CHAPTER XI

THE ARMY AND NAVY

It is not necessary to say to anyone who has the smallest acquaintance

with history that Spaniards are naturally brave and patriotic. The early

history of the Peninsula is one of valour in battle, whether by land or

sea. The standard of Castile has been borne by her sons triumphantly

over the surface of the globe. Few of us now remember that Johnson wrote

of the Spain of his day:

Has Heaven reserved, in pity to the poor,

No pathless waste, no undiscovered shore,

No secret island on the trackless main,

No peaceful desert, yet unclaimed by Spain?

In the old days when Drake undertook to "singe the King of Spain's

beard," and carried out his threat, our sailors and those of Philip II.,

some time "King of England," as the Spaniards still insist on calling

him, met often in mortal combat, and learned to recognise and honour in

each other the same dogged fighting-power, the same discipline and quiet

courage. The picture of the Spaniards standing bareheaded in token of

reverence and admiration of a worthy foe, as some small English ships

went down with all their crew rather than surrender, in those old days

of strife, touches a chord which still vibrates in memory of battles

fought and won together by Englishmen and Spaniards under the Iron Duke.

True, some battered and torn English flags hang as trophies in the

armoury of Madrid, but one likes to remember that in the only battle

where our colours were lost, the Spanish troops were commanded by an

Englishman, James Stuart, Duke of Berwick, the direct ancestor of the

present Duque de Berwick y Alva, and the English by one of French birth.

In every case where foreign foes have invaded Spain, sooner or later

they have been driven out. _Santiago! y Cierra España!_ was the war-cry

which roused every child of Spain to close his beloved country to alien

domination.

Unfortunately, the yoke of the foreigner came in more invidious guise.

From the death of Ferdinand and Isabella to the year 1800, the sons of

Spain were immolated to serve causes which were of no account to her, to

protect the interests of sovereigns who had nothing in common with her

provinces, to add to the power of the Austrian Hapsburgs and the French

Bourbons. We have seen how the people whom Napoleon had believed to be

sunk in fanaticism, dead to all national aspiration, the mere slaves of

a despicable King, and the sport of his debauched Queen and her lover,

sprang to arms and drove the invader from their land. So would it be

to-day if the country were even threatened by foreign invasion. "The

dogs of Spain," as Granville called them, know well how to protect their

soil.

Within comparatively recent years the campaign in Morocco, and the

expeditionary force sent to Cochin-China, showed that the Spanish army

was not to be despised. It has been the misfortune of Spain that her

soldiers have too often had the melancholy task of fighting against

their own people, or those of their colonies, both of whom have been

excited and aided in insurrection for years by foreign contributions of

arms and money. In these unhappy fratricidal struggles the fighting has

never been more than half-hearted, and during the numerous military

_pronunciamientos_ it has often been necessary to keep the troops from

meeting, as they could never be trusted not to fraternise; and after the

first abortive attempt by Prim to effect the revolution which later

freed the country, the curious spectacle was afforded of Prim and his

soldiers marching quietly out of one end of a village, while the troops

of the Queen, sent in pursuit, were being purposely kept back from

marching too quickly in at the other.

The army of Spain would seem to suffer from a plethora of officers,

especially those of the highest rank. In the time of Alfonso XII., there

were ten marshals, fifty-five generals, sixty-six _mariscales de

campo_, and one hundred and ninety-seven brigadiers; adding those on the

retired list liable for service, there were in all five hundred and

twenty generals, four hundred and seventy-two colonels, eight hundred

and ninety-four lieutenant-colonels, 2113 commandants, 5041 captains,

5880 lieutenants, and 4833 sous-lieutenants. With such an array of

officers, it is scarcely to be wondered at that promotion in the

ordinary way was looked on as impossible, and the juggle of military

_pronunciamientos_ was regarded as almost the only means of rising in

the army. It was no uncommon thing to promise a rise of one grade

throughout a whole corps to compass one of these miniature revolutions.

However, all that is happily past. General Weyler,--whose name indicates

alien blood at some period of his family history,--the present Minister

of War, has taken the thorough reform of the army in hand, though it is

too soon to say if he will be as successful as is generally expected

from his known energy and common sense, since the work is only now in

progress.

