A.D. 1786-88.
Gholam Kadir Pillars of the State Siege of Raghogarh
British policy Measures of Sindhia Rajput Confederacy
Battle of Lalsaut Muhammad Beg's death Defection of Ismail
Beg Greatness of Sindhia Gholam Kadir enters Dehli Is
checked by Begam Sumroo and Najaf Kuli Khan Gholam Kadir
pardoned; joins Ismail Beg Battle of Chaksana Rajput Embassy
Emperor takes the field Shahzada writes to George III.
Najaf Kuli rebels Death of Shahzada Emperor's return Battle
of Firozabad Confederates at Dehli Their difficulties
Sindhia inactive Benoit de Boigne.
1786. The eldest son of the deceased chief of the Bawani Mahal
was that Gholam Kadir, whom we have seen already in the character
of a captive and a page. It does not appear under what
circumstances he had recovered his liberty; but, on the death of
Zabita Khan, he at once succeeded to his estates, under the title
of "Najib-ud-daulah Hoshyar Jang." As in the lower empire of
Byzantium, so in the present case, in proportion as the State
crumbled, the titles of its unserviceable supporters became more
sonorous, until at last there was not a pillar of the ruinous
fabric, however weak and however disengaged from the rest of the
body, but bore some inscription equally "imposing" in both senses
of the word. Daulah or Daulat means "The State," and the Musalman
nobles were called Arkan-i-Daulat "Columns of the
Commonwealth." Of these one was its Sword, another its Asaph (the
"Recorder" of David and Solomon), a third its Hero, and a fourth
its Shield. The young "Najib" Gholam Kadir Khan, was now the most
prominent representative of the Hindustani Afghans. Among the
Moghuls the leading spirit was Mohamad Beg of Hamadan, for whom
the Patel provided employment by sending him with an army into
Malwa, where he was for some time occupied by the siege of
Raghogarh. This was a very strong fort, held by a colony of
Kachwaha Rajputs since the times of Najaf Khan, and commanding
one of the main roads between Hindustan and the Mahratta country.
It had resisted the Mahrattas when they first invaded Malwa, and
it was destined to resist Sindhia's successors almost down to our
own times. It is now a peaceful market town, and the traces of
its former strength are all that it retains of a military
character.
Sindhia's progress in the Doab was more rapid, nor was it long
before Musalman jealousy began to be aroused. The Patel opened
negotiations with Mirza Jawan Bakht, having the object of
inducing. that prince to return to the capital; but from this he
was strongly dissuaded by the Viceroy Vazir, acting under the
advice of Major Palmer, the British Resident at Lucknow. That
gentleman considered the interests of the Company and of the
Vazir as deeply bound up in the fate of the prince. Whilst he
remained under their joint protection, the Mahratta usurpation
must be incomplete; should he fall into the power of the Patel, a
permanent Mahratta occupation would be established, which would
be a serious danger indeed.
1787. Under these circumstances the acting Governor-General
Macpherson, who, as already noted, had succeeded Mr. Hastings
when the latter left India, resolved on retaining a British
Brigade in the Doab; and Lord Cornwallis, on taking office the
following year, confirmed the measure. That a change began to
come over the policy of the British in India about this time is
well known, however the English might strive to hide it from
others or even from themselves: see, for instance, the
following passage from the Calcutta Gazette for March 8th, 1787:-
"Though the Mussulmans dwindle into insignificance, we have
nothing to apprehend from the Hindus. Many have urged the
necessity of upholding the influence of Moghuls to counterbalance
the power of Hindus; but this should seem bad policy, as we would
causelessly become obnoxious, and involve ourselves in the
interests of a declining State, who are at the same time our
secret enemy and rivals."
The new Governor, likewise, further alarmed Sindhia by sending a
minister to reside at the Peshwa's Court at Punah, and the Patel
anxiously set himself to work to consolidate his power in
Hindustan, so as to be ready for the storm, from whatever quarter
it might break. Impressed with the success which had attended his
predecessor, Mirza Najaf, Sindhia's first care was to organize a
body of regular troops a measure repugnant to the old politics
of the Mahrattas, but none the less approving itself to his
judgment on that account.
The nucleus of this force was the corps raised and organized, in
1785, by Benoit de Boigne, an officer whose history, as it forms
an excellent illustration of the condition of Hindustan in the
latter part of the last century, will be given briefly in a note
at the end of this chapter. The General in command of Sindhia's
forces was a Mahratta, named Appa Khandi Rao, of whom we shall
hereafter have occasion to make further mention.
