MINOR PROPHETS
The Minor Prophets--so called not in depreciation, but because their
books are smaller than those of Isaiah, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel--form in
the Jewish Bible one book, in which are brought together oracles in
the name of various prophets from the eighth century B.C. (Amos,
Hosea) to the fifth (Haggai, Zechariah), and one anonymous book
(Malachi). As in the collections which bear in their titles the names
of Isaiah and Jeremiah, so in the collection of the Twelve, prophecies
have been attributed, by error or conjecture or accident, to prophets
to whom they do not belong, and additions and alterations have been
made by compilers or editors. The extent of this alien matter differs
in different books; Hosea, for example, seems to contain little of it,
while in Micah it is considerable.
HOSEA.--In our Bibles, in which the Minor Prophets stand and are
counted individually, the first is Hosea. This position, which it has
also in the Hebrew Bible, may have been given the book, partly on
account of its age, partly on account of its length; but it might also
claim it by reason of its worth, for Hosea is one of the greatest of
the prophets, not in Minor company alone, but in the canon. No other
contributed so much, through his own words and through his great
successors, Jeremiah and the Deuteronomists, to deepen and
spiritualize the conception of religion.
Hosea was an Israelite who began to prophesy to his countrymen in the
reign of Jeroboam II., probably about 750 B.C., and after Jeroboam's
death witnessed at least the beginning of that procession of
assassinations and revolutions through which the kingdom hurried to
meet its fate; but it does not appear from his book that he lived to
see the invasion of Tiglath-Pileser and the loss of Gilead and Galilee
in 734 B.C. in which his own predictions of impending doom had so
signal a verification. Their complete fulfilment came in 721, when
Sargon made an end forever of the kingdom of Israel, and deported many
of the people of Samaria to remote quarters of his empire.
The Book of Hosea opens with chapters out of the prophet's experience
with his unfaithful wife, in which he sees a counterpart and symbol of
God's experience with Israel. This discovery of this significance in
the tragedy of his life is what made him a prophet. He saw then that
it was for this he had been led to marry a woman who turned out a
gross adulteress. When he drove her from his house, when later he
bought her out of the servitude into which she had sunk, and by
seclusion and a discipline at once firm and kind tried to win her back
by love to virtue, that, too, was an apologue of God's dealing with
his people (see specially Hos. i. 2-9; iii. 1-5). He is the first,
apparently, to use the metaphor adultery, or fornication, for
religious defection. The oracle, ii. 2-23, translates it into its
historical terms and discloses Hosea's construction of the religious
history of Israel. The root of Israel's apostasy was the belief that
the gods of the soil of Canaan, the baals, gave the corn and the wine
and the oil which in reality its own God, Jehovah, bestowed. Therefore
he will take away all these, which she deems the gift of the baals,
the wages of her prostitution, and will lead the people into the
desert of exile. But he will be with them there to comfort and
encourage, and Israel will return to its first love as in the early
days when it was alone with God in the desert of the exodus. Then the
old relation will be restored, never to be broken, and the gifts in
the new betrothal are uprightness and justice and charity and kindness
of heart and faithfulness and the knowledge of God (Hosea's word for
religion). That will be the golden age! (See Hos. ii. 18-23.)
When the Jew says his _Shema_ or the Christian his Great Commandment,
"Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thine heart and with all
thy soul and with all thy might," it is Hosea's great thought he is
repeating. Hosea interprets God's dealing with his people by his faith
in God's inextinguishable love. Outraged love may smite harder than
offended righteousness, but its blows are remedial, not retributive or
expiatory; its aim not to satisfy justice, but to recover the erring.
The exile, which for Amos is the final vindication of God's
righteousness in the death of the sinful nation, is for Hosea a
chastisement which leads to repentance and restoration. He is
therefore the author of that ideal of a golden age of godliness and
uprightness and happiness, beyond the impending judgment or the
present oppression, which is one of the leading motives of the
so-called messianic prophecy.
The rest of the book (cc. 4-14) consists of a collection of oracles,
without titles, and often without obvious boundaries. They contain an
appalling picture of the sins of the nation as a whole and of all
classes of society; kings and princes, priests and prophets and
people--all are corrupt. The theme of the whole may be read in Hos.
iv. 1 f.: "There is no truth, nor charity, nor knowledge of God
(religion) in the land; naught but swearing and breaking faith and
murder and theft and adultery." Therefore ruin yawns before the
nation. Yet God will not destroy utterly; all the pathos of the divine
love finds words in such passages as xi. 8 ff., "How can I give thee
up, Ephraim?" or xiv. 1 ff., "O Israel, return unto the Lord thy God."
This book of a prophet of the northern kingdom has come down to us
through Judæan hands; the title, with its list of Judæan kings
(exactly the same as in the title of Isaiah), is doubtless due to a
Jewish editor, and we are not surprised to find in the text itself
Jewish touches, such as the words "and David their king" in iii. 5, or
i. 11, but these are not numerous nor important. The text of Hosea is,
however, unusually corrupt. The prophet's style is very difficult, and
scribes did as they commonly do with a difficult text, they made
mechanical mistakes because they did not understand and false
emendations because they thought they understood what they did not.
JOEL.--Joel was probably put between Hosea and Amos because the
editors of the Book of the Twelve thought that he was one of the
earlier prophets, and, chiefly because of its position, this opinion
has been general until recent times. In the book itself there are
neither names nor identifiable historical allusions by which its age
can be determined. The whole situation, however, is that of the
so-called post-exilic times.
The occasion of the prophecy with which the book begins was a
portentous plague of locusts, whose invasion and ravages are described
in Joel 1-2 in highly poetical imagery. Locusts and drought together
have so devastated the land that both men and beasts are perishing,
and--the last touch of the extremity--the obligatory daily offerings
in the temple have been cut off. The prophet calls to fasting and
supplication; perhaps God may be entreated to have mercy on them (ii.
12-17). God had pity on his people; the following oracle (ii. 18-27)
promises relief and everlasting prosperity. The visitation seems to
the prophet an omen of the dread "Day of the Lord." He sees the
nations gather beneath the walls of Jerusalem (in the valley with the
ominous name, Jehoshaphat, "Jehovah judges") for the last onset, to be
annihilated by the intervention of God. Then the golden age will be
ushered in.
The heads of the people are priests and elders; of king and princes
there is no word. The Judah and Jerusalem which the prophet addresses
are the religious community which assembles in the temple; people and
congregation are the same thing. This one observation takes Joel out
of the company of Amos and Hosea and puts him by the side of Malachi.
All the other features of the book confirm this date. Assyrians or
Babylonians, without whom no picture of the Day of the Lord in the
pre-exilic prophets would be complete, are not here; Israel has
disappeared.
The author has read much prophetic literature; reminiscences in
thought and phrase meet us at every turn. The heathen in the Valley of
Jehoshaphat are Ezekiel's hordes of Gog (Ezek. 38 f.); the fountain
that flows from the house of the Lord is a modest counterpart of the
river that sweetens the Dead Sea (Ezek. 47). The thumb-prints of
editorial hands have been thought to betray themselves in several
places, and some students would give a larger range to this
observation. The additions, if such they are, are not far remote in
time from the original book, and reflect the same religious
conceptions.
AMOS.--A dramatic scene in Amos vii. 10-17 describes the appearance of
Amos at Bethel on a high festival, with his presages of swift and
utter ruin for Israel (cf. vii. 1-9). That his hearers greeted the
message with incredulity can well be believed, for under Jeroboam II.
Israel was at the very culmination of its power and prosperity. The
chief priest of Bethel was not minded to let such speech pass in his
diocese; as scornfully as Creon dismisses the prophet Teiresias in the
Antigone, he bids Amos be gone: "O Seer, be off, flee to the land of
Judah; make thy living there, and there do thy prophesying. But
prophesy no more at Bethel, for it is a royal temple and a residence
city." Spurning the contemptuous insinuation, Amos answers: "No
prophet am I, and no member of the prophetic order, but a herdsman am
I and a ripener of sycamore figs. Jehovah took me from following the
flock, and bade me, Go prophesy against my people Israel."
Incidentally we see in how low esteem the professional prophet stood,
that the priest should make a taunt of the name and the prophet
indignantly repel it.
The priest followed up his warning by a report to the king, and we may
safely conclude that Amos prophesied no more at Bethel. Perhaps it was
the rude end of his mission that prompted him to collect his oracles
into a book, the earliest example of such a collection, as a witness
to his own generation and to that which should see the fulfilment.
The title, this part of which may well be original, describes Amos as
a shepherd from Tekoa, in the wilderness of Judah. Beyond the brief
scene at Bethel nothing more is told of him in the book or out of it.
But the book is his monument.
It is one of the easiest of the prophetic books to understand and one
of the best preserved. Chapters 1 and 2 contain a series of brief
oracles, on the same plan, against the neighbours of Israel, the
Syrians of Damascus, the Philistines, Phoenicians, Edomites,
Ammonites, Moabites, Judæans, leading up to a longer indictment of
Israel and denunciation of God's judgment upon it. This is followed by
prophecies against Israel (cc. 3-6), which seem to be formally divided
into three parts by the introductory formula, "Hear this word" (iii.
1; iv. 1; v. 1), but by subject would naturally fall into a larger
number of oracles. Chapter 7 begins with three visions, the delivery
of which at Bethel may have provoked Amaziah's interference (vii.
10-17); c. 8 again opens with a vision, in which the basket of summer
fruit _(kais)_ is to the prophet a symbol of the coming end
_(k[=e]s)_ of Israel; in c. 9 Amos sees the Lord standing beside the
altar and pronouncing the word of destruction and inescapable doom
(ix. 1-8^a), from which an awkward transition (ix. 8^b-10) carries us
to a prediction of the restoration of David's kingdom and the
prosperity of the golden age.
The doom which Amos sees impending over Israel is visited upon it in
retribution for the wrongs which men inflict upon their fellows, the
oppression of the poor by the rich, the small man by the great; the
injustice, often in the forms of law, by which men are deprived of
property and liberty; the luxury, aping foreign modes, which is not
only corrupting in itself, but is the chief motive of injustice and
oppression and fraud. The very prosperity of the nation was its ruin.
With all this, Israel is very religious; it acknowledges the success
in war and the profit of commerce as the gift of the national God and
evidence of his favour, and does not grudge him his share even of
ill-gotten gains. Amos's God has a conscience--that was a new idea
about gods!--and abhors such religion; he hates their festivals,
refuses their sacrifices, spurns their hymns of praise. "But let
justice roll down like floods, and right like an unfailing stream."
That is the only worship he owns.
The standard of right is not one thing in Israel and another among the
heathen: Amos summons the Philistines and the Egyptians to behold
with amazement and horror the doings in Samaria. In the oracles with
which the book opens, he pronounces the judgment of God on the peoples
neighbour to Israel, not solely because they have wronged Israel, as
in so many of the prophecies against the nations, but because they
have violated the principles of humanity. It is the first assertion in
the Old Testament that there is such a thing as an international
morality. Amos is the first in the succession of ethical prophets, the
author, so far as we know, of a new idea of religion. It is deeply
significant that he and Hosea are contemporaries; hardly more than ten
years can lie between Amos's appearance at Bethel and the earliest of
Hosea's prophecies against the house of Jehu. The God of Amos is the
apotheosis of right, the conscience of the world that can neither be
corrupted nor sophisticated; the God of Hosea was born in the heart of
a man whose love the grossest wrong could not quench. Retribution is
the divinity of the one, redemption of the other.
Amos's conception was the first to take hold; the earlier prophecies
of Isaiah against Judah are wholly in that mood. Hosea had to wait a
century before his greater thought found a fruitful soil in Jeremiah
and the Deuteronomists.
The predictions of judgment in Amos are so sweeping and ultimate that
later readers found the message incomplete. Especially the last
oracle (ix. 1 ff.) was an ill-omened close. Consequently, a messianic
pendant was attached to it (ix. 11-15) by a Judæan editor, and an
imperfect juncture made by the introduction of vs. 8^b (which flatly
contradicts the first half verse) and 9^b (no grain shall fall to the
ground) perhaps displacing some words of the original.
