter myne ygnoraunce
afore Hanyball as o_ur_ ryght wyse spekar rehersid now of late, but syns
I am wadyd thus far vnder yo_ur_ benygne supportacion I shall here vtter
my pore mynde yf thys grete and puysaunt armaye of xxx Thowsand
foteme_n_ and ten Thowsand horsemen showld be co_n_ueyed in to the
partyes of beyond see I ymagyn w_i_t_h_ myself whiche wayes they myght
take to noy o_ur_ enemyes most Consideracion fyrst had vnto their owne
saufegarde, How they myght suerly be victualled and thus I reason yf
they shuld so invade Fraunce that they myght eu_er_ w_i_t_h_ suretye
haue victayles owte of the Archedukedome, than put I no dowbt_es_ but
they showld saufely Reto_ur_ne agayne, for any daungyer that showld
com_e_ vnto theym by their enemyes, for synse they durst not this yere
last past set vpon the Hardy and valiaunt Capetayn the Yerle of Surr_ey_
notw_i_t_h_standyng any prouocacions that he Cowld by hys exp_er_te
wysedome in the Featt_es_ of warre Imagyn to bryng them thervnto how
moche more wold they beware to mete w_i_t_h_ so howge an Armye whose
bruit I suppose god beyng indyfferent the poore of Fraunce were not
hable to susteyne, but by this meanes lyke as o_ur_ saide Armye shuld be
in saftye soo showld the harme whiche they showld doo to the Realme of
Fraunce be nothyng so moche as the harmys whiche we o_ur_selff_es_
showld susteyn in sowldyng of so great an army which were hable or iii
Somers were expyred to exhawste and vtterly consume all the Cogne and
bolyon w_i_t_h_yn this Realme whiche I coniecture can not passe moche
aboue a Million For yf all the valew of the hole Realme excede not iiii
Millions as my lorde Cardinall_e_s grace Declaryth playnly vnto vs all
of whiche the possessions were estemyd to amount to oone Hole Million,
me thynkyth that there ys no dowbte but that the Cornes, Cattall_es_
o_ur_ owne Co_m_modeties vtensill_es_ Apparayll for man and women whiche
was neu_er_ soo sumptuo_u_s and also the wares not oonly made of o_ur_
owne co_m_modetyes but also conveyed from the partyes of beyond the see
Hyther wherof was neu_er_ so grete Haboundaunce Dothe amount at the lest
vnto other ij Millions This yf we showld take thys way or eu_er_ we
showld doo to o_ur_ enemy any hurt that were worthy to be regardid we
showld be brought in to that case that we showld neu_er_ be hable
neu_er_ to hurt hym ne none other, nor to help o_ur_ Prynce, nor this
his noble Realme What adu_er_syte soeu_er_ shuld fortune to Hap ye and
what showld we then Doo, but sit in peace w_i_t_h_ the highest ignomine
and Desperat confusion that eu_er_ did nacion and be constraynyd for the
maynten_au_nce of co_m_mutacion and biyng and sellyng amongyst
o_ur_selffes to koyne lether agayne, lyke as we oons haue done, whiche
as for me I could well ynowgh be content with but yf yt showld fortune
o_ur_ most Redowtyd Souerayne, yf he wold nyedys go ou_er_ yn hys owne
p_er_sone to happyn by any adu_er_se fortune, whiche almyghty god defend
to cum into the hand_es_ of o_ur_ enemyes, how shuld we then be hable to
Redeme hym agayne yf they wyll nought for their wynes but golde they
wold thynck grete skorne, to take lether for o_ur_ prynce, ye and how
moche the Inhabitaunt_es_ of the saide Archedukedome be desirows to haue
moche of o_ur_ monaye for Lytyll of their victuaylis whiche showld the
sonner bryng this inconuenyence to passe, we haue hadde ryght good
experyence aswell whan o_ur_ moste Redowbtid Souerayne last went ou_er_
in His owne Royall parson as in the last yere, whan my lorde of Surrey
was sent by o_ur_ saide Souerayne in to those parties whose Soldyers at
their Retto_ur_ne made of the raryte and high prysed victuales no lytyll
complaynt. But yf we nedys wold conuaye o_ur_ armye by their possessions
and to make o_ur_ way as short as myght be, to goo the most nere and
dyrect way to Parrys where vndowbtyd were no small spoylle to be gotten
and in mann_er_ the place self not hable in strength to kepe vs owte