In civil matters, the first step taken by the Patel was the
sequestration of a number of the Jaigirs of the Musalman nobles
a cause of discontent to the sufferers, and of alarm to the
remainder; but even this step had a military character, for the
Jaigirs were fiefs bestowed for military service, and their
reduction formed part of the system under which he was
endeavouring to organize a standing army. With this view he at
the same time recalled Mohamad Beg from the siege of Raghogarh
and attempted, vainly, to induce that Chief to disband his
levies.
Amongst other unpopular measures must also be enumerated the
removal of Raja Narayan Dass, who had for some time been in
charge of the Home Revenues, and who was replaced by Shah
Nizam-ud-din, a creature of Sindhia's. At the same time the
Gosain leader, Himmat Bahadur, went into open rebellion in
Bundelkand, on being called upon to give an account of the
management of his Jaigir, a measure which he construed as
portending resumption.
Nor was it an easy matter, at this particular juncture, to set
about military reforms, for the Rajputs, emboldened perhaps by
the resistance of Raghogarh, now began to organize a combination,
which not only implied a considerable loss of power and of
revenue, but likewise threatened to cut off the Patel's
communications with Punah. Raja Partab Singh (head of the
Kachwahas, and Dhiraj of Jaipur), called for the aid of the head
of the Rathor clan, Maharaja Bijai Singh of Jodhpur, who had
married his daughter, and who adopted his cause with alacrity.
Joined by the Rana of Udaipur, and by other minor chiefs, the
Rajput leaders found themselves at the head of a force of 100,000
horse and foot, and 400 pieces of artillery, and with this array
they took post at Lalsot, a town forty-three miles east from
Jaipur, and there awaited the attack of the Imperial forces, with
the more confidence that they were aware of the growing
disaffection of the Moghul nobles.
Here they were encountered at the end of May, 1787, by an
enormous force under Sindhia in person, with Ambaji Inglia, Appa
Khandi, M. de Boigne, and other trusty lieutenants. The Moghul
horse and the regular infantry in the Imperial service were under
the general direction of Mohamad Beg and his nephew. The latter,
a young man who will play a conspicuous part in the succeeding
pages, was named Ismail Beg, and was the son of Nahim Beg, who
had accompanied his brother Mohamad from Hamadan, the two
attaching themselves to their Persian countryman, Mirza Najaf,
during that minister's later prosperity. Ismail Beg had married
his uncle's daughter, and was a person of great spirit, though
not, as it would seem, of much judgment or principle.
The battle, as described by Native history, began by a
reconnaisance of Ismail Beg at the head of 300 Moghul horse. A
large body of Rajput horse made way before him, but the Mahrattas
not following up, and nearly half his men being slain, he was
forced to retreat to his uncle's division. This terminated the
fighting for that day, but the next morning Ismail renewed the
fight, leading on his artillery on foot, and followed by his
uncle on an elephant with the rest of the corps. They were
throughout the day engaged with the bulk of the Rajput army, but
a heavy storm arose from the westward, as evening came on. The
Mahrattas, having been in the meantime severely handled by a body
of Rajput swordsmen mad with opium, the battle degenerated into a
cannonade, at long ranges and at fitful intervals. Suddenly a
chance round-shot dropped into the Moghul ranks, which, after
overthrowing two horsemen, made a bound and struck Mohamad Beg on
the right arm. He fell from his elephant, and, coming in contact
with a small stack of branches of trees that had been piled at
hand for the elephants' fodder, received a splinter in his temple
which proved instantly mortal. Ismail, hearing of this event,
exclaimed, "I am now the leader!" and immediately addressed the
troops, and concluded the action for that day with a brisk
cannonade. The next day (the 1st of June, and the third of this
protracted engagement) both sides continued to fight till towards
evening, when a body of some 14,000 infantry surrounded Sindhia's
tents and clamorously demanded an issue of pay very probably in
arrear and sent a message at the same time to the Jaipur Raja,
offering to join him on receipt of two lakes of rupees. The Raja
readily accepting these terms, the battalions joined his camp and
received their money on the spot.
Meanwhile, such was the distress in the Moghul-Mahratta camp,
isolated, at it was, in an enemy's country, that wheat was
selling at four seers the Rupee, and there was every prospect of
the scarcity increasing; while the countless camp-followers of
the Rajputs were engaged in nightly depredations, stealing the
elephants and horses from the midst of the sentries. Under these
circumstances, the Patel broke up his quarters the next evening,
and fell back upon Alwar, whence Ismail Beg marched off without
leave towards Agra, taking with him 1,000 horse, four battalions,
and six guns. Sindhia, justly regarding this as an open act of
defection, instantly made terms with Ranjit Singh, the leader of
the Jats, and pushed on all his forces to the pursuit, at the
same time throwing a strong reinforcement into the fort of Agra,
the garrison of which was placed under the command of Lakwa Dada,
one of his best officers.
