In 1836 Gallatin conferred a great boon upon linguistic students by
classifying all the existing material relating to this subject. Even in
the light of the knowledge of the present day his work is found to rest
upon a sound basis. The material of Gallatin’s time, however, was too
scanty to permit of more than an outline of the subject. Later writers
have contributed to the work, and the names of Latham, Turner, Prichard,
Buschmann, Hale, Gatschet, and others are connected with important
classificatory results.
The writer’s interest in linguistic work and the inception of a plan for
a linguistic classification of Indian languages date back about 20
years, to a time when he was engaged in explorations in the West. Being
brought into contact with many tribes, it was possible to collect a
large amount of original material. Subsequently, when the Bureau of
Ethnology was organized, this store was largely increased through the
labors of others. Since then a very large body of literature published
in Indian languages has been accumulated, and a great number of
vocabularies have been gathered by the Bureau assistants and by
collaborators in various parts of the country. The results of a study of
all this material, and of much historical data, which necessarily enters
largely into work of this character, appear in the accompanying map.
The contributions to the subject during the last fifty years have been
so important, and the additions to the material accessible to the
student of Gallatin’s time have been so large, that much of the reproach
which deservedly attached to American scholars because of the neglect of
American linguistics has been removed. The field is a vast one, however,
and the workers are comparatively few. Moreover, opportunities for
collecting linguistic material are growing fewer day by day, as tribes
are consolidated upon reservations, as they become civilized, and as the
older Indians, who alone are skilled in their language, die, leaving, it
may be, only a few imperfect vocabularies as a basis for future study.
History has bequeathed to us the names of many tribes, which became
extinct in early colonial times, of whose language not a hint is left
and whose linguistic relations must ever remain unknown.
It is vain to grieve over neglected opportunities unless their
contemplation stimulates us to utilize those at hand. There are yet many
gaps to be filled, even in so elementary a part of the study as the
classification of the tribes by language. As to the detailed study of
the different linguistic families, the mastery and analysis of the
languages composing them, and their comparison with one another and with
the languages of other families, only a beginning has been made.
After the above statement it is hardly necessary to add that the
accompanying map does not purport to represent final results. On the
contrary, it is to be regarded as tentative, setting forth in visible
form the results of investigation up to the present time, as a guide and
aid to future effort.
Each of the colors or patterns upon the map represents a distinct
linguistic family, the total number of families contained in the whole
area being fifty-eight. It is believed that the families of languages
represented upon the map can not have sprung from a common source; they
are as distinct from one another in their vocabularies and apparently in
their origin as from the Aryan or the Scythian families. Unquestionably,
future and more critical study will result in the fusion of some of
these families. As the means for analysis and comparison accumulate,
resemblances now hidden will be brought to light, and relationships
hitherto unsuspected will be shown to exist. Such a result may be
anticipated with the more certainty inasmuch as the present
classification has been made upon a conservative plan. Where
relationships between families are suspected, but can not be
demonstrated by convincing evidence, it has been deemed wiser not to
unite them, but to keep them apart until more material shall have
accumulated and proof of a more convincing character shall have been
brought forward. While some of the families indicated on the map may in
future be united to other families, and the number thus be reduced,
there seems to be no ground for the belief that the total of the
linguistic families of this country will be materially diminished, at
least under the present methods of linguistic analysis, for there is
little reason to doubt that, as the result of investigation in the
field, there will be discovered tribes speaking languages not
classifiable under any of the present families; thus the decrease in the
total by reason of consolidation may be compensated by a corresponding
increase through discovery. It may even be possible that some of the
similarities used in combining languages into families may, on further
study, prove to be adventitious, and the number may be increased
thereby. To which side the numerical balance will fall remains for the
future to decide.
As stated above, all the families occupy the same basis of dissimilarity
from one another--i.e., none of them are related--and consequently no
two of them are either more or less alike than any other two, except
in so far as mere coincidences and borrowed material may be said to
constitute likeness and relationship. Coincidences in the nature of
superficial word resemblances are common in all languages of the world.
No matter how widely separated geographically two families of languages
may be, no matter how unlike their vocabularies, how distinct their
origin, some words may always be found which appear upon superficial
examination to indicate relationship. There is not a single Indian
linguistic family, for instance, which does not contain words similar
in sound, and more rarely similar in both sound and meaning, to words
in English, Chinese, Hebrew, and other languages. Not only do such
resemblances exist, but they have been discovered and pointed out, not
as mere adventitious similarities, but as proof of genetic relationship.
Borrowed linguistic material also appears in every family, tempting the
unwary investigator into making false analogies and drawing erroneous
conclusions. Neither coincidences nor borrowed material, however, can be
properly regarded as evidence of cognation.