Assone as eu_er_ we were Dep_ar_tyd owte of the Marchys of the saide
Archedukedome, we showld then clerely p_er_sayue whatt mann_er_ warre
the Frenche men wold vse ayenst vs whiche neu_er_ wyll offer to medyll
w_i_t_h_ o_ur_ Armye, but lye yn wayte yf any of o_ur_ saide Armye
happened to straye or stragle abrode or to destroye the Conducto_ur_s of
o_ur_ victuayle. And as for victuaylys in o_ur_ waye we shuld be sure
none to fynde that other hadde legges to convey hyt sylf from vs or
elles by the diligence of the paysans myght convaide[58] to the next
strong holdys and then myght we p_er_ch_au_nce (whiche god defend)
p_er_sayue what high daunger to leue any strong holdys behynde vs,
whiche the most Saugge and Poletyke Prynce Kyng Henry the vij^{th} of
gracious memory thowght not best to doo. For when he passed the Sees to
wyn the ryght in Fraunce he began fyrst to lay Seige to Bolayn, or
eu_er_ he wold enter anye farther in to the land. And o_ur_ most
Redowtyd souerayne now raynyng beyng in purpose as I harde reportid goo
as farre as Parres after the occupacion of his sawge Counsayle began
Fyrst at Tyrouenne and the Empero_ur_s mageste Imployed A whosoeu_er_ be
in To_ur_nay bycawse yt was thowght to his high wysedome and hys noble
councellers euydently dawngerous yf he wold at any tyme hereafter passe
any farder by that way in to Fraunce, to leue suche strong hold in the
possession of his enemyes behynde hym at hys bakke, and soo yf we showld
for any dyspleasure done vnto vs ammuse o_ur_ Coscions armye abowte the
wynnyng of any those holdys, what maruelous Inconuenyenc_es_ Let of
purpose and Importable Charg_es_ we showld sustayn therbye o_ur_ most
drad souerayne lorde hathe theryn to good experyence in the wynnyng of
Tyrouen which cost his highnes more then xx^{ti} suche vngracious
Dogholes cowld be worthe vnto hym But yf we wold vtterlye leue this
waye, and Determyn to Invade Normandie Bretayn or sum other Contraye in
the possession of his enemye vpon the Ryvage of the see and make o_ur_
preparacions here w_i_t_h_yn this noble Realme suche as showld be
thowght conuenable for suche an armye Royall Thys thyng passith the
streche of my pore wyt to speke for oon_e_ thing I suppose, besid_es_
the Inestymable molestacion and charge whiche I ymagyn this noble Realme
showld sustayne for theyr p_re_paracion for ware I can se nothyng but
manyfest dawngier on eu_er_y syde to be toward_es_ the saide Armaye not
onely at their Arryvall amongest their enemyes at all tymes and so long
as they shall there tarry Whiche to shew theym their saide enemyes
showld have no smale aduauntage, and that in sundry wyse, but also how
they should surely be victayled for thowgh we made here neu_er_ so good
dylygence to prepare victailes for them in due tyme yet stode bothe we
and they in daungier of the wynde in whose oncerteynte god defend that
the Flower, nay in mann_er_ the hole Chyualry of this noble Realme
showld so be hazardid for thereby myght Chaunce the most lamentable
losse ye and w_i_t_h_out Recou_er_y that eu_er_ heretofore to me
happenyd For thowgh we be indowtyd ryght sore dymynysshed of o_ur_
Treasure, We haue yet a farr gretar want of defensable men whiche to any
good Englysshe man that ys not affeccionat to his owne pryuat lucre but
w_i_t_h_ good harte and true zele louyth the Commen wele ys to moche
manyfest at the yee, and hyt pleasid god of the contrary Wherby Supposid
that Almyghty god sent o_ur_ souerayne his desiryd purpose how showld we
be Able to possede the large Cuntreye of Fraunce whiche haue o_ur_ owne
Realme so meruelous rarely storyd of inhabytaunt_es_ and hable men, but
there paraadventure yt myght be saide vnto me Why puttyst thow so many
dowtt_es_ ayenst this my most redowtyd souerayns enterpryse, he beyng so
high in courage of maruelous wysdome and well tryed experyence in all
m_ar_ciall Condutt_es_ seyng other his progenito_ur_s of farre lesse