It seems that some imitative pieces have been inserted also in c. 1;
the prophecy against Judah in ii. 4 f. with its deuteronomic sins,
falls out of the scheme and is generally recognized as editorial.
Slight retouches elsewhere (e.g. iv. 13; v. 8 f.; ix. 6) need not
detain us. In general the book has suffered little from the improvers,
and the text is in relatively good preservation.
OBADIAH.--The single chapter of Obadiah, the shortest of the Old
Testament books, is a prophecy against the Edomites, toward whom, as
we have repeatedly seen, the Jews cherished an implacable animosity
from the time of the fall of Jerusalem. Obadiah vss. 1-9 has close
parallels in Jer. xlix. 7-22 (cf. Obad. vss. 1-4 with Jer. xlix.
14-16; Obad. vs. 5 f., Jer. xlix. 9 f.; Obad. vs. 8, Jer. xlix. 7).
The question which is the borrower has been differently answered.
Obadiah vss. 15-21, in which Edom gets its judgment in the Day of the
Lord on the nations, is probably later than vss. 1-14, but the whole
is post-exilic.
JONAH.--The Book of Jonah has already been discussed along with the
stories of Esther and Ruth.
MICAH.--The prediction of Micah, the Morashtite, that Zion should be
plowed as a field and Jerusalem be a heap of ruins and the temple hill
become like forest shrines (Mic. iii. 2), is quoted under his name in
Jer. xxvi. 18--the only example of such a prophetic quotation in the
Old Testament. The author, a resident of Moresheth-Gath in the Judæan
Lowland, is said in the title to have prophesied in the days of
Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah, which is the editor's way of saying that
he was a younger contemporary of Isaiah. The reign of Hezekiah is
attested by the tradition in Jeremiah. It is probable that only cc.
1-3 (with perhaps some dubious possibilities in the following
chapters) can be attributed to Micah.
The book opens with an oracle against Samaria (Mic. i. 2-8). Samaria
fell in 721 B.C., while the sequel (vs. 9 ff.) portrays the imminent
peril of Judah, presumably in the time of Sennacherib (701 B.C.). The
case seems to be similar to Isa. xxviii. 1 ff.: the fate of Samaria,
though it is already fact, is represented prophetically for a closer
parallel to the following. Verses 10-16 are little more than a string
of ominous puns on the names of towns in the author's Lowland, which
in translation lose what little point they have. The second chapter
gives the cause of the woe much as in Amos or Isaiah, but perhaps with
local emphasis on the wrongs the capitalists of the great city inflict
on the peasant proprietors. His forebodings and censures are not well
received, men bid him stop his preaching, it is a different sort of
prophet they like (ii. 6-11). "If a man, walking in wind and
falsehood, should lie, 'I will preach to thee of wine and drink,' he
will be the preacher for this people." Micah has more to say, but not
better, about the demagogue prophets in the following oracle (iii.
5-7). The predictions of disaster in ii. 1-11 have their point blunted
in vs. 12 f. in the way the editors of the prophetic books so often do
it.
Chapter 3 returns to condemnation, which turns at last on the heads of
the rulers "who build up Zion with blood and Jerusalem with iniquity,"
and ends with the prediction of the total destruction of the city
which has already been quoted.
Then the unexpected follows, in the prophecy that Jerusalem shall
become the religious centre of the earth, to which all nations flow,
and the law of God the universal arbiter in an age of universal peace
(Mic. iv. 1-5). Verses 1-3 are found also, in no more suitable
context, in Isa. ii. 2-4. They belong to neither Isaiah nor Micah. For
the rest, Mic. 4-5 and cc. 6-7 contain a number of pieces of diverse
age and origin. Chapters iv. 6-v. 1 are as a whole of good omen, yet
after the promise of restoration in iv. 8, Jerusalem is suddenly in
desperate straits; exile awaits its people, and only beyond the exile
(the words "thou shalt come even unto Babylon" may be a gloss, but the
meaning is not essentially changed) redemption waits (iv. 9 f.). In
iv. 11-13, again, many nations gather against Zion, but it crushes
them like sheaves on the threshing floor. There follows (v. 2-9,
10-15) a messianic prophecy, in which an allusion to Isa. vii. 14
appears.
No less strangely assorted are the oracles in Mic. 6-7, of which there
are four: vi. 1-8; vi. 9-16; vii. 1-6; vii. 7-20. The first of these
contains the quintessence of the prophetic conception of religion: God
does not demand holocausts and costly offerings in expiation of sin;
nor the supreme expiation which the prophets and the laws of the
seventh century so often reject and condemn: "Shall I give my
first-born for my transgression, the fruit of my body for the sin of
my soul? He hath showed thee, O man. What is good and what doth God
require of thee, but to do justice and love mercy and walk humbly with
thy God?"
Trenchant condemnations of the sins of the times fill vi. 9-16 and
vii. 1-6, the former of which, at least, is pre-exilic; while the book
closes in the situation and spirit of Isa. 40 ff. Thus the Book of
Micah, like that of his contemporary Isaiah, has been a depository for
prophecies differing in age by several centuries. Perhaps the book
once stood at the end of a roll, and was therefore the natural place
to add stray and nameless pieces, as happened later to the Book of
Zechariah at the end of the volume of the Minor Prophets.
NAHUM.--In the three larger prophetic books we have found groups of
oracles against foreign nations, some relatively old, many late and
literary variations on given motives--it was evidently a grateful
theme. In Nahum we have a whole book occupied with the impending fall
of Nineveh and the Assyrian empire, which had so long and so brutally
tyrannized over all western Asia. Now its hour has struck, and the
prophet triumphs over the fate of the old lion, who "rent in pieces to
satisfy his whelps and strangled for his lionesses, and filled his
dens with prey and his lairs with ravin." His imagination revels in
the terrors of the onslaught, the horrors of the sack, which he
depicts with unsurpassed vividness and great poetic power. It is the
judgment of the Lord, long deferred, but sure and final (Nah. 1).
In Nah. iii. 8-10 the fate of the Egyptian Thebes is adduced as an
historic example: all her power could not save her, and it shall fare
no better with Nineveh. The reference is probably to the capture of
Thebes by Assurbanipal in 661 B.C. Nineveh itself fell about 606 B.C.
under an attack of enemies from the north (Medes or Scythians), and
was destroyed never to be restored. With it the Assyrians disappear
from history. The prophecy of Nahum was probably delivered shortly
before this event, though a date twenty years earlier, when, according
to Herodotus, Nineveh barely escaped from a similar onset by Cyaxares,
is not strictly impossible.
It is thought by many scholars that the first chapter (with which ii.
2 must go) is a later composition, a poem, much deranged, originally
in acrostic form.
HABAKKUK.--The Book of Habakkuk predicts that Jehovah is about to
raise up the fierce Chaldæan nation, which marches through the breadth
of the earth to occupy habitations not belonging to it, which scoffs
at kings and has dynasts in derision, laughing at all fortresses,
against which it casts up a mound and takes them (Hab. i. 5-11). Such
a prophecy would be timely in the last years of the seventh century:
the Chaldæan, or New Babylonian, kingdom dates its independence from
625, and is hardly likely to have attracted much attention in the West
before the fall of Nineveh in 606 B.C. and the defeat of Pharaoh Necho
on the Euphrates in 605 B.C.
The prophecy, which does not specifically threaten Judah, intrudes
between i. 4 and i. 12 ff., where the plaint of vss. 2-4 is continued,
so that vss. 5-11 are at least misplaced. This complaint is of the
oppression of "the righteous" (Judah) by "the wicked" (heathen, i.
13-17). From his watch tower the prophet sees a vision of a distant
time, which he is bidden record, and of whose ultimate fulfilment he
is assured (ii. 1-3). What follows is a series of invectives which the
nations he has gathered under his robber rule shall heap upon the
fallen oppressor, "the man who was greedy as hell, insatiable as
death."
The date of the prophecy depends on the identification of this tyrant
of the nations. If it is Babylon, the oracle must be considered later
than i. 5-11, which greets the rise of the Babylonian power to execute
God's judgment on the world. An ingenious solution of the difficulty
has been proposed, viz., to transfer i. 5-11 from c. 1 to a place
after ii. 4, and see in it the contents of the vision spoken of in ii.
3: the Babylonians would then be the ministers of God's avenging
justice on the Assyrian robbers of the world, and the whole might have
been uttered about 615 B.C. All parts of these chapters abound in
reminiscences of the eighth-century prophets; the resemblances to
Jeremiah may be explained by the contemporaneousness of the authors.
Habakkuk 3, entitled "A Prayer by Habakkuk the Prophet," with a
musical direction following, as in the Psalms, is in fact a psalm, and
the presence of the musical directions, implying liturgical use,
suggests that it once stood in a hymn book like the Psalter. It is a
fine ode, by an author well read in the classic literature of his
nation. The theophany (iii. 2 ff.) is indebted to Exod. xxxiii. 2 ff.
and Judg. v. 4 ff. The ode belongs with the Psalms of the Persian
period. It is imitated in Ps. 77. The title ascribing it to Habakkuk
the prophet is of no greater authority than the ascription Pss.
146-148 in the Greek Bible to Haggai and Zechariah.
ZEPHANIAH.--The pedigree of Zephaniah is carried back to his
great-great-grandfather, Hezekiah. As such genealogical proper names
have seldom more than three terms, it has been conjectured that the
particular reason for adducing two extra generations here was that the
prophet boasted royal blood--Hezekiah was the king of that name. The
thing is possible, though the generations are somewhat rapid; the
parallel royal line counts four. It would be a romantic touch if the
prophet was a great-grand-nephew of Manasseh, and a second cousin of
Josiah, of the manners and morals of whose courts he has so bad an
opinion.
The title says that he prophesied in the reign of Josiah, and with
this the tenor of a large part of the book agrees. Like the earliest
prophecies of Jeremiah (Jer. 1-6) Zephaniah's Day of the Lord is
inspired by the irruption of the Scythian hordes which threatened to
engulf the civilized nations of western Asia in a common ruin, as the
Mongol and Turkish hordes, pouring out of the same cradle of the
commissioned races, the scourges of God, did successively in later
ages. For Judah it is the day of reckoning for the sins which made the
reign of Manasseh a by-word with prophets and historians, and which
went on unrestrained through the short years of his successor and the
minority of Josiah down to the reforms of his eighteenth year. Nowhere
is the state of things in that three quarters of a century more
clearly exposed than in the first oracle of Zephaniah.
The second chapter holds out the possibility that repentance may still
save Judah; the wave of invasion has taken, as we know from historical
sources it did, the way by the coast, bringing calamity on the
Philistine cities. It surged on to the very frontier of Egypt, where
it was stayed, more likely by the payment of a great indemnity than by
force of arms, and rolled back whence it came. Zephaniah sees the
storm break over Assyria, and predicts the total destruction of the
proud city of Nineveh which had so long said in her heart, "I, and
none beside me." Several verses in this chapter are suspected of being
later amplifications, viz. ii. 7^a (Judah profits by the ruin of the
Philistine plain; vs. 7^b connects directly with vs. 6), and
especially the oracles against Moab and Ammon, which accuse them of
their enmity to Judah in the time of Nebuchadnezzar, a generation
after Zephaniah.
The first oracle in Zeph. 3 is incomplete; the original conclusion, a
sentence of doom upon Judah, the only imaginable sequel to vss. 1-7,
is supplanted by the inconsequent pouring out of God's fury on the
nations, whereupon the heathen are converted, the dispersion returns,
and, purified and chastened the remnant of Judah enjoys a modest
golden age (iii. 8-13). The book closes in a more jubilant salutation
of the good time coming (iii. 14-20).
Thus in Zephaniah, as in so many other prophetic books, all turns out
well in the end; but as in most of the others, the happy endings are
an afterthought of later generations for whom the judgment was in the
past but the golden age had not yet come.
HAGGAI.--Haggai dates his first revelation to the very day of the
month--a new fashion which he and his contemporary Zechariah have--the
first day of the sixth month (of the Jewish calendar) in the second
year of Darius (Hystaspis), that is, 520 B.C. He has the word of the
Lord for Zerubbabel, the governor of Judah, and Joshua, the chief
priest, that it is high time to rebuild the temple; the lean years
they have been having are due to God's displeasure that he is thus
neglected. The civil and religious heads of the community stir up the
people and the work begins; again the exact date is given.