The following version of the affair appears in the Calcutta
Gazette:
"Reports are various respecting the particulars of an engagement
between Scindia and the Rajahs of Joynaghur and Jeypore; it is
certain a very bloody battle was fought near Joynaghur about the
end of last month, in which, though the enemy were repulsed in
their attack on his advanced body by Scindia's troops, with much
gallantry, they were ultimately in a great measure victorious, as
Scindia lost a part of his artillery during the engagement, which
was long and obstinate, and in which upwards of 2,000 men were
killed on either side. Both armies, however, still kept the
field. Among the chiefs of note who fell on the part of Scindia,
is Ajeet Roy. On that of the Joynaghur Rajah, is Mohamed Beg
Humdanee, a very celebrated commander, much regretted by that
party, and, but for whose loss, it is said that the Mahrattas
would have been totally defeated. Several of Scindia's
battalions, with a considerable corps of artillery, went over to
the enemy on the 1st instant, but the intelligence we have yet
received does not enable us to account for this revolt."
Francklin says, in general terms, that Mohamad Beg went over at
the commencement of the action, and that it was Partab Singh who
conferred the command of the Moghuls upon Ismail Beg. But Partab
Singh would have no voice in such a matter, and Francklin
inconsistently adds that the trained battalions of the late
Afrasyab's force went over later in the day. Where no authorities
are given, it is inevitable that we should judge for ourselves.
And, after all, the point is not of much importance. It is,
however, pretty clear that the Moghul nobles were grievously
discontented; that their discontents were known to the Rajputs
before they provoked a collision; and that the latter were joined
by them as soon as a likelihood appeared of Sindhia's being
defeated.
General de Boigne used to relate that this was the hour of
Sindhia's moral greatness. He made vast efforts to conciliate the
Jats, appealing to the Thakur's rustic vanity by costly presents,
while he propitiated the feeling of the Bhartpur army, and the
patriotism of the country at large, by restoring to the Jats the
fortress of Dig, which had been held for the Emperor ever since
its conquest by Najaf Khan. He likewise placed his siege-train in
the charge of his new allies, who stored it in their chief fort
of Bhartpur. At the same time he wrote letters to Poona,
earnestly urging a general combination for the good cause.
Ismail Beg, on his part was not idle. His first effort was to
procure the co-operation of the Rajputs, and had they not been
too proud or too indolent to combine actively with him, it is
possible that Mahratta influence might have been again
overthrown, and the comparatively glorious days of Mirza Najaf
Khan renewed in the Empire of Hindostan. A fresh associate, too,
in these designs are now to appear upon the scene, which, for a
brief but terrible period, he was soon after to fill. This was
Gholam Kadir, who hastened from Ghausgarh to join in the
resuscitation of Mohamadan interests, and to share in the gains.
The Emperor, moreover, was known to be in private correspondence
with the Rajput chiefs, who shortly after this inflicted another
defeat on the Mahrattas under Ambaji.
Unable to resist this combination, Sindhia fell back upon
Gwalior, and Ismail Beg hotly pressed the siege of Agra.
Towards the end of the rainy season of 1787, Gholam Kadir
approached Dehli, and encamped on the Shahdara side of the river,
his object at this time being, in all probability, a renewal of
his father's claims, and attempts to obtain the dignity of
Amir-ul-Umra or Premier Noble. He is always understood to have
been acting under the direction of Manzur Ali Khan, Controller of
the Imperial Household, who thought to secure a valuable support
for the cause of Islam by introducing the young Pathan chief into
the administration. The Mahratta garrison was commanded by a
son-in-law of the Patel, known in Musalman History as the Desmukh
which is interpreted "Collector of Land Revenue," and by a
member of the Imperial Household, on whom, from some unexplained
reason, had been bestowed the title of the great Aulia Saint Shah
Nizam-ud-din, and who had lately been placed in charge of the
Home Revenues, as stated above (p. 152.) These officers
immediately opened fire from the guns on the riverside of the
fort, and the young Rohilla replied from the opposite bank. At
the same time, however, he did not fail to employ the usual
Eastern application of war's sinews; and the Moghul soldiers of
the small force being corrupted, the Mahrattas made but a feeble
resistance. Gholam Kadir crossed the river, and the Imperial
officers fled to the Jat Fort of Balamgarh, leaving their camp
and private effects to the mercy of the victor.
