CHAPTER XIV

“THE SUN” AND THE GRANT SCANDALS

_Dana’s Relentless Fight Against the Whisky Ring, Crédit Mobilier,

“Addition, Division, and Silence,” the Safe Burglary Conspiracy

and the Boss Shepherd Scandal._

The first ten years of Dana’s service on the _Sun_ were marked by

the uprooting of many public evils. To use the mild phrasing of the

historian John Fiske, “Villains sometimes succeeded in imposing upon

President Grant, who was an honest, simple-hearted soldier without

much knowledge of the ways of the world.” To say it more concretely,

hardly a department of the national government but was alive with

fraud. The _Sun_, which had supported Grant in the election of

1868, turned against his administration in its first months, and

for years it continued to keep before the public the revelations of

corruption--which were easily made, so bold were the scoundrels, so

coarse their manner of theft.

Among the scandals which the _Sun_ either brought to light or was most

vigorous in assailing, these were the principal:

The Crédit Mobilier Scandal--This involved the names of many Senators

and Representatives who were accused of accepting stock in the Crédit

Mobilier of America, the fiscal company organised to build the Union

Pacific Railroad, as a reward for using their influence and votes in

favour of the great enterprise.

The Navy Department Scandal--In this the _Sun_ accused George M.

Robeson, Secretary of the Navy, of having permitted double payment

to contractors and of violating the law in making large purchases

without competitive bidding. Mr. Dana appeared as a witness in the

Congressional investigation of Robeson, who, in the end, while not

convicted of personal corruption, was censured for the laxity of his

official methods.

The Whisky Ring--This evil combination cheated the government out

of millions of dollars. It was made up of distillers, wholesale

liquor-dealers, and employees of the internal revenue office, these

conspiring together to avoid the payment of the liquor tax. The first

attack on the corrupt alliance was made in the _Sun_ of February

3, 1872, in an article by “Sappho,” one of the _Sun’s_ Washington

correspondents. Other great newspapers took up the fight, but the _Sun_

was the chief aggressor. As a result of the exposure, two hundred and

thirty-eight men were indicted and many of them, including the chief

clerk of the Treasury Department, were sent to prison.

“Addition, Division, and Silence”--On March 20, 1867, W. H. Kemble,

State Treasurer of Pennsylvania and one of the Republican bosses, wrote

the following letter to Titian J. Coffey, a lawyer and claim-agent in

Washington:

MY DEAR TITIAN:

Allow me to introduce to you my particular friend, Mr. George

O. Evans. He has a claim of some magnitude that he wishes you

to help him in. Put him through as you would me. He understands

addition, division, and silence.

W. H. KEMBLE.

When this letter fell into the hands of the _Sun_, which had already

made war on the ring formed for the collection of war claims, it saw

in Kemble’s last four words the sententious platform of wide-spread

fraud. It printed the letter, and kept on printing it, with that

iteration which Dana knew was of value in a crusade. In a few months

the whole country was familiar with the phrase so suggestive of plunder.

Kemble was a politician with a thick skin, but he at last became so

enraged at the repetition of “addition, division, and silence,” whether

uttered by street urchins or printed all over America as the watchword

of corruption--“honest graft,” he would have called it, if that phrase

had then been common--that he sued out a writ of criminal libel against

Mr. Dana and had him arrested as he was passing through Philadelphia.

The only result of this was to make the phrase more common than before.

Kemble was afterward convicted of trying to bribe Pennsylvania

legislators, and was sent to prison for a year.

The Post-Trader Scandal--William W. Belknap, Grant’s Secretary of

War, was charged with receiving from Caleb P. Marsh fifteen hundred

dollars in consideration for the appointment of John S. Evans to

maintain a trading-establishment at Fort Sill, in the Indian Territory.

The scandal came to the surface through the remark of Mrs. Belknap

that Mrs. Evans would have no place in society, “as she is only a

post-trader’s wife,” and the retort of Mrs. Evans, upon hearing of

this, that “a post-trader’s wife is as good as the wife of an official

who takes money for the appointment of a post-trader.”

The _Sun_ laid the story of bribery wide open, and the Senate proceeded

to impeach the Secretary of War. He escaped punishment by resigning

his office, twenty-five Senators voting “not guilty” on the ground

that Belknap’s resignation technically removed him from the Senate’s

jurisdiction. Thirty-five Senators voted “guilty,” but a two-thirds

vote was necessary to punish.