One of the most fertile sources of disturbance in the old days of Isabel

II. was the presence of the _primo sargentos_. These petty officers,

having risen from the ranks, and invested with an authority for which

they were often quite unsuited, were always ready, for a consideration,

to aid the cause of some aspiring politician, now on one side, now on

another. They are now, fortunately, abolished.

The Spanish artillery is a splendid body, and is officered from the

best families in the country. In the only military insurrection in which

the common soldiers shot some of the officers obnoxious to them--that of

the Montaño Barracks, in 1866--the leader of the mutinists was a certain

_hidalgo_. It was the promotion of this man that led indirectly to the

abdication of Don Amadeo, who opposed the action. Indignant at the

disgrace to the service, all of the artillery officers in Spain sent in

their resignations. They were accepted, and the _primo sargentos_ raised

to the rank of officers to fill their places. The result was unlimited

mutiny among the rank and file and danger to the State. Some of the

young officers who had retained their uniforms, though no longer

attached to the corps, finding the troops in utter disorder and revolt,

quietly donned their uniforms, went down to the barracks, and gave their

orders. The men instantly fell into the ranks, and the situation was

saved. The _primo sargentos_ were abolished, the officers reinstated.

But Amadeo had had enough; he ceased to attempt to reign

constitutionally in a country where the constitution meant only one more

form of personal greed and excess. He was _demasiado honesto_ for the

crew he had been called to command, and he left the country to tumble

about in its so-called "republican" anarchy until another military

_pronunciamiento_ set Alfonso XII. on the throne. And that has been,

fortunately, the last performance of a kind once so common in Spain.

All military men admire the effective corps of light mountain artillery.

The small guns are carried on the backs of the splendid mules for which

the Spanish army is famous, and can be taken up any mountain path which

these singular animals can climb. Mules are also used to drag the

heavier guns, and must be invaluable in a mountainous country. The

animals are quite as large as ordinary horses, are lithe, active, and

literally unhurtable. I have myself seen a mule, harnessed to a cart

which was discharging stones over the edge of a deep pit, when levelling

the ground at the end of the Fuente Castellana in Madrid, over-balanced

by the weight behind him, fall over, turn a somersault in mid-air, cart

and all, and, alighting thirty feet below, shake himself, ponder for a

few seconds on the unexpected event in his day's labour, and then

proceed to draw the cart, by this time satisfactorily emptied, out of

the pit by the sloping track at the farther side, and continue his task

absolutely unhurt and undisturbed.

Until the final overthrow of the Carlists by Alfonso XII., the Basque

Provinces, amongst their most cherished _fueros_, were exempted from the

hated conscription; but the victorious King made short work of that and

of all other special rights and privileges--which, in truth, had been

abused--and now all the country is subject to conscription. Every man

from nineteen to twenty years of age is liable to serve in the ranks,

except those who are studying as officers. A payment of £60 frees them

from service during peace; but if the country is at war there is no

exemption. The conscripts are bound for twelve years--three with the

colours, three in the first reserve, three in the second, and three in

the third.

Navy? Alas! Spain has none. Two battle-ships alone remain--_El Pelayo_

and _Carlos V._ (the former about nine thousand five hundred tons, the

latter not more than seven thousand)--and some destroyers and torpedoes.

How a nation that once ruled the sea, and whose sailors traversed and

conquered the New World, has allowed her navy to become practically

extinct at the moment when nations which have almost no seaboard are

trying to bring theirs up within measurable distance of England's, it is

impossible to say. Even before the outbreak of the war with America

there were but a few battle-ships, and these were wanting in guns and in

almost all that could make them effective--save and except the men, who

behaved like heroes. It seems to be a consolation to Spaniards to

remember that it was in the pages of an English journal that an

Englishman, who had seen the whole of the disastrous war, wrote: "If

Spain were served by her statesmen as she has been served by her navy,

she would be one of the greatest nations of the world to-day."