It need hardly be observed that the firing on the palace was an
act of gross disrespect, and, unless explained, of rebellion. Nor
was the young chief blind to the importance of basing his
proceedings on an appearance of regularity. He accordingly
entered into a correspondence with the above mentioned Manzur Ali
(a nominee, it may be remembered, of the late Mirza Najaf Khan).
By the agency of this official, Gholam Kadir was introduced to
the Diwan Khas, where he presented a Nazar of five gold mohurs,
and was graciously received. He excused his apparent violence by
attributing it to zeal for the service of his Majesty, formally
applied for the patent of Amir-ul-Umra, and with professions of
implicit obedience withdrew to cultivate the acquaintance of the
courtiers, retiring at night to his own camp. Matters remained in
this condition for two or three days, when Gholam Kadir,
impatient perhaps at the non-occurrence of any circumstance which
might advance his designs, re-entered the Palace with seventy or
eighty troopers, and took up his abode in the quarters usually
occupied by the Amir-ul-Umra.
Meanwhile, Begam Sumroo, who was with her forces operating
against a fresh rising of the Cis-Satlaj Sikhs, hastened from
Panipat and presented herself in the palace. Awed by this loyal
lady and her European officers, and finding the Moghul courtiers
unwilling to enter into any combination against them, the baffled
Rohilla retired across the river, and remained for some time
quiet in his camp. Francklin, indeed, states that the cannonade
was renewed immediately on Gholam Kadir's return to his camp; but
it is more probable that, as stated above, this renewal did not
occur until the arrival of Najaf Kuli Khan. The Emperor showed on
this occasion some sparks of the temper of old time, before
misfortune and sensual indulgence had demoralized his nature. He
sent Moghul chiefs to keep an eye on the Pathan, while he
increased his household troops by a levy of 6,000 horse, for the
pay of whom he melted a quantity of his personal plate. He also
despatched messengers to the converted Rathor, Najaf Kuli Khan,
who was on his estate at Rewari, urging his immediate attendance
in Dehli.
Rewari is in what is now the district of Gurgaon, and lies about
fifty miles S.W. of Dehli. It is a country of mixed mountain and
valley; the former being a table-land of primitive rocks, the
latter the sandy meadow land on the right bank of the river
Jamna. Here, in a district wrested by his former patron from the
Jats, Najaf Kuli had been employed in endeavours to subjugate the
indigenous population of Mewatis, a race professing Islam like
himself, but mixing it with many degrading superstitions, and
resembling their neighbours the Minas of Rajputana and the
Bhattis of Hariana in habits of vagrancy and lawlessness, which
above half a century of British administration has even now
failed to eradicate.
Najaf Kuli Khan obeyed the Imperial summons, and reached Dehli,
where he encamped close to the Begam Sumroo, in front of the main
gate of the Palace, on the 17th November, 1787. The general
command of the Imperial troops was conferred upon the Emperor's
second son, Mirza Akbar, who, since the flight of his elder
brother, had been considered as heir apparent, and who now
received a khillat of seven pieces. The son of a Hindu official,
named Ram Rattan, was appointed the Prince's deputy (although he
was by descent nothing but a modi or "chandler"); and a cannonade
was opened on the camp of Gholam Kadir, who replied by sending
round shot into the palace itself, some of which fell on the
Diwan Khas.
Sindhia's conduct at this juncture has never been explained. He
was himself at Gwalior, and his army under Lakwa Dada, shut up in
the fort of Agra, was defending itself as well as it might
against the forces under Ismail Beg. At the same time the author
of the Tarikh-i-Mazafari assures us that Ambaji Inglia one of
Sindhia's most trusty lieutenants, arrived in Dehli with a small
force, and that his arrival was the signal for a reconciliation
between the Emperor's principal adherents and Gholam Kadir, who
was then introduced to the presence, and invested with the
dignity of Premier Noble (Shah Alam himself binding upon his head
the jewelled fillet called Dastar-u-Goshwara). It is probable
that a compromise was effected, in which Gholam Kadir, by
receiving the desired office at the hands of the Mahratta
minister, was supposed to have acknowledged the supremacy of the
latter. The whole story is perplexing. When cannonaded, the
Pathan chief suddenly appears within the palace; when Sindhia's
troops arrive, he receives the investiture that he was seeking in
opposition to Sindhia; and at the moment of success he marches
off to Aligarh. This latter movement is, however, accounted for
by Francklin, who attributes it to the news of Prince Jawan Bakht
being at hand with the forces of Himmat Bahadur, who had joined
the cause of Ismail Beg. At all events, if Gholam Kadir owed this
sudden improvement in his position to the good offices of the man
whose garrison he had so lately chased from Dehli, he did not
evince his gratitude in a form that could have been expected; for
he lost no time in marching against Sindhia's late conquest of
Aligarh, which fort almost immediately fell into his hands. He
then proceeded to join his forces to those of Ismail Beg, before
Agra; and remained for some months assisting at the siege of that
fort; these operations being subject to constant annoyance from
the Jats, and from the troops of Sindhia, who finally crossed the
Chambal at the end of the cold season of 1787, having received
large reinforcements from the Deccan. Ismail Beg and Gholam Kadir
immediately raised the siege of Agra, turned upon the advancing
army, and an obstinate battle took place at Chaksana, eleven
miles from Bhartpur, on the 24th April. The particulars of this
action are not given by the native historian, whom I here follow,
but they are detailed by Grant Duff, who probably had them from
General de Boigne, who was present at the action, and with whom
that writer had frequent conversations at Chamberi after the
General's retirement to his native country. The Mahratta army was
commanded by Rana Khan, a man who, having in the capacity of a
water-carrier been the means of assisting Sindhia to escape from
the carnage of Panipat in 1761, had been much protected by him;
and being otherwise a man of merit, was now become one of the
chief officers of the army. Besides M. de Boigne there was
another French officer present, whose name is given by Duff as
Listeneaux, perhaps a mistake for some such word as Lestonneaux.