Three other oracles follow, all in the same year. The first of these
(ii. 1-9) encourages Zerubbabel and the people to more zeal by the
prediction that the great crisis of history is at hand: yet a little
while and the Lord will shake the heavens and the earth; he will shake
all the nations, and the treasures of all the nations shall flow to
his temple (cf. Isa. lx. 9 ff.), and God will fill the house with his
glory. The third (ii. 20-23), to Zerubbabel, foretells the overthrow
and destruction of the kingdoms of the nations; and, in prudently
veiled phrase--since such great expectations might have ill
consequences if they reached Persian ears--the restoration of
Zerubbabel to the throne of his fathers, fulfilling the messianic
predictions of earlier prophets. The intervening oracle (ii. 10-19) is
another spur to zeal in rebuilding the temple.
The immediate restoration of Jewish nationality which Haggai and
Zechariah so confidently foretold was not merely the expression of a
general faith or the result of studies in their predecessors. For in
reality God was shaking the nations; in particular the Persian empire,
newly made master of the world, was shaken to its foundations by the
usurpation of the pretended Smerdis, the death of Cambyses, the
conspiracy of the nobles against Smerdis, and the elevation of Darius
to the throne. In the years when the Jewish prophets were making their
predictions, Darius was confronted by formidable rebellions in every
quarter of the empire except the west. It might well appear to Haggai
that the armies of the nations were falling every one by the sword of
his fellow.
In the end Darius put down all opposition and welded the empire
together more strongly than ever; the brief dream of Jewish
independence under a Davidic prince and the brighter vision of the
golden age faded.
ZECHARIAH.--Zechariah's first oracle is dated in the month after that
in which Haggai's first was delivered. It is a brief exhortation to
his countrymen to repent, and not neglect the warnings of the prophets
as their fathers had done, to their sorrow when the predicted
judgments overtook them (Zech. i. 1-6). Then follow, in i. 7-vi. 15,
under the common date (second year of Darius, 11th month, 24th day), a
series of eight visions, the meaning of which is interpreted to the
prophet by an angel. They symbolize the shattering of the power of the
nations; the rebuilding of the temple and city, and the golden age to
follow; the removal of the sin of Judah; the recognition of the
Messiah (Zerubbabel); the harmony of prince and priest.
At the end of this group of visions is a bit of history of high
interest. A crown was made of gold and silver brought by some
representatives of the Babylonian Jews, and set by the prophet on the
head of Zerubbabel, who was saluted as "the Scion," i.e., the Messiah
(Jer. xxiii. 5), with the prediction that he should rebuild the
temple, assume majesty, and sit and rule upon his throne. The
coronation, it need hardly be said, was in the secrecy of a private
house, and is to be regarded as a symbolical act; the Babylonian
envoys kept the crown as a memento. But its significance is
unmistakable.
The prediction was not fulfilled. Whatever became of Zerubbabel--he
disappears with this scene--he never wore a real crown nor sat upon
the throne of his fathers. This has led to more than one change in the
text, which, however, as in many other cases, were not sufficiently
thorough-going to pass unnoticed. First, the crown is once made
plural, "crowns," as though the intention was to crown both the prince
and the priest; when it comes to the coronation, however, only Joshua,
the high priest, receives the honour (vi. 11). But vss. 12, 13^a,
which are left untouched, can refer only to Zerubbabel. Verse 13^b
originally read, "and [Joshua] shall be priest _at his right hand_ (so
the Greek Bible, instead of "on his throne"), and there shall be
harmony between the two." In vs. 14 there is only one crown.
In Zech. 7 the question is asked of the prophet by some pilgrims from
Bethel, whether, now that the temple was rebuilding, they should
continue to keep the fast for the burning of the temple in the fifth
month; his response, that what God wants of them is not fasting but
justice, charity, compassion, that none should oppress his neighbour
nor devise evil against him, is quite in the spirit of the earlier
prophets to whom he appeals.
He goes on, in c. 8, to picture the coming golden age, when the fasts
shall all be turned into cheerful feasts, a prophecy which is one of
the finest of its kind in the Old Testament and a fitting crown to the
book.
The prophecies of Zechariah (cc. 1-8) are definitely dated; they
spring out of a definite historical and religious situation which is
everywhere apparent and consistent. Not so the chapters which follow
(cc. 9-14). The titles (ix. 1; xii. 1) have a different form
("Burdens"), the situations which give their background to the oracles
are wholly unlike that which stands out so clearly in Haggai and
Zechariah; the character of the prophecies, with their affected
obscurity, easily penetrable, doubtless, to contemporaries, but
impenetrable to us who have not the historical key, and their
apocalyptic eschatology, are in strong contrast to the manner of
Zechariah; the evidence of diction confirms that of situation and
content.
It has, therefore, long been recognized that none of these prophecies
can be by the author of Zech. 1-8: they are anonymous oracles which
have been appended at the close of his book or of the Book of the
Minor Prophets. They are not all by the same author: cc. 12-14
contain two pictures (xiii. 1-xiii. 6; xiv. 1-21) of the final onset
of the heathen on Jerusalem, their destruction, and the golden age of
pious prosperity that ensues, variations of Ezekiel's original in the
great prophecy of Gog (Ezek. 38-39) which gave the scheme for all
subsequent revelations on the last times. A notable difference between
the two pictures is that in Zech. 12 the heathen are destroyed by the
clans of Judah, who deliver Jerusalem; while in c. 14 Jerusalem is
taken by the heathen and subjected to all the horrors of a sack, half
of its inhabitants being carried into slavery, before Jehovah himself,
descending on the Mount of Olives, fights against the nations and
cleaves the mount itself in twain.
In cc. xii. 1-xiii. 6 concrete features of the author's time are
probably discernible, in the fact, for instance, that Judah (that is
the inhabitants of the other towns and the country) besieges Jerusalem
in company with the neighbouring heathen peoples, and in the striking
animosity displayed toward the prophets, who are in the same
condemnation with the idols and arouse much intenser feeling (xii.
2-6). Our ignorance of the internal history of the Jewish community
for two or three centuries is, however, so complete that these
allusions furnish us no clue.
In Zech. 9-11 also there are two sections, viz. ix. 1-xi. 3 and xi.
4-17 + xiii. 7-9. The age of these can be fixed with greater
confidence by the external historical situation. The heathen power
the overthrow of which ushers in the golden age is named, in ix. 13,
the Greeks. Egypt and Syria ("Assyria"), that is, the kingdoms of the
Ptolemies and the Seleucids, shall be brought low (x. 11). "The land
of Hadrach," to which the first oracle is directed, is in all
probability the region of Antioch, the Seleucid capital. The bad
"shepherds" of cc. 11; xiii. 7-9, who are over the flock of God, are
very good likenesses of the Jewish high priests of the Greek time,
though it is impossible to identify the concrete historical persons
and events of c. 11. Taking all together, we shall not go amiss in
ascribing these to the early part of the third century B.C.--say
between the year 200, when Judæa came under Seleucid rule and the
religious persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes and the Maccabæan revolt,
to neither of which is there any allusion in the chapters. Chapters
12-14 may perhaps be put in the century before.
MALACHI.--A third appendix to the Book of Zechariah is the anonymous
book which we call Malachi. The earliest title, "The Burden of the
Word of the Lord against Israel," is word for word the same as that in
Zech. xii. 1 (cf. ix. 1), and doubtless was prefixed by the same
editor. Subsequently, perhaps to give the book an independent status
and thus round out the number of the Minor Prophets to twelve, the
words "by 'My Messenger'" (Heb. _malaki_; iii. 1 f.) were added.
Jewish tradition in later times identified this messenger with Ezra.
In the versions the word was naturally taken for a proper name.
The book consists of two parts, Mal. i. 2-ii. 9, which from i. 6 on is
addressed to the priests, and ii. 10-iv. 3, to the people at large.
The priests treat the worship in the temple with professional
disrespect, under which lurks an equally professional scepticism. Any
kind of blemished or diseased victim is good enough--the prophet
invites them to make such a scurvy gift to the governor! The perpetual
routine of sacred services they find tiresome. They are no less
negligent in their other great function as the religious teachers and
guides of the people. The _Tora_, that is, the revealed will of God,
is committed to them, and they, degenerate successors of the faithful
priests in the good old times, have not only themselves abandoned the
right way, but have caused many to fall by their false instructions.
They have earned the contempt in which men hold them. The curse of God
is on them.
One of the most notable words in the Bible stands in this indignant
denunciation (Mal. i. 11 f.). Jehovah's own priests in his own temple
treat his worship with contempt; he refuses their offerings: "For from
the rising of the sun to the setting, my name is great among the
nations, and in every place pure sacrifices are burnt to my name among
the nations, saith Jehovah of Hosts; but _ye_ profane it by thinking
that the table of Jehovah may be polluted and his food despised." That
the sacrifices of the heathen may be "pure" sacrifices, though not
according to the Mosaic rite, because all true worship is the worship
of the true God, is a conception quite unparalleled in the Old
Testament. The author's polemic against the priests of Jerusalem has
doubtless made him say more than he would have stood by as a dogmatic
statement; more, indeed, than any church has ever been ready to
acknowledge, but it was fitting that it should be said, for it is the
final consequence of the ethical conception of religion of which the
Hebrew prophets from Amos on are the exponents.
Of the remaining oracles, one (Mal. iii. 6-12) urges to the honest
consecration of the tithes (dues to the temple); another (ii. 10-16),
as commonly interpreted, condemns the marriages with heathen women
which so disturbed the soul of Nehemiah and Ezra, and especially the
divorce of native wives to take foreign ones; but the language should
perhaps rather be taken as figurative for foreign worship. The two
remaining prophecies (ii. 17-iii. 5; iii. 13-iv. 3) are addressed to
such as thought that God did not trouble himself about men's affairs:
the long threatened day of doom gave no sign of coming, nor was the
promised reward of serving God bestowed. The prophet declares that the
Day will come, sudden and terrible, and the ungodly will get their
deserts. The last verses (iv. 4-6) are not improbably an addition by
an editorial hand.
CHAPTER XXI
PSALMS. LAMENTATIONS
The Book of Psalms counts one hundred and fifty hymns, and this
evidently by design, for the Greek Version, which sometimes unites in
one what are two psalms in the Hebrew and divides one Hebrew psalm
into two, comes out with the same number. It is divided into five
books, as is indicated in the Revised English Version, vis. Book I.,
Pss. 1-41; Book II., Pss. 42-72; Book III., Pss. 73-89; Book IV., Pss.
90-106; Book V., Pss. 107-150, each book ending with a liturgical
doxology. The rabbis were probably right in the opinion that this
fivefold division was made in imitation of the five books of the
Pentateuch, but in some cases, as we shall see, the limits correspond
to those of older separate books. The psalter has not inaptly been
called the hymn book of the second temple. We learn from Jewish
tradition that certain psalms were used in the liturgy of the
Herodian temple on certain days or at certain seasons, and to many of
them musical or liturgical directions are prefixed and interludes are
noted ("Selah"), from which, apart from tradition, such a use would be
inferred. It is evident from the familiarity with the Psalms which is
shown in the New Testament and in contemporary Jewish writings, both
Greek and Hebrew, that, like our hymn books, the Psalter was largely
used for private devotion and edification.
The poems contained in the Psalter are from different ages and
authors, and of widely diverse religious worth and poetical
excellence. Some of them are unsurpassed in the religious literature
of the world; others are the tedious production of authors who, like
so many hymnists of all climes, were neither born nor made poets.
Thanks to the translators, such pieces are a great deal better, so far
as expression goes, in the Authorized English Version or in Luther's,
than the original.