graces w_i_t_h_ an handfull of men in comparyson to his armye haue geuyn
them soo notable ou_er_throwes To thys question breuely to show my pore
mynde Trewly the manyfold victoryes that we haue had ayenst theym
bryngyth theym in playne dyspayre to trye hyt anye more w_i_t_h_ vs In
raunged battayll and to the experyence that they haue of o_ur_
Condicions bothe in warre and pease hathe geuyn the saide Francoys
hardynes thus haynowsly to prouoke o_ur_ Souerayne as he doyth for lyke
as he knowyth that in Armys o_ur_ nacion ys ynvincible so knowyth he
o_ur_ Impacience to Contynew in warre many yeres and in especiall in
wynter for we desier nowght elles but to trye hyt w_i_t_h_ o_ur_
hand_es_ at ones and that the Maruelous charge far aboue any other
nacion that we most nedys co_n_tinually be at for victuayles and other
necessaryes ys so grete that at the length we most nedys wery o_ur_self
as oftyn as we be assemblyd to fyght yf We soo togyther assemblyd long
contynew thowgh none other nacion fyght w_i_t_h_ vs I cowld here also
towche what polecye we haue to kepe thing_es_ when we haue gottyn theym,
but I let that passe and wyll now shew the notable adu_au_ntag_es_ that
our sou_er_ayns progenito_ur_s had ou_er_ that we haue now, the mean
warre ayenst Fraunce yn tymes past we had eu_er_ plac_es_ surlye to Lond
in other of o_ur_ owne, or of o_ur_ assured confederatt_es_ and alies as
Gascoyne Gwyen Bretayn and sumtyme Normandie and at the lest we had Sum
assuryd freynd_es_ there whiche wern grete men of power and furthermore
their Townes and holdes were nothyng of the m_er_uelous strength that
they be of at this p_re_sent but now all thyse thynges be chaunged
places. We haue none to lond in any of the saide Countrays but suche as
we may be sure to haue allema_n_n_er_ dyspleasure shewyd vnto vs that
they dare or may doo and as for any frend_es_ We haue that I dare not
p_re_sume to speke in, but as ferre as my pore coniecture ledyth me
there was neu_er_ nacion more maruaylusly Lynkyd togyder then they be
amongyst theymself_es_ nor more sundry prouysyons found how suche A[59]
nature hath made of high courage beyng borne amongyst them myght be
prouyded of welthful lyuynges vnder their obeysaunce to consent to any
Dysturbyng of their Co_m_men Welth thowgh he showld for that intent be
offeryd a great and notable Treasoure But how by[60] Coruptable all the
worlde w_i_t_h_ the m_er_uelows sleyght_es_ in excessyff gyft_es_ the
Empero_ur_s maiestye hathe for his partie had of late ryght euydent
experyence, For whyle he was here in thise parties occupied abowte the
wynnyng of To_ur_ney and other his affayres they had corrupted iij or
iiij of the grettest nobles of Spayne, apon whiche parsonages for their
euydent ontrewth the Empero_ur_s Magestye was constraynyd to do Justyce
at his Reto_ur_nyng thyther, whiche was no small losse onto hym yf they
had lyke trew subgiett_es_ accordyngly regarded their allegiaunce and
that is to be m_er_uayled at my lorde of Sheuerys[61] the most bounden
creature of the sayde Emparo_ur_s Maieste that eu_er_ was subiect to his
Souuerayne, me thowght I harde my lorde Cardinall_es_ grace reporte,
that he was also by their m_er_uelous subtyle pollice and gyft_es_
corrupt, and also yt ys euyde_n_t that synse the saide Empero_ur_s
Maiestie Reto_ur_nyd in to Spayne agayne the gou_er_no_ur_s of his
Archedukedome haue grauntyd dyu_er_s of safecondut vnto
m_er_ch_au_nt_es_ of the Frenche nacion ye and for their Sakys vnto
Skott_es_ also, whiche ys a maruelous hyndraunce after my pore
Jugeme_n_t to o_ur_ souueraynes and the saide Empero_ur_s warres. For yf
o_ur_ co_m_modeties had aswell ben_e_ kepte from theim as their
co_m_modeties be from vs many a thowsand artyfycer lyuyng vnder the
saide Francoys Domynyon whiche hathe none other lyuyng but by workyng of
o_ur_ wollys haue ben_e_ constrayned to haue made to their kyng
lamentable sute for peace, as people browght to extreme distresse and
not wottyng how to lyue.