The history of the part borne by the Spanish navy in the late war with

America, as written by one of Admiral Cervera's captains,[1] with the

publication of the actual telegrams which passed between the Government

and the fleet, and the military commanders in the colonies, is one of

the most heartrending examples of the sacrifice, not only of brave men,

but of a country's honour to political intrigue or the desire to retain

office. This, at least, is the opinion of the writer of this painful

history, and his statements are fully borne out by the original

telegrams, since published. It is impossible to imagine that any

definite policy at all was followed by the advisers of the Queen Regent

in this matter, unless it were the incredible one ascribed to it by

Captain Concas Palan of deliberately allowing the fleet, such as it was,

to be destroyed--in fact, in the case of Admiral Cervera's squadron,

sending it out to certain and foreseen annihilation--so as to make the

disaster an excuse for suing for peace, without raising such a storm at

home as might have upset the Ministry. With both fleets sunk, and those

of their men not slain, prisoners of war, there was no alternative

policy but peace. Captain Concas Palan claims for his chief and the

comrades who fell in this futile and disastrous affair "a right to the

legitimate defence which our country expects from us, though it is

against the interested silence which those who were the cause of our

misfortunes would fain impose on us," and says that "some day, and that

probably much sooner than seems probable at present," the judgment of

Spain on this episode will be that of the English _Review_, which he

quotes as the heading of his chapter. He goes on: "War was accepted by

Spain when the island of Cuba was already lost to her, and when the

dispatch of a single soldier more from the Peninsula was infinitely more

likely to have caused an insurrection than that of which our Ministers

were afraid--at the moment, also, when our troops were in want of the

merest necessaries, the arrears of pay being the chief cause of their

debilitated condition, and when a great part of the Spanish residents in

Cuba, under the name of 'Reformers,' 'Autonomists,' etc., had made

common cause with the insurgents, while they were enriching themselves

to a fabulous extent by contracts for supplies and transports. In these

circumstances it was folly to accept a struggle with an immensely rich

country, possessing a population four times that of ours, and but a

pistol shot from the seat of action." The Government of Spain was

perfectly aware that the troops in Cuba were already quite insufficient

even to cope with the insurgents, that the people at home were already

murmuring bitterly at the cost of the war, and that it was impossible to

send out a contingent of any practical value. Sickness of all kinds,

enteric, anæmia, and all the evils of under-fed and badly found troops,

were rapidly consuming the forces in Cuba, "and yet the Government took

no thought of who was to man the guns whose gunners were drifting daily

into the hospital and the cemetery.... The national debt was increasing

in a fabulous manner, and recourse was had to the mediæval remedy of

debasing the currency, while even at that moment the troops had more

than a year's pay in arrear, and absolute penury was augmenting their

other sufferings."

[1] _La Escuadra del Almirante Cervera_, por Victor M.

Concas Palan.

This was the moment which the responsible Ministers of the Crown thought

propitious to throw down the gauntlet to the overwhelming power of

America rather than to face what the writer terms the "cabbage-headed

riff-raff of the Plaza de la Cevada" of Madrid. Again and again was the

absolute inefficiency of the fleet pointed out to them. Even the few

ships there were, all of them vastly inferior to those of the United

States' navy, were without their proper armament; they might have been

of some service in defence of the coast of Spain, but in aggressive

warfare they were useless. Allowing somewhat for the natural indignation

of one of those who was sacrificed, who saw his beloved commander and

his comrades-in-arms sent like sheep to the slaughter, and all for an

idea,--and that a perfectly stupid and useless one,--there is no

gainsaying the facts which Captain Concas Palan relates, and the

original telegrams verify every word of his story. Admiral Cervera was

sent out with sealed orders; but he had done all that was in his

power--even asking to be relieved of his command--to prevent the folly

of sending away from the coasts of the mother country the only ships

which could have protected her, while they were absolutely useless

against the American navy in the Antilles. Left with no alternative but

obedience, he managed to gain the safe harbour of Santiago de Cuba with

his squadron intact. Secure from attack, he landed his men to assist in

the defence of the town from the land side. And then came the incredible

orders that he was to take out his four ships to be destroyed by the

American navy waiting outside! Never in the world's history was a more

magnificent piece of heroism displayed than in the obedience to

discipline which caused Admiral Cervera to re-embark his marines and

lead them forth to certain death, well knowing what they were to face,

for he hid nothing from them. He called on them as sons of Spain, and

they answered heroically, as Spaniards have ever done in history: "For

honour!"

Spain has suffered deeply and sorely in her pride; but she has never

worn her heart on her sleeve--she suffers in silence. A quotation from

the _Época_ of July 5th, two days after the destruction of Cervera's

fleet, shows the spirit in which the country bore that terrible blow. It

is headed "Hours of Agony." "Our grief to-day has nothing in it which

was unexpected. The laws of logic are invincible; our four ships could

not by any possibility have escaped the formidable American squadron.