A modern hymn book is seldom, if ever, a fresh compilation from the
sources; it is habitually made up from collections already in use,
with the addition, perhaps, of the editor's gleanings from the
sources, or of recent poems. The names of the collections thus used
may be given, and the names of the authors--often taken along without
verification. Editors of hymn books have also generally allowed
themselves great liberties with the text of hymns, altering them to
suit their own taste or the religious and theological idiosyncrasies
of their sect; abridging, transposing, expanding, without scruple; and
only in very modern times has a tardily awakened literary conscience
constrained them to give notice of such changes. In this way mediæval
Catholic poets are made to sing good Protestant songs, or Calvinists
and Methodists to drop their shibboleths and express themselves in a
manner acceptable to Unitarians. The familiar hymn,
"O for a thousand tongues to sing my dear Redeemer's praise,"
has been adapted to Buddhist use as,
"O for a thousand tongues to sing my holy Buddha's praise,
The glories of my teacher great, the triumphs of his grace,"
with similar changes throughout, and if we did not know the Christian
hymn, we might take the author for a good Shin-shu Buddhist, though an
indifferent poet.
The editors of the Psalter proceeded in the same way, and the older
recollections on which they worked can in part be recognized. It is
observed that Books II. and III. of the Psalter (Pss. 42-89), or, more
exactly, Pss. 42-83, must once have formed a collection by themselves,
whose editor was averse to the use of the proper name Jehovah, and
accordingly altered the text of the hymns where this name occurred by
substituting the appellative God (Elohim), giving rise to such strange
expressions as "O God, my God." Thus Ps. 53 is the same with Ps. 14,
but wherever Jehovah stands in Ps. 14, "God" takes its place in Ps.
53; Ps. 70 is merely an extract from Ps. 40 (vss. 13-17) with the same
change. In the latter, however, copyists, influenced by the parallel
passage, have restored "Jehovah" in one (Greek) or two (Hebrew)
places, as they have done in other of these psalms. This occurrence of
the same hymn in two parts of the Psalter, of which another instance
is Ps. 108 (made up of parts of two psalms in the elohistic book,
lvii. 7-11, and lx. 5-12), is itself presumptive evidence that these
parts once existed separately. At the time when the musical directions
were prefixed to the psalms, the last two books (Pss. 90-150) seem not
to have been included in the temple hymn book; for these directions,
scattered through Pss. 1-89, are lacking from that point on,
notwithstanding the fact that a larger proportion of the psalms in
Pss. 90-150 were manifestly composed for public worship than in Pss.
1-89.
The titles of Psalms give the names of other collections from which
individual psalms were taken. Thus twelve psalms, Pss. 42, 44-49, 84,
85, 87, 88, are hymns or songs of the Korahites, and eleven, Pss. 50,
73-83, of Asaph, who were according to the Chronicler--a good
authority on the worship of his time--families, or hereditary guilds,
of temple musicians, and seem, in this capacity, to have had special
hymn books containing psalms which they sang, and which may also have
been composed by members of the guild. The fact that the Korahite and
Asaphite psalms are not scattered through the present Psalter, but
appear in groups, and only in the elohistic hymn book (Pss. 42-89),
confirms this view. When they were incorporated in the collection, the
source was indicated by prefixing the name of the guild book to the
individual psalms.
Another group of fifteen psalms (Pss. 120-134) bear in their titles,
"The Song of the Ascents," a phrase which, by the irregularity of its
form, shows that it was transferred mechanically from the title of the
collection ("The Songs of the Ascents") to the individual poems. The
ancient interpretation makes the "ascents" the fifteen steps, or
ascending platforms, on which the levitical orchestra stood at the
festival of the water-drawing on the evening after the first day of
Tabernacles (hence the Authorized Version, Song of Degrees, i.e.
Steps). We need not discuss the question; that these psalms constitute
a liturgical unit selected for a specific ceremony is plain.
A considerable number of psalms have loosely prefixed to them the
words Hallelu Jah (Praise ye Jah), which in the Hebrew text are
frequently found at the end, having been erroneously carried back from
the beginning of a following psalm. When this displacement (which is
later than the Greek translation) is corrected, the Hallelujah psalms
are 105-107, 111-118, 135, 136, 146-150. Here also a liturgical
collection is naturally inferred. Jewish tradition informs us about
the use of the "Hallel" (Pss. 113-118) and the "Great Hallel" (Ps.
136) at the festivals, and the name Hallel is also sometimes given to
Pss. 146-148. Both the Hallels and the Songs of Degrees, it will be
observed, are in the last of the three parts of the Psalter (Pss.
90-150).
Of greater interest is the large collection of psalms which bear
individually the name of David. This name is found in the titles of
all the psalms in Book I. (Pss. 1-41), except Pss. 1 and 2, 10
(properly a part of 9, as in the Greek Bible), and 33 (in the Greek
Bible Davidic); further, in Book II., two groups, Pss. 51-65, 68-70,
and thereafter, scattering, Pss. 86, 101, 103, 108-110, 122, 124, 131,
133, 138-145--73 psalms in all, or almost half the Psalter.
Manuscripts of the Greek Bible add a varying number of others, and
other versions do the same.
In the light of the phenomena we have already observed, we may
confidently infer that there was once a collection of religious lyrics
bearing some such title as "Hymns of David." So long as this book had
a separate existence, the name would naturally not be repeated at the
head of the individual poems in it; such repetition became necessary,
however, when psalms from this book were taken up into a larger hymn
book containing not only psalms from the Korahite and Asaphite
collections but many anonymous hymns; just as the name of Charles
Wesley would be attached to one of his hymns only when it was taken
out of his own volume and included in a composite hymn book. By good
fortune we have the colophon of this Davidic Psalter in Ps. lxxii. 20,
in the words of a scribe: "The Prayers (an older name for Psalms) of
David son of Jesse are finished," that is, the roll containing them is
copied to the end--a very common Oriental form of colophon. Curiously
enough, the hymn to which this note is annexed is said in its title to
be by Solomon, to whom Ps. 127 (one of the Songs of Degrees) is
similarly attributed. In both cases the ground of the ascription is
plain: the editor thought that Ps. cxxvii. 1 referred to the building
of the temple, while the prayer for wisdom with which Ps. 72 begins
suggested to him Solomon's dream, 1 Kings 3.
From this Davidic hymn book came what is now the first book of the
Psalter entire, except Ps. 1 and probably 2; further the groups in
Book II. (51-65, 68-70, with 72), which probably stood immediately
after Ps. 41. For it will be noted that the second (elohistic) part of
the present Psalter (Pss. 42-89) is made up of Korahite, Asaphite, and
Davidic psalms, and that in their present position the Davidic
psalms, say Pss. 51-72, are thrust into the otherwise solid group of
Asaphite hymns Pss. 50 ... 73-83. Further, the transposition of the
Davidic psalms to the beginning of the book would bring the hymns of
the guilds together. The elohistic recension does not extend
consistently beyond Ps. 83; and Pss. 84-89 (Korahite) may therefore be
regarded as a supplementary extract from the guild book.
The titles of several of the Davidic psalms specify the occasion and
circumstances in which the poem was composed; these historical notes
are especially numerous in the group Pss. 51-72 (see Pss. 51, 52, 54,
56, 57, 59, 60, 63), but occur also in the First Book (Pss. 3, 7, 18,
34), and in Ps. 142 (cf. Ps. 57). The incidents referred to are, with
one exception, all narrated in the Books of Samuel. There is no reason
to imagine that the editor had any tradition about the origin of these
particular poems, much less authentic information on the subject.
Precisely as in the ascription of Pss. 72 and 127 to Solomon, he
combined what he took to be allusions to a historical situation in the
poems with the history as he read it. Psalm 51, for example, is a
confession of deep sinfulness, and seems to specify blood-guilt (vs.
14). When had David reason to express himself in this manner? Clearly
after his adultery with Bathsheba and the murder of Uriah. It is a
very familiar procedure. Modern commentators have made many similar
guesses, but nobody attaches any authority to them.
Whether the scattered Davidic psalms in the last part of the Psalter
(Pss. 90-150) are a gleaning from the Davidic hymn book of poems which
had not been included by previous editors or come from some other
source is uncertain; the latter is the more probable hypothesis.
The Psalter, in the form in which we have it, is one of the latest
books in the Old Testament, for it contains poems in which the
religious persecution of Antiochus IV. and the Maccabæan struggle are
clearly reflected, and very likely events still further down in the
second century B.C. This was shown by an acute critic at the beginning
of the fifth century A.D., and in the Reformation century John Calvin
rightly referred Pss. 44 and 74 to the Maccabæan times, and admitted
the same possibility for Ps. 79. All these are from the Korahite and
Asaphite collections included in the elohistic hymn book, which itself
is not the youngest of the sources of our Psalter.
Numerous other psalms are, with greater or less probability, assigned
to the same age; thus, Ps. 149, where the saints, with the high
praises of God in their mouths and a two-edged sword in their hands,
execute judgment on the heathen, is singularly apt to the Maccabæan
victories. Psalm 110 ("Davidic") most naturally is understood as one
of the Asmonæan princes, since in them alone priesthood and royalty
were united.
There are, however, other and more conclusive criteria than references
to historical events or persons. The religious situation in the Jewish
community reflected in very many of the psalms is that of the Persian
and Greek period, not that of the days of the kingdom. The strife of
parties or of classes, on one side the righteous, the pious, the poor,
for whom the psalmists speak, on the other, the wicked, the ungodly,
the rich and the great; here those whose delight is in the law of God
(religion), there those who contemn it and pursue evil ways regardless
of its precepts and prohibitions, is a new condition, not in the
behaviour of the wicked, but in the self-consciousness of the pious,
who feel themselves a distinct class and are evidently crystallizing
into a party or a sect.
The religious conceptions and the conception of religion are drawn
chiefly from Jeremiah and the Deuteronomists, and from Isaiah 40 ff.,
but on the subjective side of religion, piety, the best of the psalms
represent a more advanced stage than the prophets of the seventh and
sixth centuries. The hopes of the future of God's people and of the
world run with the prophets of the Persian period and the contemporary
anonymous and editorial additions to the older prophetic books. That
the long rehearsals of the ancient history like Pss. 78, 105, 106, or
eulogies of the law such as Ps. 119, or litanies of the fashion of
Ps. 136, belong to a stage in the history of the liturgy such as
rouses the enthusiasm of the Chronicler is also apparent. The evidence
of language tends the same way. Fine hymns were written even at a late
time; but on a large part of the psalms the decadence has set its
mark.
Such is the impression the Psalter makes as a whole, and it indicates
that not only is the existing collection late, but that most of the
hymns in it were comparatively modern when they were brought together.
This is what would be expected in a hymn book, which for devotional
even more than for liturgical use, needs to express and nurture the
type of piety prevalent in its own time and circle. Protestant hymn
books fifty years ago, outside the Anglican communion, had hardly any
hymns in them more than a couple of hundred years old, except
versified translations of the psalms, modernized and Christianized in
the operation.
It would be going much beyond the evidence to say there were no psalms
in the Psalter that were composed in the days of the kingdom; there
may be a considerable number. But the proof that any particular psalm
came from that period is difficult and seldom very convincing. This is
true even of the psalms which speak of the king; for, aside from the
impossibility of deciding in some instances whether a reigning king is
meant or the king of the good time coming (Messiah), a foreign king
may sometimes be in mind (Ps. 45 is so interpreted by many), or an
Asmonæan king.
LAMENTATIONS.--The fall of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. is the subject of
five poems of considerable length which together make the Book of
Lamentations. The mistaken opinion that the prophet Jeremiah was the
author caused this book to be put immediately after Jeremiah in the
Christian Bible, with an introduction explicitly attributing the
poems, or the first of them, to the prophet. In the Hebrew Bible the
book stands among the miscellaneous Scriptures. The first four poems
are in the Hebrew elegiac metre, the verse used for dirges, the
characteristic of which is that each line is divided by a cæsura into
unequal parts, oftenest in the ratio of three to two, as in Amos v. 1.
Fállen no móre to ríse | is Ísrael's dáughter!
Próstrate to éarth she líes, | nó one to líft her.
In Lamentations 1-4 this is combined with an alphabetic acrostic. In
cc. 1 and 2 the poem consists of twenty-two tiercets, the first line
of each beginning with a letter of the alphabet in order; c. 4, of as
many couplets; while in c. 3 each line of the tiercet begins with the
proper letter. Chapter 5 is neither alphabetic nor in elegiac metre.
The alphabetic artifice is not uncommon with Hebrew poets, the most
elaborate example being Ps. 119, where in stanzas of seven verses
each line of the stanza begins with A, B, G, D, and so on.