‘Thus haue I here vttred my pore and symple mynde ryght hartylly
thanckyng yow all of yo_ur_ benygne Supportacion and how that yow haue
Wytsaufe to here so pacientlie my ignorance most humbly beseching the
tender benygnyte of my most dere and most redowtyd souuerayn whiche
w_i_t_h_drawyth hys m_er_cifull yee from Wylfull offenders yf they
humbly make sute vnto his grace for pardon, that he wyll of his
haboundaunt goodnes wytsaufe to take me as I meane whiche am as desyrous
that all his most noble entrepases should prosperously go forward as any
symple creature that eu_er_ was borne vnder his obeisaunce thinckyng
after my Ignorant Jugement that yf yt wold please his magnanime Courage
to conuert Fyrst and chief his hole intent and purpose not only to the
ouer ro_n_nyng and subduyng of Skotland but also to Joyne the same
Realme vnto his, Soo that both they and we myght lyue vnder oone
Bessaunce Law and Pollecy for eu_er_. He shold therby wyn the highest
honour that eu_er_ dyd any noble p_ro_genito_ur_s synse thys Iland was
fyrst Inhabyt to Joyne vnto his noble Realme so populus a Cuntray wherby
his strength shold be of no small parte e_n_cresid and of this acte
should follow the highest abasshement to the saide Francoys that eu_er_
happened to hym or any his p_ro_geneto_ur_s afore hym not oonly for that
he Left the saide Skott_e_s his auncie_n_t allies and which haue for hys
and their Sak_es_ p_ro_uokyd o_ur_ nacion so notably heretofore at thys
tyme vndefended by reason of o_ur_ souerayns naiuye whiche he dare not
encounter w_i_t_h_ nor neu_er_ dare send theim soco_ur_ so long as he
shall know the narrow sees substansially to be kept, but also for
somoche as he shall vnderstand that we haue chaunged o_ur_ ma_n_n_er_ of
warre, whiche were wont nought else to doo but to skore the nacions
abowt, but whan he shall p_er_sayue that by the hygh and pollytyk
wysdome o_ur_ saide most redowtid Souerayne they be Joyned vnto vs in
oone politik boddye what fere shall we then stand in to Lose his
possessions w_i_t_h_out any hope of Recou_er_e agayne, and thowgh hit be
a co_m_men sayng that yn Skotland ys nought to wyn but strokes, for that
I alledge another co_m_men sayng, who that entendyth Fraunce to wyn
w_i_t_h_ Skotland let hym begyn, Whiche enterpret thus truely hyt ys But
a Symplenesse for vs to thyncke to kepe possessions in Fraunce, ‹which›
ys seuowryd from vs by the ocean see, and suffre Skotland Joyne‹d› vnto
vs by nature all in oon Iland, vnto which we may haue Reco_ur_se at all
tymes whan we woll, whiche also to subdue, god beyng indiffere_n_t lyeth
eu_er_ in o_ur_ hand to lyue vnder a nother pollecy and to Recognyse
another Prynce send god that o_ur_ most Redowty Souuerayne ‹may conquer
Scotland› whiche whan we haue ones Joyned vnto o_ur_ polecy as a
memb_re_ by nature dyscendyng apon the hole, than shall we therby have
the experyence how to wyn and kepe other possessions of o_ur_ most
redowtyd souerayne of due ryght and enherytaunce belonging to his noble
Crowne whiche we ‹have› in the parties of beyond the see in whyche
entrepryses I beseche god send o_ur_ most dere and most redowtyd
souuerayn prosperous Succession and fortunat atcheuyng of all this his
noble entrepryse.’
There is no record that this speech was ever delivered; even if it was,
it certainly had no effect in this unwieldy and unpractical session of
Parliament. But the accuracy and force of the speaker’s reasoning were
destined to be proved by the subsequent course of events. For the
student of the present day, who is enabled to glance at the whole
picture from a distance, so that the various facts assume more or less
their proper proportion and perspective, Cromwell’s words on this
occasion will always remain as one of the strongest proofs of his
political wisdom and foresight.