The Salary Grab--This was the act of Congress of March 3, 1873, which

raised the President’s salary from twenty-five thousand dollars to

fifty thousand, and the salaries of Senators and Representatives

from five thousand to seventy-five hundred. Its evil lay not in the

increases, but in the retroactive clause which provided that each

Congressman should receive five thousand dollars as extra pay for

the two-year term then ending. The assaults of the _Sun_ and other

newspapers so aroused public indignation that Congress was obliged to

repeal the act in January, 1874, and many Members returned their share

of the spoil to the Treasury.

The Boss Shepherd Scandal--The _Sun_ printed an article from Washington

accusing Alexander Shepherd, vice-president of the Board of Public

Works of the District of Columbia, and Henry D. Cooke, governor of the

District, with having a financial interest in the Metropolitan Paving

Company, which had many street contracts in the national capital.

Shepherd and Cooke laid a complaint of criminal libel against Mr. Dana,

and an assistant district attorney of the District of Columbia came

to New York and procured from United States Commissioner Davenport a

warrant for the editor’s arrest.

It was the intent of the prosecution to hale Dana to a Washington

police-court, where he would be tried without a jury. Dana had gone

willingly, even eagerly, to Washington when summoned in the Robeson

case, but the Shepherd strategy was so manifestly an attempt to

railroad him that an appeal was taken to the Federal court for the

southern district of New York. The historic decision of the district

judge--Samuel Blatchford, subsequently promoted to the United States

Supreme Court--may be summed up in one of its paragraphs:

The Constitution says that all trials shall be by jury, and

the accused is entitled, not to be first convicted by a court

and then to be convicted by a jury, but to be convicted or

acquitted _in the first instance_ by a jury.

As the _Sun_ said of this decision, important to the freedom of the

individual as well as to that of the press:

Those who sought to murder liberty, where they looked for a

second Jeffreys, found a second Mansfield.

The Safe Burglary Conspiracy--Columbus Alexander, a reputable citizen

of Washington, was active in the movement to smash the Washington

contractors’ ring. He sought to bring certain contractors’ books into

court and exposed the false set that was produced. The ringsters hired

a man to go to Mr. Alexander with a story that he could bring him the

genuine books. Then the gang, which included men in the secret-service

departments of the government, placed some of the genuine books in the

safe of the district attorney’s office and employed three professional

burglars to blow open the safe.

The books, taken from the safe, were carried to Alexander’s home by the

man who had approached him. Close behind came police, who were prepared

to arrest Alexander as soon as he received the “stolen property.”

He was to be accused of hiring the burglars to crack the district

attorney’s safe. But the hour was early in the morning, Alexander was

sleeping the deep sleep of the just, and the criminal rang his doorbell

in vain.

The ringsters then “arrested” the “thief,” and caused him to sign

a false confession, accusing Alexander; but the failure of their

theatricals had broken the hireling’s nerve as well as their own, and

the conspiracy collapsed. Two of the hired criminals turned state’s

evidence at the trial, but the powerful politicians of the ring were

able to bring about a disagreement of the jury.

These were the greatest of the scandals which the _Sun_ exposed in its

news columns and denounced on its editorial page. It was the cry of the

ringsters, and even of some honest men, that the _Sun’s_ assaults on

the evils that marred Grant’s administration were the result of Dana’s

personal dislike of the President. More specifically it was declared

that Dana was a disappointed office-seeker, and that the place of

collector of customs at the port of New York was the office he sought.

We have it on the unimpeachable testimony of General James Harrison

Wilson, the biographer of Dana, and, with Dana, a biographer of Grant,

that General Rawlins, Grant’s most intimate friend, told Dana’s

associates, and particularly General Wilson, that Dana was to be

appointed collector. There is no evidence that Dana ever asked Grant,

or any other man, for public office. One place, that of appraiser of

merchandise at the port of New York, was offered him, and he refused

it. The _Sun_ said editorially, replying to an insinuation made by the

_Commercial Advertiser_ that if Dana had been made collector his paper

would not denounce the administration:

The idea that the editor of the _Sun_, which shines for all,

could consent to become collector of the port of New York is

extravagant and inadmissible. It would be stepping down and out

with a vengeance.