The five Lamentations differ considerably in character and poetic
merit. Chapters 2 and 4 are distinctly superior to the rest, and
describe the agony of Jerusalem in vivid and moving images; peculiarly
direct and poignant is c. 5; while c. 3 has more the character of a
psalm.
The poems are not all by the same author. Those which seem to stand
nearest to the catastrophe (cc. 2 and 4 at least) were probably
written no very long time after it; the others perhaps in the
following generation. There is nothing in them that would lead us to
think of Jeremiah as the author. Perhaps the statement of the
Chronicler that Jeremiah made a dirge for King Josiah which was
written among the Lamentations, and recited in later times by the
professional singers of dirges, may imply that he ascribed one of the
poems to the prophet. At any rate, it became "tradition," and has
chiefly contributed to get Jeremiah the injurious reputation of the
weeping prophet.
CHAPTER XXII
PROVERBS
The Book of Proverbs bears the title "The Proverbs of Solomon son of
David, King of Israel." Other titles scattered through the book prove
that it is made up of several collections of proverbs which once
circulated independently. Thus Prov. 10 begins, "The Proverbs of
Solomon"; xxii. 17-21 is an introduction inviting the reader to give
attention to "Sayings of Sages," and dwelling on the profit of so
doing; xxiv. 23, "These also are by the Sages"; xxv. 1, "These also
are Proverbs of Solomon which the men of Hezekiah king of Judah
edited"; xxx. 1, "The Sayings of Agur son of Jakeh"; xxxi. 1, "The
sayings of Lemuel King of Massa (?), which his mother taught him";
finally, xxxi. 10-31 is an anonymous alphabetic poem in praise of the
good housewife.
The inference of diverse origin drawn from these titles is confirmed
by diversity of character and form, and by the repetition of proverbs
in the different sections, especially in Prov. x. 1-xxii. 16 and cc.
25-29; on the other hand, the similarity of all parts of the book in
thought and expression indicates that there is among them no wide
difference in time. The theme of the book is "wisdom," by which is
meant primarily a practical wisdom in the conduct of individual life
under the social, political, and economic conditions of the time. The
end is a prosperous and happy life, and the motive is enlightened
self-interest. Experience shows that morality conduces to prosperity
and happiness, and immoral and unsocial actions to the opposite. To
inculcate this truth and to apply it is the aim of the wise, who make
this knowledge the foundation of virtue and of well-being.
Their instruction is not given in the form of a philosophical ethic,
with a discussion of the nature of the highest good and of the
principles and motives of conduct, but in sententious maxims, or
aphorisms, sometimes grouped upon a central theme, often without any
thread of connection. Religion is affirmed by the most reflective of
these authors to be the first principle of wisdom (Prov. i. 7; ix. 10;
cf. xv. 33), but there is no appeal to a divine law or to the
conscience of the individual; the maxims are based on observation and
experience. The opposite of wisdom is folly; it is an unintelligent
selfishness which ignores the consequences of its course, and sooner
or later involves itself in loss or ruin. For ruin is the end of
persistent folly as happiness is the fruit of wisdom. This is the
order of the world; God's ordering, no doubt, but working itself out
by natural law. Wise men and fools are two permanent classes of men,
divided by as hard a line as in the Stoic ethics is drawn between the
virtuous man and the rest of mankind. The authors know no degrees of
wisdom; they recognize different kinds of folly, but no difference in
fools.
The pictures of society they draw are chiefly of city life, with its
temptations and vices, and they closely resemble those which Jesus the
son of Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) paints about 200 B.C. Monotheism is
taken for granted; among the many follies the sages condemn, the folly
of polytheism and idolatry does not appear. The national particularism
of the Jewish religion is nowhere in evidence; the cultus is hardly
referred to, except to say that the sacrifice of the wicked is an
abomination, or that justice is more acceptable to the Lord than
sacrifice.
These features are doubtless due in part to the distinctive tendencies
of the moralists, but they also reflect the times. We find them in
Job, in Sirach, and in Ecclesiastes, other products of Jewish "Wisdom"
which date from the later Persian or Greek period; and we have every
reason to believe that this peculiar development, of which we have no
trace earlier, was characteristic of that age. With this the evidence
of language accords.
Of the several parts of the book, Prov. x. 1-xxii. 16 seem to be the
oldest, and may be from the Persian period; the following chapters are
later. So also is Prov. 1-9, which may well have been written under
Ptolemaic rule (say 320-200 B.C.), when the Jews enjoyed times of
peace and prosperity. The latter author treats his topics more
sustainedly, though without logical disposition or connection, in a
warm and friendly tone such as an experienced elder might use toward a
youth. The style is easy and flowing, and sometimes rises to poetic
inspiration. The personifications of wisdom and folly in c. 9 give a
good example of his manner. A more philosophical mind is recognized in
c. 8, with its personification of the divine wisdom, first of God's
creations, the skilled artificer who was by his side at the making of
the world, rejoicing in God's habitable earth and the sons of men who
people it. Here the author comes near the conceptions of the Greek
"Wisdom of Solomon," and prepares the way for the theological
hypostases of Wisdom and the divine Reason and Word (Logos).
Even among the aphorisms of the older collections, there are few that
have the stamp of true popular proverbs, the wisdom of the generations
finding the pregnant phrase in the mouth of the people; they are, what
indeed they profess to be, maxims of the sages, fashioned with
conscious art for a didactic end. And these sages seem to have been,
like the Greek sophists, professional teachers of the youth of the
well-to-do classes.
That the bulk of this wisdom, when compilation of it came to be made,
should have been labelled Solomonic, is explained by Solomon's fame
for wisdom, which is the subject of numerous anecdotes in the
historical books (see 1 Kings iii. 4-15, with the examples, ibid. vs.
16-28; 1 Kings x. 1-14, etc.), coupled with the explicit statement
that he "spake three thousand proverbs," not to mention his songs and
his expeditions into natural history (1 Kings iv. 29-34). In later
times Solomon's fame for wisdom was not that of an ethical philosopher
but of an adept in magic. It is almost a pity to take away from
Solomon the urgent warnings against women in which the Proverbs
abound; they have in his mouth such a mordant irony.
CHAPTER XXIII
JOB
The Book of Job is the greatest work of Hebrew literature that has
come down to us, and one of the great poetical works of the world's
literature. In the form of a colloquy between Job and his friends, in
which at last God intervenes, it discusses the gravest problem of
theodicy, How can the suffering of a good man be reconciled with the
moral government of God?
In a prose introduction the reader is apprised of the true cause of
Job's sufferings, of which the parties to the colloquy are, of course,
ignorant: they are a trial of his uprightness, more specifically, of
his disinterested virtue. In this "prologue in heaven," Satan insists
that Job's exemplary virtue is no wonder, since God rewards him so
well for it, and God, who has full faith in the patriarch, gives Satan
permission to test him. In an hour all his wealth is swept away and
his children perish, but Job bows submissive to God's will. Then he
himself is smitten with a loathsome and distressful ailment which was
regarded as in a peculiar sense the stroke of God, his wife bids him
"bless" God (a euphemism for "curse") and die; but he rebukes her:
"What? shall we receive good at the hand of God, and shall we not
receive evil? In all this did not Job sin with his lips." His three
friends come to bemoan him and to comfort him, but the sight of his
misery makes them dumb; they sit down with him in silence for seven
days. So far the prologue.
On this scene the poem opens: Job's long suppressed grief breaks out
in bitter words; he curses the day of his birth, he envies the dead
who are at rest. The eldest of the three friends answers him, and so
the colloquy begins. The structure of the poem is symmetrical. Each
friend speaks in turn and to each Job replies. The cycle is thrice
repeated (cc. 4-14; 15-21; 22-26), but, at least in the present text,
the third round is incomplete--Zophar has no speech. The friends being
apparently convinced that it is useless to argue with him, Job
soliloquizes (cc. 27-31), contrasting his former prosperity with his
present adversity, and again protesting his good conscience before God
and men.
Now a new disputant comes on the scene, whose name does not appear
among the dramatis personæ, the youthful Elihu; a short prose
introduction tells us who he is, and why he intrudes. He is incensed
at them all; at Job for justifying himself at God's expense, at the
friends for not having found arguments to put him down. For his part,
he is so full of words that he cannot hold in. He delivers himself,
accordingly, of four speeches (cc. 32 f.; 34; 35; 36), to which Job
vouchsafes no reply.
Suddenly God, whom Job had alternately challenged and implored to
appear, answers him out of the whirlwind (cc. 38-41); with Job's
confession of his presumption in speaking of things he understood not
(xlii. 1-6), the poem ends.
In the prose epilogue God condemns the three friends, whom he pardons
at Job's prayer; and the trial over, God, in poetical justice,
restores Job to a prosperity greater than the first.
In the argument, the three friends and Elihu maintain throughout the
view of divine retribution which was plainly the orthodoxy of the
author's time: God rewards piety and virtue with prosperity and
requites sin with adversity. This law is grounded in the righteousness
of God; it is inconceivable that he should act otherwise.
Consequently if a man is overwhelmed by calamity, as Job is, the only
explanation their religion can allow is that he is a great sinner; any
other interpretation would impugn the justice of God or bring into
question the existence of a divine providence. They recognize, indeed,
that in sending suffering God may design through chastisement or by
way of warning to bring the sinner to repentance and amendment; they
admit that suffering may be a trial of man's faith. They present the
matter to Job thus, especially in their earlier speeches; but the
character of Job's replies convinces them that neither of these is his
case, and they come at last to outspoken accusation.
Job denies their insinuations and their charges. He has done nothing
to deserve such a fate; if they insist on calling this God's justice,
he will say straight in God's face that he is an almighty tyrant, who
unjustly destroys an innocent man. If God slay him for it, he will not
belie his conscious rectitude.
The argument goes round and round, takes this or that turn, grows
hotter as it proceeds, but does not get beyond this deadlock. The
author's motive so far is clear: he means to controvert the dogma that
all suffering, or at least extraordinary suffering, is retributive,
and to show in the instance of Job how this doctrine may drive a godly
man to the denial of God's justice altogether. With remarkable
psychological insight, however, he makes Job not only cling to the
belief that God is more just than his dealings with him show, but
makes this faith grow in even steps with his passionate charges of
injustice. He appeals from the injustice of God to the just God who
some day will have to justify him.
The author meant to refute the doctrine that God's providence is
exhaustively explained by distributive justice. Had he his own
solution of the problem of theodicy to put in the place of that cruel
dogma? Job, we have seen, finds no solution. In the speeches of
Jehovah, where dramatic fitness would lead us to look for the author's
solution if he had one, there is no refutation of Job's charges, no
response to his pleadings. The speeches are splendid, but the gist of
them is that God's ways are inscrutable. If man cannot comprehend
God's operations in nature, what folly, what presumption, to pretend
to fathom his dealings in providence! In that Job acquiesces for the
soul of man. Let his sufferings be a mystery, he can submit and trust;
call them punitive, and he revolts against the injustice. That is the
end to which the author would bring his readers. Some one has said
that there is nothing about which men are usually so sure as about the
character of God, and nothing they are so ready to do as to interpret
his dealings by his character--especially his dealings with others.
Such were Job's friends. And from this point of view we have no
difficulty in understanding, what has stumbled some critics, how
they, with their zeal for God's character--that is, for their orthodox
conception of it--come off in the epilogue with so smart a rebuke,
while Job, whose words seemed to them sheer blasphemy, is praised for
saying what was right about God.
The theme of the Book of Job is one which exercised the greatest of
the Greek tragic poets, and it is treated with an Æschylean grandeur;
in conception and execution it declares the genius of its author. It
has not come into our hands altogether as it left his, and certain
parts of the poem are generally recognized as additions by other pens.
The most considerable of these are the speeches of Elihu (cc. 32-36).