The one thing that Spain expected of her sons was that they should

perish heroically. They have perished! They have faced their destiny;

they have realised the sole end which Spain looked for, in this

desperate conflict into which she has been drawn by God knows what blind

fatality; they have fallen with honour."

That is true; but how about the leaders whose long misrule of the

colonies had helped to bring on the disaster which their predecessors

for many years had courted? How about the political corruption which,

when large sums were being spent on the colonies, had allowed immense

private fortunes to be made while Manila was left without defences, and

the absolutely unassailable bay of Santiago de Cuba had on the fort

which commanded its entrance only useless old guns of a past century,

more likely to cause the death of those who attempted to serve them than

to injure an enemy? How about the Government that deliberately entered

on a war of which the end was perfectly foreseen, and, while seated

safely in office at home, thought the "honour of Spain" sufficiently

vindicated by offering up its navy, already made useless by neglect and

niggardliness, as a sacrifice? Captain Concas Palan points out that even

after it was fully recognised that the retention of Cuba was impossible,

the worst catastrophes might have been avoided. "In place of treating

for peace while the squadron was intact at Santiago, which, as well as

Manila, could have been defended for some time, the Ministers waited to

sue for peace until everything was lost, while it was perfectly well

known beforehand that that result was inevitable." During the whole

time, _mañana veremos_ was the rule of action--a to-morrow that never

was to dawn for those whose lives it was intended to sacrifice. Heaven

works no miracles for those who fling themselves against the impossible!

So long ago as 1823, Thomas Jefferson wrote to President Monroe: "The

addition of the island of Cuba to our Confederacy is exactly what is

wanted to round our power as a nation to the point of its utmost

interest." John Quincy Adams went so far as to state that "Cuba

gravitates to the United States as the apple yet hanging on its native

trunk gravitates to the earth which sustains it"--a statement which has

the more force when it is remembered that for over fifty years the Cuban

insurgents had been liberally supplied with arms, ammunition, stores,

and troops from the United States whenever they required them! And this,

not because Cuba was mismanaged by Spain, but because America coveted

her as "the most interesting addition that could be made to our system

of States," to quote Jefferson once more.

Nevertheless, the heroic sons of Spain were offered up as an expiation

for the sins of her political jugglers for generations past. With the

knowledge that America had at least for seventy years been seeking an

excuse for "rounding her power as a nation" by the seizure of Cuba, no

real effort was made to redress the grievances of her native population,

nor to efficiently defend her coasts.

The state of affairs in Manila was still worse. The culpable neglect of

the Government had resulted in the so-called squadron not being

possessed of one single ship of modern construction or armament; and

when the unfortunate marines and their heroic commanders had been

immolated by the overwhelming superiority in numbers and efficiency of

the Americans, the noisy injustice and anger of a senseless crowd at

home were allowed to compass the lasting disgrace of casting the blame

for the foreseen disasters on Admiral Montojo, who was thrown as a

victim to the jackals.

To-day, we find Spain absolutely without a navy. Two second- or

third-class ships--and they not even properly found or armed--are all

she possesses. Men she has, however, with the traditions of a great

past, while the officers of her navy are thoroughly alive to the class

of ships and the armament which are needed to give their country the

protection, and their foreign policy the dignity, which other countries

of far less importance are able to sustain. No wonder that her writers

are pointing out that instead of being satisfied with immense

long-winded despatches and notes, couched in grandiloquent language,

which Spanish Foreign Ministers seem to think amply sufficient, strong

nations have a habit of sending an iron-clad, or two or three cruisers

to back up their demands, and that no other European country but Spain

thinks it safe or wise to leave her coasts and her commerce entirely

without protection in case of a European war breaking out. Will the

nation itself take the matter in hand, and in this, as in so many other

matters, advance in spite of its Government? If it waits for the

political seesaw by which both parties avoid responsibility, there will

be small chance of a navy. The same ministry is in power to-day which

landed the country in the Spanish-American War, and it would seem as if

the nation considers it the best it can produce. _Mañana veremos?_

Spanish Life in Town and Country · 第 11 / 19 章