John Hessing was also in this campaign, as may be gathered from
the epitaph on his tomb, which is close to that of Sumroo at
Agra. (See Appendix.) The Musalman leaders fought well, Gholam
Kadir threw himself upon the infantry of the right wing, and
broke them. Ismail Beg with all the impetuosity of his character
vigorously attacked the battalions of M. de Boigne, but was
received with sang froid and resolution. The Mahratta horse
supported the infantry fairly, but were overmatched for such
severe duty by the weight of the Moghul cavalry and their
superior discipline. It is probable, however, that the infantry,
formed and led by Europeans, would have been more than a match
for all their attempts, had not three of the battalions deserted
and joined the enemy, while the Jat cavalry failed to sustain the
efforts of the remaining sepoys. The army of Rana Khan, under
these circumstances, withdrew under cover of night to Bhartpur;
and Ismail Beg renewed the siege of Agra, while Gholam Kadir
moved northward in order to protect his own possessions from an
incursion of the Sikhs, with which he was then just threatened.
While these transactions were going on to the south and
south-east of the capital, the Emperor had been occupied by a
campaign which he conducted personally in the west, and which
might have given Sindhia much anxiety had it been directed by a
more efficient leader. As events turned, this expedition is
chiefly remarkable as being the last faint image of the once
splendid operations of the great military monarchy of Akbar and
of Aurangzeb.
At the end of 1787, and probably in consequence of Ismail Beg's
attempts to secure the co-operation of the Rajputs, an embassy
from Jodhpur had presented itself at the Court of Shah Alam,
bearing a handsome nazar (gift of homage or respect) and a golden
key. The envoy explained that he was instructed by his master
Bijai Singh, the Rathor leader, to present this, the key of the
Fort of Ajmir, in token of his wish that an Imperial army under
his Majesty in person might march thither and take possession of
that country; adding that Partab Sing, the Kachwaha Dhiraj of
Jaipur joined in the application.
It seems plain that principle and prudence should have combined
to deter the Emperor from consenting to this invitation, whereby
he took an active step of hostility towards Sindhia, his
minister, and at this time perhaps his most powerful and best
disposed supporter. But the dream of a Musalman restoration, even
with Hindu aid, will always have a fascination for the sons of
Islam; and the weak Shah Alam adopted the proposal with an
alacrity such as he had not shown for many years. On the 5th of
January, 1788, he marched from Dehli, accompanied by several of
the princes and princesses of his family. From the fact of Mirza
Akbar continuing to be regarded as heir apparent, and from some
other considerations, it may be gathered that the last attempt of
Jawan Bakht in the Emperor's favour, and its eventual defeat,
must have already taken place; for such is the confused manner in
which these events are related by my authorities some leaving
out one part, and some another, while the dates shine few and
far, like stars in a stormy night that the relative position of
events is sometimes left entirely open to conjecture. But it is
certain that the excellent prince whom we have heretofore
encountered more than once, did about this time make his
appearance at the capital, with a small contingent supplied him
by the Viceroy of Audh, adding to his force such irregular troops
as he was able to raise upon the way; and that on this occasion
it was that he addressed to George III. of Britain the touching
yet manly appeal from which I make the following extract:
"Notwithstanding the wholesome advice given from the throne to
Sindhia, to conciliate the attachment of the ancient nobility,
and to extend protection to the distressed peasantry, that
ungrateful chief, regardless of the royal will, has established
himself in continued and unvaried opposition; until he, having by
his oppressions exasperated the Rajas and Princes of the Empire,
particularly the most illustrious prince of Jainagar, Raja Partab
Singh, as likewise the ruler of Jodhpur, both of whom are allied
by blood to our family, these chiefs united to chastise the
oppressor, gave him battle, and defeated him; but the
machinations of the rebellious increased. On one side, Gholam
Kadir Khan (son of the detested Afghan Zabita Khan) has raised
the standard of rebellion. His example having encouraged others,
the disturbance became so formidable as to penetrate even to the
threshold of the Imperial palace; so that our august parent was
compelled to make use of the most strenuous exertions."