It has already been noted that Elihu's name is not in the prologue, he
comes in with a bit of a prologue of his own (xxxii. 1-5); and when
the three friends are rebuked in the epilogue, he, who surely deserved
the same condemnation, is ignored. All his speeches, provocative
enough, draw no reply from Job. When, at the end of Elihu's discourse,
God answers out of the whirlwind (xxxviii. 1 ff.), "Who is this that
darkeneth counsel by words without knowledge," it is to Job he
addresses himself, not Elihu; and the appearance of God is naturally
taken as the response to Job's challenge in xxxi. 35, "O that I had
one to hear me," etc., just before Elihu breaks in. All these signs
indicate that Elihu is an intruder. This inference is borne out by
the arguments so pretentiously announced. They are in the main
variations on the themes in the preceding speeches of the friends,
with a certain evident predilection for the idea that suffering is a
warning. It would seem that another poet thought, as he makes Elihu
boast, that he could improve on the arguments of the friends. The
unbiassed reader, without depreciating the poetical merit of the
speeches, will be likely to differ with him.
The eulogy of the divine wisdom (Job 28) is a very fine poem, in the
vein of Prov. 8, of which it is probably not independent, but it is,
to say the least, inappropriate in the mouth of Job at this point in
the debate. The description of ancient mining is particularly
noteworthy. In the speeches of God, the long descriptions of the
hippopotamus and the crocodile (xl. 15-xli. 34) are not without reason
suspected of being purple patches, and in putting them in some damage
has been done to the margins. It has been questioned whether the prose
prologue and epilogue really belong with the poem; but it would not be
intelligible without them.
In Ezek. xiv. 14, 20 the name of Job occurs with Noah and Daniel as
exemplary righteous men, who, if they were alive, could nevertheless
not save the wicked city of Jerusalem from its doom; but whether the
story Ezekiel knew about Job had any resemblance to the prologue of
our book, no one can tell. It may very well be that there was a prose
book of Job (in which, possibly, the friends played the opposite rôle
from that given them in the poem), and that the poet took from it the
incidents and setting that he needed; but about that also nothing can
be known.
The age of the book is determined chiefly by the problem with which it
deals. The doctrine of individual retribution is the application to
the individual of the prophetic teaching about God's dealing with the
nation; it appears in a peculiarly crude and hard form in Ezekiel at
the moment of the break up of the nation. It was furthered by the
teaching of the sages, as in Proverbs, about the connection between
prosperity and happiness and virtue. Experience contradicted the
dogma, and so the problem of theodicy arose--arose in a peculiarly
difficult form, because all that befell a man was attributed to the
immediate act of God, who was not relieved of any part of his
responsibility by talk of second causes and natural laws, and because
the sphere of retribution was limited to this life, with no relief in
the possible compensations of another.
This is the problem of Job, and of itself suffices to put the book in
what is called the post-exilic age. It belongs to the literature of
Jewish Wisdom, with Proverbs and Ecclesiastes. The latter book, one of
the latest certainly in the Old Testament, is much concerned with the
same conflict of dogma with experience, though in a very different
spirit. Job may be a work of the fifth century B.C., or perhaps of
the fourth. The language would incline us to the earlier date.
CHAPTER XXIV
ECCLESIASTES. SONG OF SONGS
Two singular books remain, about the inspiration of both of which the
straitest sect of the Pharisees in the first century of our era had
grave difficulties, Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs. Both are
attributed to Solomon, the Song by title, Ecclesiastes by implication
in the book itself, and doubtless the supposed authorship had much to
do with finally securing the two books a place in the Jewish Bible.
ECCLESIASTES.--The title of Ecclesiastes runs, "The words of Koheleth
the son of David, king in Jerusalem," under which pseudonym no one but
Solomon can be meant; see also Eccl. i. 12, and especially ii. 1-11.
In the body of the book, Koheleth is regularly used as a proper name;
it is apparently coined for the nonce. Like many pseudonyms in other
literatures, it is probably a mystification, piquant to the author's
contemporaries but impenetrable to us. That it means "Preacher"--an
ancient guess--is highly improbable; but even if the meaning were
transparent, there is no more reason for translating a fictitious
proper name than a real one.
The theme of this symphony of pessimism is stridently announced in the
first notes of the overture: "Vanity of vanities, vanity of vanities!
Everything is vanity." The world and its happenings, man and his
strivings, pleasure, pain, wisdom, folly, good and evil--all is
utterly empty; existence has no meaning and no worth. All is chance
and change, in which things endlessly go round and round, but plan,
purpose, progress is nowhere to be seen. And as all have one lot, even
this senseless and inconstant fortune, so death sooner or later
overtakes all alike and ends the strange play without plot we call
human life.
Of a divine providence directed to any end or by any principle, of a
justice above which requites men according to their deeds, long years
and happiness to the wise and good, adversity and premature death to
the wicked and foolish, Koheleth, looking on the world of things as
they are with searching eyes, discovers no sign. Of another world and
an immortal soul, with which some of his contemporaries consoled
themselves, he, keeping his thinking within the bounds of experience,
knows nothing. Man dies as the beast dies, the same vital breath is in
them both, all are of dust and turn to dust again; nor has man any
advantage over the beast, they all have the same end (iii. 19-21; ix.
4-6). There is consolation in this thought, when the misery of the
world weighs too heavy on the heart. The dead are better off than the
living, but happier still it would be never to be born to see the
evils that are under the sun (iv. 2 f.).
When we look the facts squarely in the face, the only counsel of
wisdom is to make the most of what capricious fortune gives us in its
friendly moods, to enjoy the pleasures life offers while we can, with
abandon, but without excess. For the "too much" is always evil, even
too much wisdom and virtue! "Be not over righteous nor put on too much
wisdom, why shouldest thou die before thy time?" (vii. 16 f.).
The author's religion makes God somehow the cause of what happens
under the sun, the evil and the good. In one place he seems to express
the belief that all that God does is fine and opportune, if man could
only understand it; but God has denied man the intelligence to
penetrate the secret of his ways. So there is nothing better for man
to do than to be merry, and have a good time while he is alive!
It is easy to imagine what scandal all this gave to pious souls, and
it was very natural that orthodox editors should try to neutralize
Koheleth's scepticism and his epicurean counsels by notes in an
opposite sense. A modern editor would have put his protests into
footnotes, as for example to Gibbon's famous chapters on the spread of
Christianity; an ancient editor, having no footnotes, put his
incontinently into the text.
To these editorial improvements belong the last verses (Eccl. xii. 13
f.), with its conclusion, "Fear God and keep his commandments, for
this is the business of every man; for God will bring every deed into
the judgment on all secrets, whether it be good or bad." The judgment
after death is evidently meant. The warning against many books and
much reading in xii. 12 is also a gloss, while xii. 9-11 appears to be
written by an earlier editor of the book, commending it to reading and
study. In the body of the book, also, several verses are obviously
introduced to give an orthodox twist to the author's very heterodox
utterances.
That Ecclesiastes belongs to the latest stratum of Hebrew Biblical
literature is evident from both its matter and its style; but there is
nothing in it by which its age can be exactly fixed.
SONG OF SONGS.--A verse already quoted (1 Kings iv. 32) tells that,
besides three thousand proverbs, Solomon composed a thousand and five
songs. We shall probably not err in assuming that this verse was in
the mind of the editor who prefixed the title "The Song of Songs (that
is, the very best of songs), by Solomon." There is nothing in the
book to indicate that Solomon was the author or that the poet meant
his productions to be attributed to him.
The one theme of the book, running through many variations, is the
love of man and woman, passionate and sensuous. In the second century
of our era its songs were warbled at banquets or wedding feasts, a
profane abuse on which a scandalized rabbi denounced damnation. In the
first century it was, in spite of Solomon's name, no Holy Scripture
for the straitest sect, and was not finally admitted to the canon, we
may be pretty sure, until an allegorical sense had been discovered in
it, or rather imposed on it: it sang, under the figure of wedded love,
of the relation of the Lord to Israel. The Fathers took over all the
allegory, only making the lover Christ, the beloved the Church (as
still in the running titles of the Authorized Version), or the soul.
The mediæval church saw in the bride the Virgin Mary. The allegorical
interpretation was a necessary corollary of the dogmatic assumption
that the canon of inspired scripture could contain nothing but books
of religious instruction and edification. Allegorical love
poetry--usually the love of God and the soul--is not uncommon in
mystical sects or circles of various creeds; and the ultra-spiritual
poets often revel in an ultra-sensual imagery of passion and fruition;
but nothing in the Song of Songs suggests such an origin, nor have we
knowledge of a Jewish mysticism of this erotic type in the centuries
from which it must come.
The literary criticism of the last century chiefly spent itself in
endeavours to discover in the book a lyric drama with a moral
tendency, on some such theme as the triumph of pure love over lust.
Great ingenuity was expended in dividing the text into regular acts
and scenes and assigning the speeches to the leading actors and the
chorus. In its simplest form there were but two actors, the virtuous
village maiden and the harem-jaded Solomon; a more plausible scheme
gave the girl a rustic lover, which added much to the piquancy of the
scenes with Solomon, and to the _dénouement_, in which the king,
foiled by the maiden's constancy, confesses virtue triumphant, and
sends her back to her shepherd swain. More recent supporters of the
dramatic hypothesis have modified this scheme in a way to remove some
of its plainest difficulties, but have complicated it in proportion.
Other interpreters take the book for a collection of love songs, or,
more specifically, of wedding songs, such as are sung to-day at
village weddings in Syria and Palestine. A certain dramatic quality in
the songs, and their relation to successive stages of the festivities,
would give the appearance of a progressive action which has been urged
for the dramatic theory. The Syrian peasant to-day, in the region of
Damascus, is for his bride-week in song and salutation a king or
prince; a sledge on the village threshing-floor is his throne, and the
bride is queen. Through the week the royal pair are honoured by the
villagers with songs and dances. If in the Hebrew songs the
bridegroom-king is sometimes called Solomon, it is because Solomon was
the richest and most splendid of kings. This view of the nature of the
book is simpler and more probable. The several poems are not
distinguished by titles, and there is room for difference of opinion
about the divisions; but this is a small difficulty compared with the
partition into roles in the supposed play.
The songs are fine examples of popular poetry, with traditional
subjects, forms, and imagery. Nothing requires us to suppose that they
are the production of one poet; we may think of them rather as an
anthology of love songs, not necessarily all composed for wedding
festivities, but all appropriate for use on such occasions.
The language of the songs proves that they belong to a very late
period in Hebrew literature, though the type is doubtless old enough.
Such popular poetry has no motive for preserving or imitating
archaism, as hymn writers do, but modernizes itself from generation to
generation. The wedding songs of old Israel may have been like enough
to these in character, but they were in another speech.
It was a fortunate misunderstanding that has preserved them; but the
accidental preservation of these few pages emphasizes the loss of
almost every other vestige of Hebrew secular poetry.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. =General.=--SMITH, W. ROBERTSON. _The Old Testament in the Jewish
Church._ 1892.--These lectures, first published in 1881, were meant to
give to laymen an account of the problems and methods of criticism.
They are a remarkably lucid exposition of the subject, and may still
be read with profit as a general introduction to criticism.
2. =The Canon.=--RYLE, H. E. _The Canon of the Old Testament._ 1892;
2nd ed. 1895.--A history of the growth of the Old Testament rather
than a history of the canon. In that growth there were, according to
the author, three stages; in the first, which began with the
ratification of Deuteronomy in 621 B.C., the Law (Pentateuch) was the
only recognized collection of Sacred Scripture; in the second the Law
and the Prophets; and in the third the Law, the Prophets, and the
"Writings." The latter part of the volume, which treats of the history
of the canon in the usual meaning of the term, is a convenient but not
very accurate compilation.
The article "Canon" (of the Old Testament) in the _Encyclopaedia
Biblica_, by Karl Budde, and the article "Old Testament Canon" in
Hastings' _Dictionary of the Bible_, by F. H. Woods, are concise
presentations of generally accepted opinions by competent scholars.
3. =Literature of the Old Testament.=--DRIVER, S. R. _Introduction to
the Literature of the Old Testament._ 6th ed., revised, 1897. A volume
of the _International Theological Library_, designed primarily for
ministers and students of theology. The technical matter (lists of
Hebrew words and the like) is, however, set off from the body of the
text, and the work can therefore be used with profit by laymen for
purposes of study. The synopses of the contents of Biblical books will
be found helpful. The author is a scholar of conservative temper and
cautious about accepting new or radical theories.