And yet we do not mean that the collector of New York need be

other than an upright man. Moses H. Grinnell was such, and Tom

Murphy, though a politician, a crony of Boss Grant, and one

of the donors of Boss Grant’s cottage, certainly never took a

dollar of money from the Federal Treasury to which he was not

entitled. General Arthur, the present collector, is a gentleman

in every sense of the word.

The office of collector is respectable enough, but it is not

one that the editor of the _Sun_ could desire to take without

deserving to have his conduct investigated by a proceeding _de

lunatico_.

Dana and the _Sun_ lost friends because of the assaults on Grantism.

The warfare was bitter and personal. In the case of Belknap, for

instance, the _Sun_ was attacking a man whom Dana, having known him as

a good soldier, had recommended for appointment as Secretary of War.

But it must be recalled that at the very height of his antagonism to

Grant, the President, Dana never receded from his opinion that Grant,

the general, was the Union’s greatest soldier. And the _Sun_ was quick

to applaud him as President when, as in currency matters, he took a

course which Dana considered right.

The friends of Grant, nevertheless, turned against Dana and his

paper. Some of them, stockholders in the Sun Printing and Publishing

Association, quit the concern when they found themselves unable to turn

Dana from his purpose. All their pleadings were vain.

“A few years from now,” Dana would reply, “I shall be willing to accept

whatever judgment the nation passes on my course of action; but now I

must do as I think right.”

So far as the material prosperity of the _Sun_ was concerned, the

desertion of Grant’s friends hurt it not a whit. For every reader lost,

four or five were won. Men may stop reading a paper because it disgusts

them; they rarely quit it because it is wounding them.

“I don’t read the _Sun_,” said Henry Ward Beecher during his trial,

“and don’t allow anybody to read it to me. What’s the good of a man

sticking pins into himself?”

The _Sun_ made this reply to Beecher’s assertion:

Everybody reads the _Sun_--the good, that they may be

stimulated to do better; the bad, in fear and trembling lest

their wickedness shall meet its deserts.

In Beecher’s case, as in Grant’s, the _Sun_ believed that it was doing

a public service in laying open wrongful conditions. In answer to one

who criticised its brutal candour about the Plymouth Church scandal the

_Sun_ said:

The exposure of the moral nastiness in Brooklyn is a salutary

thing. If, when the exposure of the scandal took place, the

people had been indifferent--as indifferent as Beecher assumed

to be--and had received no shock to their sense of purity

and propriety, then the Jeremiahs might well have bewailed

the turpitude of society and prophesied evil things for the

country. Then, indeed, the poison would have been in the whole

social atmosphere....

The Plymouth pastor, if a guiltless man, has brought all this

trouble on himself by his cowardly course in dealing with the

accusations against him....

If he is not a bold man, strong in the truth and in purity,

what business has he to preach the religion of the Apostles

to his fellow men--he who distributed Sharp’s rifles to the

Kansas combatants with slavery, who denounced sin and bore

his head high as a man of freedom of thought and action? To

have kept himself consistent, he should not have dallied with

Tilton and Moulton in secret, but if entrenched in innocence

he should have dragged out their slanders and torn to pieces

their plans from the pulpit where he had preached courage under

difficulties, divine faith under sorrow, and bold encounter

with sin. This would soon have expelled the poison lurking in

the social atmosphere, but Beecher did not do it.

Perhaps Beecher’s thanks were not due to Dana, but Grant’s surely were.

It is impossible that scandals like those of the Whisky Ring could

have lain hidden forever. If they had not been exposed when they were,

they would have come to the top later, perhaps after Grant went out of

office, and when his cry, “Let no guilty man escape!” would have been

in vain.

The _Sun’s_ fights against the scandals of the Grant period were no

more bitter than its attacks on the frauds attending the Presidential

election of 1876, although Dana had no cause for personal animosity

toward Hayes. The _Sun’s_ chief Washington correspondent, A. M. Gibson,

who handled many of the Grant scandals, wrote most of the news stories

about the theft of the Presidency by Mr. Hayes’s managers. He also

published in book form an official history of the fraud.

Joseph Pulitzer, then newly come from the West, was assigned by Dana

to cover the proceedings of the Electoral Commission in semieditorial

style. Pulitzer was later, in 1878, a European correspondent of the

_Sun_.

The Story of the Sun: New York, 1833-1918 · 第 14 / 19 章