This statement of the condition of the Empire is interesting, as
being given by a contemporary writer in all respects the best
able to judge. He concludes by an urgent appeal to the British
monarch for assistance "to restore the royal authority, punish
the rebellious and re-establish the house of Timur, and, by this
kind interposition, to give repose to the people of God, and
render his name renowned among the princes of the earth."
Among the pressing disturbances noted by the prince was
undoubtedly the defection of Najaf Kuli Khan, whom we have lately
seen combined with the Begam in the protection of the Emperor
against the insults of Gholam Kadir, but who had since gone into
open rebellion, upon an attempt made by the faction in temporary
power to supplant him in his government by one Murad Beg. This
Moghul officer having been put in charge of some part of the
convert's territorial holding, the latter not unnaturally
regarded the act as a menace to his whole power, waylaid the
Moghul on his way to his new post, and put him in confinement at
Rewari.
But the men who had given the advice which led to this misfortune
did not stop there, but proceeded to strike at the prince
himself, whom they accused to the Emperor of designs upon the
throne. He obtained however the titular office of Governor of
Agra, and seriously attempted, with the aid of Ismail Beg, to
obtain possession of the fort and province. Foiled in this, and
escaping narrowly an attempt upon his person by Gholam Kadir, he
ultimately retired to the protection of the British at Benares,
where he died a mortified and heartbroken man on the 31st May, in
the eventful year 1788. It is not quite clear, from the records
of these transactions, why the prince, experienced statesman as
he was, attempted to ally himself to those Musalman malcontents
rather than to the Mahratta Chief, whose ability and resources
must have been well known to him. It must, however, be admitted
that Sindhia was just then showing an inaction which was
calculated to arouse Jawan Bakht's suspicions, and we can trace,
in the letter quoted a short time back, signs of hostility in his
mind against that wily politician. Idle as the speculation may
now appear, it is difficult to refrain from a passing thought on
the manner in which his choice of associates affected the fate
not merely of his royal Father, but of Hindustan and the British
power there. United with Sindhia he would in all probability have
drawn off Gholam Kadir and changed the whole fortunes of the
country. Dis aliter visum.
The prince, who was known to the English as Jahandar Shah, is
described as "an accomplished gentleman, irreproachable in his
private character, constant, humane, and benevolent" (Francklin,
p. 162). He was about forty at the time of his death which was
caused by a fit, and is narrated in detail at p. 256 of the
selections from the Calcutta Gazettes, in a manner somewhat more
minute than that of Francklin, whose account (taken as usual from
Raza Khan) appears inaccurate as well as incomplete.
Unattended therefore by this, his best and nearest friend, the
poor old Emperor began his march to the westward. On the way it
appeared well to take the opportunity of reducing Najaf Kuli,
who, confident in his stronghold of Gokalgarh, would make no
submission unless he were appointed premier. As we know that the
Controller Manzur Ali, who was at present all-powerful, was in
favour of the claims of Gholam Kadir, we may suppose that these
terms were rejected with scorn, and the trenches were accordingly
opened and the fort invested. The Emperor's army on this occasion
consisted, according to Francklin, of some battalions of
half-drilled infantry (called Najibs), the body guard, called the
"Red Battalion," a very considerable body of Moghul horse, and
three disciplined regiments which had been raised and drilled by
the deceased Sumroo, and now with a detail of artillery and about
two hundred European gunners, served under the well-known Begam;
with these forces Shah Alam sate down before Gokalgarh. On the
5th April, 1788, the besieged made a vigorous sally, and charged
close up to the tents of the Emperor. Such was the unprepared
state of the royal camp, that the whole family were in imminent
danger of being killed or captured; the imperial army was already
in commotion, when, at this moment, three battalions of the
Begam's Sepoys and a field piece dashed up, under the command of
her chief officer Mr. Thomas. The infantry deployed with the gun
in the centre, and threw in a brisk fire of musketry and grape,
which checked the sortie, and gave the Imperialists time to form.