After touching on the subject of the war, and assuring the House of his
conviction that any one present would give goods and life ten thousand
times over to recover France for the King (a shrewd beginning, for if
Henry was not present in person, no one knew better than Cromwell how
accurately every word spoken in the Parliament would be reported to him,
and how important it was for one who would gain the royal favour to put
his loyalty to the Crown first of all), he goes on, after a few
commonplace remarks about the war’s being waged with energy, to crave
the pardon of the House for addressing so noble an assembly. This
preface is eminently characteristic of the speaker. When not perfectly
certain of his ground, and in the presence of those whom he wished to
conciliate, none could be a more adroit flatterer than he; it was only
when he was completely master of the situation (and he had a peculiar
gift of discovering just what his position was in relation to other
people) that he became contemptuous, overbearing, and cruel.
But not even yet had he said enough to prove his loyalty to the King. He
agrees that war is inevitable, and that the question now is how it may
be most effectually carried on, but when he foresees that the King will
go in person, he is greatly distressed. He talks loudly about the danger
of the King being killed, hints that Henry possessed a courage and a
self-sacrifice to the interests of England which would render him
impervious to any argument about personal risk, and then launches
himself into the heart of his discourse. The King is an absolute
necessity to the welfare and progress of the State. If the King were
removed, the country would probably be brought face to face with the
horrors of a civil war. Cromwell thus brings his hearers to the first
great principle of the policy that he was destined later to pursue,
namely, concentration of power in the hands of the Crown, as a _sine qua
non_ of unity at home and safety abroad. This principle he enforces with
many other arguments. The danger from the hostility of Scotland was
enormous; let the King ‘Reffrayne his high magnanyme Courage’ and
remaining at home, so direct the movements of his forces, that England
and Scotland may together move as a unit. France has bought off many who
may seem to be England’s allies on the Continent. The consequence of an
invasion of France would be the scattering of the army; it might be cut
off in an attempt to capture Paris, and England would be left to the
mercy of its first invader. The country must make sure of its own
safety, before entering upon a war of aggression.
He brings up other points to prove his case, and here speaks against the
proposed subsidy. He saw, as a merchant, that the amount proposed was
excessive; his fear was that all the coin and bullion in the realm would
be exhausted by three summers of fruitless warring, so that the nation
would be forced ‘to koyne lether agayne,’ as it had done once before.
His appreciation of the importance of sound finance, and the evils of a
depreciated currency show a knowledge of economic principles far in
advance of his time. ‘Yf yt showld fortune o_ur_ most Redowtyd
Souerayne, yf he wold nyedys go ou_er_ yn hys owne p_er_sone to happyn
by any adu_er_se fortune, whiche almyghty god defend to cum into the
hand_es_ of o_ur_ enemyes,’ says Cromwell, ‘how shuld we then be hable
to Redeme hym agayne yf they wyll nought for their wynes but golde they
wold thynck grete skorne, to take lether for o_ur_ prynce.’ Cromwell had
early learned the lesson that money and brains were rapidly becoming far
more important factors in winning battles, than mere superiority in
brute strength or numbers. In his ingenious argument against the
subsidy, he had pleaded the cause of the poor people, on whom the taxes
fell most heavily, and had at the same time avoided arousing the
opposition of the other party, by his adroit flattery at the outset.
His appreciation of the increased difficulty of waging war abroad
compared with that in previous ages, because of lack of bases of
supplies and friendly towns on the Continent, which before had been
numerous, betokens great foresight and knowledge of details. Though he
expressly declares, at the beginning of his speech, his intention to
leave to ‘sage persons’ the task of deciding how the war should be
carried on, he hints that it would be better to play a waiting game and
weary the French, while things were consolidated at home, than to try to
conquer France by invasion. His attitude about Scotland is repeated with
great vigour at the close of his speech. For the King to unify England
and Scotland would secure him greater honour than his predecessors had
ever attained, and would in the end prove a much more telling blow
against France, than a direct invasion. The question of gaining
possessions across the sea is of secondary importance: the first thing
is to obtain control of a country which belongs to the same island.
Thus Cromwell succeeded in clearly enunciating the main principles of
the policy by which he was so soon to guide the affairs of England,
while he so flattered King, nobles, and people, that he made many
friends, and avoided the enmity of those opposed to him. The man who
could make such a speech as this, would not be likely to escape the
notice of such an astute man as Henry VIII. It was probably within the
walls of this Parliament, that Cromwell laid the first stone of his
future greatness as servant and counsellor of the King.