CORNILL, CARL. _Introduction to the Canonical Books of the Old
Testament._ Translated by G. H. Box. New York. 1907.--Originally one
of a German series of theological handbooks, this volume is on a
smaller scale than Driver's and goes less into details which are of
interest only to the professional student. The author's criticism is
much less conservative than Driver's and more original.
KENT, C. F. _The Student's Old Testament._ 1904-1910.--I. _Narratives
of the Beginnings of Hebrew History_, 1904; II. _Israel's Historical
and Biographical Narratives_, 1905; III. _The Sermons, Epistles, and
Apocalypses of Israel's Prophets_, 1910; IV. _Israel's Law and Legal
Precedents_, 1907. (Two volumes on the Poetical Books will complete
the series.) The sources of the Pentateuch and the Historical Books
are separated, and where the narratives are parallel they are printed
in parallel columns with headings indicating their origin. The
analysis is also set out in tabular form, and maps and chronological
charts are added. The oracles of the prophets are arranged, so far as
possible, in chronological order, additions and interpolations being
set in smaller type. The author is an experienced teacher and
book-maker, and has a fine talent for exposition.
CARPENTER, J. ESTLIN, and HARFORD-BATTERSBY, G. _The Hexateuch
according to the Revised Version._ 2 vols. 1900.--The first volume
(separately reprinted, 1902) contains an excellent history of
criticism, and develops fully and very clearly the evidence for the
prevailing theory concerning the sources and composition of the
Hexateuch. Tabular appendices exhibit the linguistic evidence in a
form which makes it available, as far as possible, to the reader who
does not know Hebrew; they also give a synopsis of the laws and
institutions, and an analysis and conspectus of the several codes. The
second volume presents in the text of the Revised Version the analysis
of the Pentateuch and Joshua in an extremely ingenious typographical
scheme.
The articles on the Books of the Old Testament, from Genesis to Judges
inclusive, in the _Encyclopaedia Biblica_, by the author of the
present volume, may be referred to for a fuller statement of the
reasons for his views and a more detailed analysis. The article
"Historical Literature" in the same Encyclopaedia gives a
comprehensive survey of the Hebrew historiography from its beginnings
down to the time of Josephus. The article on "Prophecy and Prophets"
in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, by A. B. Davidson, though not
dealing primarily with critical questions, may be strongly commended,
and the article on "Psalms," by W. T. Davison, in the same volume, is
good. An excellent article on "Proverbs" in the _Encyclopaedia
Biblica_ should also be mentioned.
INDEX
Abomination, Dan. 8, 186
Acrostics, 229 f.
Alexander and successors in Dan., 185 f.
Allegory, in Song of Songs, 247
Amos, Book, 196 ff.
Annals, royal and temple, 100
Antiochus Epiphanes, 186, 187 f.
Apocalypses, character of, 188
----age, how determined, 188
Apocrypha, older use of the name, 18
----Jerome, 17 f.
----Luther, 21 f.
----_See_ Canon
Aramaic, in Ezra, 130
----in Daniel, 189 f.
Asa, king, 123
Assyria, Greek kingdom (Syria), 155, 215
Astruc, analysis of Genesis, 32
Athanasius, 16
Augustine, 19 f.
Baal, Tyrian, 111
Baals and Astartes, 83, 192
Babylon, destruction, prophesied, 152
----taken by Cyrus, 153
Babylonian myths in Genesis, 43 f.
Baruch, scribe of Jeremiah, 166 f., 168
Bible, Jewish, _see_ Old Testament
Calvin, on Maccabæan Psalms, 226
Canaan, conquest, in Jos., 77 f., 88 f.
Canon, Jewish, formation of, 11
----of Greek-speaking Jews, 13
----Jewish, in Church Fathers, 14 ff.
----of Greek Church, 13 ff.
----Latin Church, 17 ff.
----Syrian churches, 20
----in the Middle Ages, 20
----the Reformation, 21
----Reformed churches, 22
----Council of Trent, 23
----_See_ also Apocrypha
Chaldæans, in Hab., 205
----in Dan., 189
Cherubim car, 178
Chron.--Ezra--Neh., one book 118
Chronicles, Book, 118 ff.
----sources, 124 f.
----genealogies, 119
----historical value, 124
Chronology in Judg., 82
----in Kings, 101
Commandments, Ten, 49 f.
Criticism, historical, 25 f.
----of Pentateuch, 31 ff.
Cyrus, edict of, 128
----deliverer, messiah, 160
Daniel, Book, 180 ff.
----two languages in, 189
----Nebuchadnezzar's dream, 183 f.
----the four beasts, _c. 7_, 184 f.
----ram and he-goat, _c. 8_, 185
----Seleucids and Ptolemies, _c. 11_, 187 f.
----age of the book, 188
Darius Hystaspis, 209 f.
David, history, 96 f., 109
----Psalms of, 223
Day of the Lord, in Zeph., 207
----in Joel, 195
----in Mal., 217 f.
Deborah, Song of, 89
Decalogue, 49 f.
Deluge, Babylonian myth, 43 f.
Deuterocanonic Books, 24
D (Deuteronomy, Deuteronomist), 35, 84
Deuteronomists, historians, 84
----_See_ also Jos., Judg., Kings
Deuteronomy, 58 ff.
----programme of a reform, 62
----age of the book, 64 f.
Dragon of the sea, 156
E (Elohist), 35
----characteristics, 39 ff.
----origin, 41
----age, 67 f.
----Horeb constitution in, 50
----in Jos. _1-12_, 75 ff.
----in Judg., 86
Ecclesiastes, Book, 243 ff.
Ecclesiastes, interpolations, 246 f.
----age, 246
----inspiration, 8 ff., 245
Ecclesiastical Books, 17, 24
Ecclesiasticus, in the Church, 15 f.
Eden, Garden in, 43
Eden, Prince of Tyre in, 177
Edom, prophecies against, 158 f., 177, 197, 199
----Obad., 200
Egypt, Ezekiel's prophecy, 177
Eli, a judge, 90
Elihu, in Job, 240 f.
Elijah, 110 f., 145
Elisha, 112 f.
Esther, Book, 135 ff.
----mythical interpretation, 137
----age, 138, 139 f.
----inspiration, 8, 138
----additions in Greek, 138
Exile, theory of the return, 122
Exodus, Book, 47 f.
Ezekiel, Book, 174 ff.
----against foreign nations (_cc. 25-32_), 176 f.
----state of the text, 180
Ezra, 129 ff.
----Priests' Code, 56 f.
----two languages in, 130
Ezra and Neh., sequel of Chron., 118
----contents, 128 ff.
----sources, 131 f.
----historical value, 133
----derangement, 132 (_cf._ 128-131)
Fast, the true, 212
Feasts, agricultural, 69
Fool, in Proverbs, 232 f.
Foreign nations, oracles against, 142, 152 ff., 158 f., 171 f.,
176 ff., 195, 197, 200, 204 f., 206, 214 f.
Genesis, Book, 33 ff.
Gerizim, temple on, 121
God, national idea, 146
----moral idea, 145
----in J, 37 f.
----in E, 39 f.
----in P, 47
----in Amos, 198 f.
----in Hosea, 193, 199
----in Deuteronomy, 59 f.
----in Isaiah _40-66_, 161
Gog and his hordes, 178, 200
----echo in Zech., 214
Golden age, prophecies of, 151, 157, 158, 169 ff., 176, 179,
193, 198 f., 213 f.
Golden calves, 104
Gospels, inspiration of, 10
Greek versions of O. T., 11
Greeks, kingdom doomed, 215
Habakkuk, Book, 205 ff.
Hadrach, 215
Haggai, Book, 209
Heavenly bodies, judgment on, 156
Hezekiah, king, 114 f.
High places, 65 f., 95, 103, 117
----untouched by good kings, 107
----Hezekiah's measures, 114 f.
----Josiah, 61 f., 116
Historical literature, 98 ff.
----oldest, 99 _cf._ 96 f.
History, religious lessons, 104
Holiness, Law of, Lev. _17-26_, 54 f.
Horeb, Mount of God, 48
Hosea, Book, 190 ff.
Idolatry, satire on, 161
Idols, _see_ Golden Calves, Serpent
Immortality, denied in Eccles., 244
Inspiration, cessation of, 10
----of Eccles. and Cant., 8 ff.
---of Gospels, 10
Isaiah, prophet, 115, 147
----genius of, 150
----earlier utterances, 150
----rejection of sacrifice, 151
Isaiah, Book, 147 ff.
----main divisions, 147 f.
----_cc. 1-12_, 149 f.
----_cc. 13-23_, 152 ff.
----_cc. 24-27_, 156 f.
----_cc. 28-33_, 157 f.
----_cc. 34-35_, 158 f.
----_cc. 36-39_, 147
----_cc. 40-66_, 159 ff.
J and E, characteristics of, 35 ff.
----in Gen., common tradition, 40 f.
----diversity of tradition, 70
----combined in one book (J E), 71
----in Jos., 78
----in Judg., 85
J (Jahvist), 35
J, literary quality, 36
----in Gen. _1-11_, two strands, 41 f.
----anthropomorphism, 37 f., 42
----religious element, 37 ff.
----origin, 41
----age, 67 f.
----fundamental law in, 50 f.
----in Jos., 74 ff.
----in Judg., 86
----in Sam., 99
Jehoash, king of Israel, 113
Jehoiakim, king, 165
Jehu, king, 112, 118
Jeremiah, prophet, 164
----his hard lot, 171 f.
----"confessions," 172
----not author of Lam., 230
Jeremiah, Book, 164 ff.
----later additions, 168 f., 171, 173
----Hebrew and Greek texts, 172 f.
Jericho, taking of, 75 f.
Jeroboam I., 104, 108
Jeroboam II., 114
Jerome, 17, 18
Jerusalem, two sieges, 117 f., 174
----in Chron., 121
Joash, king of Judah, 113
Job, mention of in Ezek., 241
Job, Book, 235 ff.
----prologue and epilogue, 241
----structure of the poem, 236 f.
----purpose of author, 239 f.
----age, 242 f.
----later additions, 240 ff.
Joel, Book, 194 ff.
Jonah, Book, 140 ff.
Joshua, Book, 73 ff.
Josiah, king, 116
----his reforms, 62
----reaction, 103 f.
Judas Maccabæus, 187
Judges, Book, 81 ff.
----stories of deliverance, 84 ff.
----interpretation of history, 81, 83
----original close of the Book, 91
Judgment, last, in Isa. _24-27_, 156 f.
Julius Africanus, 15
Kadesh, 70
Kingdom, founding, two accounts, 92
----division of, 108
Kings, Books, 100 ff.
----2 Kings _18-20_ = Isa. _36-39_, 114
Koheleth, the name, 243
Lamentations, Book, 229 ff.
Latin Bible, 17
Laws, given at Sinai, 49
----Ezra's, ratification of, 130
Legends, rise of, 98
Leviathan, 156
Levites, choice of, in Num., 55 f.
----in Chron., 123
Leviticus, Book, 52 ff.
Little Horn, Dan. 8, 185
Love, principle of religion in Hos., 192 f.
Malachi, Book, 215 f.
Manasseh, king, his sins, 104
Medes, 152
Merodach Baladan, 116, 153
Messianic prophecy, _see_ Golden Age
Micah, Book, 201 ff.
Micaiah ben Imlah, 112, 145
Midrash, of Kings, 124, 127
Minor Prophets, 190 ff.
Mixed marriages, 129, 130, 217
Myths, Babylonian, in Gen., 177 f.
Moloch, 104
Monotheism, in Deut., 59
----in Isa. _40-66_, 161
Naboth's vineyard, 111
Nahum, Book, 204 f.
Nehemiah, mission to Jerusalem, 129 f.
----Memoirs, 129, 131, 183
----Book, 118, 128 ff.
New Year, 48
Nineveh, prophecy against, Zeph., 208
----Nah., 204 f.
Numbers, Book, 55 ff.
Obadiah, Book, 200
Old Testament, the name, 7
----Jewish, divisions, 8
----order of books, 8
----sacred scriptures, 25
----a national literature, 26 ff.
----literary quality, 28 f.
Omri, king, 109 f.
Origen, 16
P (Priestly authors), 35 f.
----Origins of Religious Institutions, 44 f.
----in Gen., contents, 45 ff.