The Moghul horse lost their leader: on the other side the Chela
(adopted son) of the chief was shot dead; Himmat Bahadur, at the
head of his Gosains (a kind of fighting friars who were then
beginning to be found useful as mercenaries), delivered a frantic
charge, in which they lost 200 men; and Najaf Kuli was finally
driven in with the loss of his field-guns. He soon after opened
negotiations through the inevitable Manzur Ali; and, the Begam
Sumroo joining in his favour, he was admitted to the presence and
fully pardoned. In the same Darbar, the Begam was publicly
thanked for her services, and proclaimed the Emperor's daughter,
under the title of Zeb-un-Nissa "Ornament of her sex."
The expedition, however, exhausted itself in this small triumph.
Whether from mistrust of the Rajputs, or from fear of Sindhia,
who was just then hovering about Bhartpur, the Emperor was
induced to turn back on the 15th April, and reached the capital
by a forced march of twenty-four hours, accompanied by Himmat
Bahadur. The Begam retired to Sirdhana, and Gholam Kadir and
Ismail Beg parted, as we have already seen, after the indecisive
action of Chaksana, a few days later. Though disappointed in
their hopes of aid from Dehli, the Rajput chiefs fought on, and
the tide of Sindhia's fortunes seemed to ebb apace. After the
last-named fight he had fallen back upon Alwar, but only, to be
encountered by Partab Singh, the Kachwaha prince, of Jaipur, who
drove him back once more upon Agra. Here Ismail Beg met him again
and chased him across the Chambal. Meanwhile Ambaji Inglia was
prevented from rendering aid to his master by the persistence of
the Rathors of Jodhpur, who put him to flight after an obstinate
engagement. Thus cut off, Sindhia remained under the friendly
protection of the Chambal until the month of June, when Rana Khan
joined him with a fresh body of troops that he had received from
the Deccan. Thus reinforced Sindhia once more marched to the
relief of his gallant follower Lakwa Dada, who still held out in
the Fort of Agra. The attack was made on this occasion from the
eastward, near the famous ruins of Fatihpur-Sikri, and was met by
Ismail Beg with one of his furious cavalry charges. De Boigne's
infantry and artillery however repulsed him, before Gholam Kadir,
who was returning to the Moghul's aid, had been able to cross his
forces over the Jamna, or effect a junction. Ismail Beg, who was
severely wounded, did not hesitate to plunge his horse into the
stream, swollen and widened as it was by the melting of the
Himalayan snows. The Mahrattas, satisfied with having raised the
siege, did not pursue him, and the two Mohammadan chiefs once
more united their forces at Firozabad. Francklin (who very seldom
gives a date) says that this final battle took place on the 22nd
August. He also states that Gholam Kadir had already joined
Ismail Beg, but drew off on the approach of the Mahratta army.
The former statement is easily seen to be erroneous, as both the
noblemen in question were in a very different scene in August of
that year. The latter is possible, but the weight of authorities,
Mahratta and Musalman, is in favour of the account given above.
Francklin carelessly adds: "Agra surrendered," the fact being
that the gallant governor Lakwa Dada was a brother officer of
Rana Khan's, and his relief had been the object of the battle.
About this time de Boigne retired from Sindhia's employ and went
to Lucknow, where he entered into a business partnership with the
famous Claude Martine, or Martin. Whether this step was caused by
weariness, by doubts of ultimate success, or by hopes of more
material advantage, is not known. But the immediate consequence
that followed was, that the Patel went into cantonments at
Mathra, and remained there watching events throughout the whole
of that eventful autumn.
There is reason to believe that Gholam Kadir whether from
avarice, from ambition, from a desire to avenge some personal
injury, or from a combination of any two or of the whole of these
motives had by this time formed a project, vague perhaps at
first, of repeating the career of crime with which Ghazi-ud-din
had startled Asia nearly thirty years before. Meantime he spoke
Ismail fair, seeing in him a chief, worsted indeed for the
moment, but a rallying-point for the Moghuls, on account as much
of his proved valour as his high birth; one who would be alike
useful as a friend, and dangerous as a foe. He accordingly
explained, as best he could, his late defection, and persuaded
the simple soldier to lose no time in collecting his scattered
forces for an attack upon the capital. No sooner had the Beg left
for this purpose, than Gholam Kadir also departed, and proceeding
to Dehli renewed his hypocritical professions of loyalty through
the instrumentality of Manzur Ali Khan.