----diction and style, 46
----conception of God, 47
----the revelation at Sinai, 51
----age of the laws in, 66 f.
----age and origin of P, 56 f., 65 f.
----united with J E D, 72
----in Jos., 78
Passover, 48
Patriarchs, in J and E, 35 ff.
Pentateuch, 29 ff.
----the law of Moses, 31
----names of the books, 29
----contents, 29-31
----beginnings of criticism, 32 ff.
----main sources, 33 ff.
----method of the author, 72 f.
----composition, 65 ff.
----age of, as a whole, 72 f.
----_See_ under the several Books, also, J, E, D, P.
Peoples of the land, 122
Porphyry, 187
Priesthood, in Chron., 121, 122 f.
Priests' Code, 56 f., 130, 134
Priests and levites, cities, in Jos., 78
Priests, invective in Mal., 216
Primeval History, sources, 41
----ultimate sources, 42 f.
Prophets, Former and Latter, 8
----in old Israel, 144 f.
----societies, or orders of, 145 f.
----popular, 202 f.
----bad repute of, 196, 214
----ninth century, 110 ff.
----eighth century, 146 f., 190, 199
Proverbs, Book, 231 ff.
Providence, scepticism in Eccles., 243, 244
Psalms, Book, 218 ff.
----older hymn books, 220
----liturgical and devotional use, 218 f.
----titles, 219
----Elohistic book (Ps. _42-82_), 220, 224
----Davidic, 223, 224, 225, 226
----Asaphite and Korahite, 221, 224
----Songs of Ascents, Hallels, 222
----Maccabæan, 226 f.
----age of the Book, 223 ff.
----religious conceptions, 227 f.
Purim, 139
Religion, idea of, in Hos., 191 f.
----in Deut. 59
----in Mic., 203
----in Isa. _40-66_, 161 f.
----in Proverbs, 232
----true, among the heathen, 216
Restoration, in Ezek., 179
----in Isa., 148 ff.
----_See_ Golden Age
Retribution, orthodoxy of Job's friends, 237
Ruth, Book, 139 ff.
Sacrifice, patriarchal, 51 f.
----ritual laws, in Lev. _1-7_, 52
----prophetic rejection, 151 f., 198
Samaria, Omri's new capital, 110
----fall of, 114
Samaritan sect, in Jewish eyes, 122
Samuel, last of the judges, 90 f.
Samuel, Books, 91 ff.
Sanballat, 130
"Scriptures," class of sacred books, 8
----disputed, 9
Scythians, 170 f., 207
Seers, 144
Sennacherib, siege of Jerusalem, 115
Septuagint, _see_ Greek Version
Serpent, idol, in temple, 114 f.
Servant of Jehovah, in Isa., _40_ ff., 164
Sheol, imagery, 152, 156, 177 f.
Shishak, invasion by, 109
Siloam tunnel, 116
Sinai, 48
Sirach, Book, _see_ Ecclesiasticus
Scepticism, 217
Solomon, 97
----character of his reign, 100
----his wealth and wisdom, 105
----reputation for wisdom, 234
----Proverbs ascribed to, 234 f.
----Eccles. ascribed to, 243
----Psalms ascribed to, 223 f.
Song of Deborah, 89
Song of Songs, 246 ff.
----allegorized, 247
----age, 249
----inspiration, 8, 247
Story books, Jewish, 134 ff.
Suffering of the good, in Job, 237 ff.
Susanna and the Elders, 15, 189.
Symbolical actions in Ezek., 178
Syria ("Assyria"), 155, 215
Syriac Bible, contents of O. T., 20
Syrian wars, 110
Tabernacle, in P, 51
Temple, dedication of, 106
----abode of Jehovah, 103
----no protection to the city, 166
----rebuilding of, 209
Theodicy, in Job, 237 ff., 242
Tyre, prophecy against, Ezek., 176
Uncanonical books, Hebrew and Greek, 12
----_See_ also Apocrypha
Valley of dry bones, 179
Visions, in prophets, 149, 178, 183 ff., 197, 211
Wedding songs, 248
Wisdom, in Proverbs, 232
----personified, 233
----divine, in Job _28_, 241 f.
Worship, prophetic attitude, 151 f.
----_See_ Sacrifice
Zechariah, Book, 211 ff.
Zech., _9-11, 12-14_, age, 214, 215
Zedekiah, king, 175 f.
Zephaniah, Book, 207 ff.
Zerubbabel, Messianic hopes, 210 f.
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_68. COMPARATIVE RELIGION_
By Prof. J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, D.Litt., Principal of
Manchester College, Oxford. "Puts into the reader's hand a
wealth of learning and independent thought."--_Christian
World._
_74. A HISTORY OF FREEDOM OF THOUGHT_
By J. B. BURY, Litt.D., LL.D., Regius Professor of Modern
History at Cambridge. "A little masterpiece, which every
thinking man will enjoy."--_The Observer._
_84. LITERATURE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT_
By Prof. GEORGE MOORE, D.D., LL.D., of Harvard. A detailed
examination of the books of the Old Testament in the light
of the most recent research.
_Social Science_
_1. PARLIAMENT_
Its History, Constitution, and Practice. By Sir COURTENAY P.
ILBERT, G.C.B., K.C.S.I., Clerk of the House of Commons.
"The best book on the history and practice of the House of
Commons since Bagehot's 'Constitution.'"--_Yorkshire Post._
_5. THE STOCK EXCHANGE_
By F. W. HIRST, Editor of "The Economist." "To an
unfinancial mind must be a revelation.... The book is as
clear, vigorous, and sane as Bagehot's 'Lombard Street,'
than which there is no higher compliment."--_Morning
Leader._
_6. IRISH NATIONALITY_
By Mrs J. R. GREEN. "As glowing as it is learned. No book
could be more timely."--_Daily News._
_10. THE SOCIALIST MOVEMENT_
By J. RAMSAY MACDONALD, M.P. "Admirably adapted for the
purpose of exposition."--_The Times._
_11. CONSERVATISM_
By LORD HUGH CECIL, M.A., M.P. "One of those great little
books which seldom appear more than once in a
generation."--_Morning Post._
_16. THE SCIENCE OF WEALTH_
By J. A. HOBSON, M.A. "Mr J. A. Hobson holds an unique
position among living economists.... Original, reasonable,
and illuminating."--_The Nation._
_21. LIBERALISM_
By L. T. HOBHOUSE, M.A., Professor of Sociology in the
University of London. "A book of rare quality.... We have
nothing but praise for the rapid and masterly summaries of
the arguments from first principles which form a large part
of this book."--_Westminster Gazette._
_24. THE EVOLUTION OF INDUSTRY_
By D. H. MACGREGOR, M.A., Professor of Political Economy in
the University of Leeds. "A volume so dispassionate in terms
may be read with profit by all interested in the present
state of unrest."--_Aberdeen Journal._
_26. AGRICULTURE_
By Prof. W. SOMERVILLE, F.L.S. "It makes the results of
laboratory work at the University accessible to the
practical farmer."--_Athenæum._
_30. ELEMENTS OF ENGLISH LAW_
By W. M. GELDART, M.A., B.C.L., Vinerian Professor of
English Law at Oxford. "Contains a very clear account of the
elementary principles underlying the rules of English
Law."--_Scots Law Times._
_38. THE SCHOOL: An Introduction to the Study of Education._
By J. J. FINDLAY, M.A., Ph.D., Professor of Education in
Manchester University. "An amazingly comprehensive
volume.... It is a remarkable performance, distinguished in
its crisp, striking phraseology as well as its inclusiveness
of subject-matter."--_Morning Post._
_59. ELEMENTS OF POLITICAL ECONOMY_
By S. J. CHAPMAN, M.A., Professor of Political Economy in
Manchester University. "Its importance is not to be measured
by its price. Probably the best recent critical exposition
of the analytical method in economic science."--_Glasgow
Herald._
_69. THE NEWSPAPER_
By G. BINNEY DIBBLEE, M.A. (Illustrated.) The best account
extant of the organisation of the newspaper press, at home
and abroad.
_77. SHELLEY, GODWIN, AND THEIR CIRCLE_
By H. N. BRAILSFORD, M.A. "Mr Brailsford sketches vividly
the influence of the French Revolution on Shelley's and
Godwin's England; and the charm and strength of his style
make his book an authentic contribution to
literature."--_The Bookman._
_80. CO-PARTNERSHIP AND PROFIT-SHARING_
By ANEURIN WILLIAMS, M.A.--"A judicious but enthusiastic
history, with much interesting speculation on the future of
Co-partnership."--_Christian World._
_81. PROBLEMS OF VILLAGE LIFE_
By E. N. BENNETT, M.A. Discusses the leading aspects of the
British land problem, including housing, small holdings,
rural credit, and the minimum wage.
_83. COMMON-SENSE IN LAW_
By Prof. P. VINOGRADOFF, D.C.L.
_85. UNEMPLOYMENT_
By Prof. A. C. PIGOU, M.A.
IN PREPARATION
_ANCIENT EGYPT._ By F. LL. GRIFFITH, M.A.
_THE ANCIENT EAST._ By D. G. HOGARTH, M.A., F.B.A.
_A SHORT HISTORY OF EUROPE._ By HERBERT FISHER, LL.D.
_THE BYZANTINE EMPIRE._ By NORMAN H. BAYNES.
_THE REFORMATION._ By President LINDSAY, LL.D.
_A SHORT HISTORY OF RUSSIA._ By Prof. MILYOUKOV.
_MODERN TURKEY._ By D. G. HOGARTH, M.A.
_FRANCE OF TO-DAY._ By ALBERT THOMAS.
_HISTORY OF SCOTLAND._ By Prof. R. S. RAIT, M.A.
_LATIN AMERICA._ By Prof. W. R. SHEPHERD.
_HISTORY AND LITERATURE OF SPAIN._ By J. FITZMAURICE-KELLY, F.B.A.,
Litt. D.
_LATIN LITERATURE._ By Prof. J. S. PHILLIMORE.
_THE RENAISSANCE._ By Miss EDITH SICHEL.
_ITALIAN ART OF THE RENAISSANCE._ By ROGER E. FRY.
_LITERARY TASTE._ By THOMAS SECCOMBE.
_CHAUCER AND HIS TIME._ By Miss G. E. HADOW.
_WILLIAM MORRIS AND HIS CIRCLE._ By A. CLUTTON BROCK.
_SCANDINAVIAN HISTORY & LITERATURE._ By T. C. SNOW.
_THE MINERAL WORLD._ By Sir T. H. HOLLAND, K.C.I.E., D.Sc.
_SEX._ By Prof. J. A. THOMSON and Prof. PATRICK GEDDES.
_THE GROWTH OF EUROPE._ By Prof. GRENVILLE COLE.
_BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS._ By Canon R. H. CHARLES, D.D.
_A HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY._ By CLEMENT WEBB, M.A.
_POLITICAL THOUGHT IN ENGLAND: From Bacon to Locke._ By G. P. GOOCH, M.A.
_POLITICAL THOUGHT IN ENGLAND: From Bentham to J. S. Mill._ By Prof.
W. L. DAVIDSON.
_POLITICAL THOUGHT IN ENGLAND: From Herbert Spencer to To-day._ By
ERNEST BARKER, M.A.
_THE CRIMINAL AND THE COMMUNITY._ By Viscount ST. CYRES.
_THE CIVIL SERVICE._ By GRAHAM WALLAS, M.A.
_THE SOCIAL SETTLEMENT._ By JANE ADDAMS and R. A. WOODS.
_GREAT INVENTIONS._ By Prof. J. L. MYRES, M.A., F.S.A.
_TOWN PLANNING._ By RAYMOND UNWIN.
London: WILLIAMS AND NORGATE
_And of all Bookshops and Bookstalls._
* * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Minor typographical errors and inconsistencies have been silently
normalized except for the following:
Page 27: "eighth century and Judah in the beginning of the sixth".
"of" has been added.
Page 100: "saying much more that the facts warrant". "that" has been
changed to "than".
Page 139: "the festiva of Purim". "festiva" has been changed to
"festival".
Page 224: "the editor thought that Ps. cxxv i. 1 referred to the
building of the temple". "cxxv i" has been changed to "cxxvii" which
according to the context appears to be intended.