He asserted that Ismail Beg, who had arrived before him, and who
now joined forces with him, was like himself actuated by the sole
desire to save the Empire from the usurpations of the Mahratta
chief; and, as far as the Beg was concerned, these professions
were possibly not without foundation. At present the conduct of
both leaders was perfectly respectful. In the meantime a small
force was sent to Dehli by Sindhia and entered the palace, upon
which the confederates, whose strength was not yet fully
recruited, retired to their former encamping ground at Shahdara
the scene, it may be remembered, of Surajmal's fall in the days
of Najib-ud-daulah. In this situation the confederates began to
be straitened for provisions, for it was now the month of July,
and the stock of winter crops, exhausted as were the
agriculturists by years of suffering and uncertainty, was running
low, whilst the lawless character of the young Pathan and his
Rohillas was not such as to encourage the presence of many
grain-dealers in their camp. Desertions began to take place, and
Gholam Kadir prepared for the worst by sending off his heavy
baggage to Ghausgarh. He and his companions renewed to the
Emperor their messages of encouragement in the project of
throwing off the yoke of Sindhia; but the Emperor, situated as he
was, naturally returned for answer, "That his inclinations did
not lie that way." Shah Alam was sustained in this firm line of
conduct by the presence of the Mahratta troops under Himmat
Bahadur, and by the ostensible support of Gul Mohammad, Badal Beg
Khan, Sulaiman Beg, and other Moghul courtiers whom he believed
to be faithful; and it seemed for the moment as if the
confederates' cause was lost.
Thus pressed, these desperate men at length dropped all disguise
and opened fire on the palace with all their heavy guns. The
Emperor on this invited the aid of his Mahratta minister, who was
now at Mathra, only a week's hard marching from the capital. It
was Madhoji Sindhia's undoubted duty to have hastened to the
relief of him whom he professed to serve; but it must be admitted
that the instances he had already witnessed of Shah Alam's want
of resolution and of good faith may have furnished the minister
with some excuse for wishing to read him a severe lesson. He had
also had sufficient taste of the fighting powers of the Musalmans
to lead him to avoid a general engagement as long as possible,
since every day would increase the probability of their
quarrelling if left to themselves, while external attacks would
only drive them to cohere.
Sindhia accordingly pursued a middle path. He sent to the Begam
Sumroo, and urged her to hasten to the Emperor's assistance; but
the prudent lady was not willing to undertake a task from which,
with his vastly superior resources, she saw him shrink. He
likewise sent a confidential Brahmin, who arrived on 10th July,
and five days after, appeared a force of 2,000 horse under
Rayaji, a relation of Sindhia's. The Ballamgarh Jats likewise
contributed a small contingent.
NOTE. The following account of de Boigne's early career is from
Captain Duff, who knew him at Chamberi, about the year 1825:
After describing his adventures as a youthful soldier of fortune,
first as an ensign in the French army, and then in the Russian
service in the Levant, whence he reached Cairo, and finally got
to India by what is now called the Overland Route, the writer
proceeds to state that M. de Boigne was appointed an ensign in
the 6th Native Battalion under the Presidency of Madras, from
whence he, not long after, proceeded to Calcutta, bearing letters
of recommendation to Mr. Hastings, the Governor-General. He was
then permitted to join Major Browne's Embassy to Dehli (in 1784,
vide sup.), when he took the opportunity of visiting Sindhia's
camp, on the invitation of Mr. Anderson, the British resident.
Gohad being at this time besieged by Sindhia (who had treated de
Boigne very scurvily), the latter communicated a plan for its
relief to a Mr. Sangster, who commanded 1,000 sepoys and a train
of artillery in the service of the Gohad Rana. The scheme broke
down, because the Rana could not or would not advance the
required sum of money.
De Boigne next made overtures to the Raja of Jaipur, and was
commissioned by him to raise two battalions; but Mr. Hastings
having meanwhile recalled him to Calcutta, the Raja was induced
to alter his intentions. De Boigne finally entered the service of
his original enemy, Madhoji Sindhia, on an allowance of Rs. 1,000
a month for himself, and eight all round for each of his men. To
the privates he gave five and a half, and paid the officers
proportionately from the balance. M. de Boigne gradually got
European officers of all nations into his corps. Mr. Sangster,
from the service of the Rana of Gohad, joined him, and became
superintendent of his cannon foundry.
Some account of the further proceedings of General de Boigne will
appear in the succeeding pages: and some notes regarding the
close of his life will be found in the Appendix. Though moving in
an obscure scene he was one of the great personages of the
World's Drama; and much of the small amount of the civil and
military organization upon which the British administration in
Hindustan was ultimately founded is due to his industry, skill,
and valour.