While occupying the same plane of genetic dissimilarity, the families
are by no means alike as regards either the extent of territory
occupied, the number of tribes grouped under them respectively, or the
number of languages and dialects of which they are composed. Some of
them cover wide areas, whose dimensions are stated in terms of latitude
and longitude rather than by miles. Others occupy so little space that
the colors representing them are hardly discernible upon the map. Some
of them contain but a single tribe; others are represented by scores of
tribes. In the case of a few, the term “family” is commensurate with
language, since there is but one language and no dialects. In the case
of others, their tribes spoke several languages, so distinct from one
another as to be for the most part mutually unintelligible, and the
languages shade into many dialects more or less diverse.
The map, designed primarily for the use of students who are engaged in
investigating the Indians of the United States, was at first limited to
this area; subsequently its scope was extended to include the whole of
North America north of Mexico. Such an extension of its plan was,
indeed, almost necessary, since a number of important families, largely
represented in the United States, are yet more largely represented in
the territory to the north, and no adequate conception of the size and
relative importance of such families as the Algonquian, Siouan,
Salishan, Athapascan, and others can be had without including
extralimital territory.
To the south, also, it happens that several linguistic stocks extend
beyond the boundaries of the United States. Three families are, indeed,
mainly extralimital in their position, viz: Yuman, the great body of the
tribes of which family inhabited the peninsula of Lower California;
Piman, which has only a small representation in southern Arizona; and
the Coahuiltecan, which intrudes into southwestern Texas. The Athapascan
family is represented in Arizona and New Mexico by the well known Apache
and Navajo, the former of whom have gained a strong foothold in northern
Mexico, while the Tañoan, a Pueblo family of the upper Rio Grande, has
established a few pueblos lower down the river in Mexico. For the
purpose of necessary comparison, therefore, the map is made to include
all of North America north of Mexico, the entire peninsula of Lower
California, and so much of Mexico as is necessary to show the range of
families common to that country and to the United States. It is left to
a future occasion to attempt to indicate the linguistic relations of
Mexico and Central America, for which, it may be remarked in passing,
much material has been accumulated.
It is apparent that a single map can not be made to show the locations
of the several linguistic families at different epochs; nor can a single
map be made to represent the migrations of the tribes composing the
linguistic families. In order to make a clear presentation of the latter
subject, it would be necessary to prepare a series of maps showing the
areas successively occupied by the several tribes as they were disrupted
and driven from section to section under the pressure of other tribes or
the vastly more potent force of European encroachment. Although the data
necessary for a complete representation of tribal migration, even for
the period subsequent to the advent of the European, does not exist,
still a very large body of material bearing upon the subject is at hand,
and exceedingly valuable results in this direction could be presented
did not the amount of time and labor and the large expense attendant
upon such a project forbid the attempt for the present.
The map undertakes to show the habitat of the linguistic families only,
and this is for but a single period in their history, viz, at the time
when the tribes composing them first became known to the European, or
when they first appear on recorded history. As the dates when the
different tribes became known vary, it follows as a matter of course
that the periods represented by the colors in one portion of the map are
not synchronous with those in other portions. Thus the data for the
Columbia River tribes is derived chiefly from the account of the journey
of Lewis and Clarke in 1803-’05, long before which period radical
changes of location had taken place among the tribes of the eastern
United States. Again, not only are the periods represented by the
different sections of the map not synchronous, but only in the case of a
few of the linguistic families, and these usually the smaller ones, is
it possible to make the coloring synchronous for different sections of
the same family. Thus our data for the location of some of the northern
members of the Shoshonean family goes back to 1804, a date at which
absolutely no knowledge had been gained of most of the southern members
of the group, our first accounts of whom began about 1850. Again, our
knowledge of the eastern Algonquian tribes dates back to about 1600,
while no information was had concerning the Atsina, Blackfeet, Cheyenne,
and the Arapaho, the westernmost members of the family, until two
centuries later.
Notwithstanding these facts, an attempt to fix upon the areas formerly
occupied by the several linguistic families, and of the pristine homes
of many of the tribes composing them, is by no means hopeless. For
instance, concerning the position of the western tribes during the
period of early contact of our colonies and its agreement with their
position later when they appear in history, it may be inferred that as a
rule it was stationary, though positive evidence is lacking. When
changes of tribal habitat actually took place they were rarely in the
nature of extensive migration, by which a portion of a linguistic family
was severed from the main body, but usually in the form of encroachment
by a tribe or tribes upon neighboring territory, which resulted simply
in the extension of the limits of one linguistic family at the expense
of another, the defeated tribes being incorporated or confined within
narrower limits. If the above inference be correct, the fact that
different chronologic periods are represented upon the map is of
comparatively little importance, since, if the Indian tribes were in the
main sedentary, and not nomadic, the changes resulting in the course of
one or two centuries would not make material differences. Exactly the
opposite opinion, however, has been expressed by many writers, viz, that
the North American Indian tribes were nomadic. The picture presented by
these writers is of a medley of ever-shifting tribes, to-day here,
to-morrow there, occupying new territory and founding new homes--if
nomads can be said to have homes--only to abandon them. Such a picture,
however, is believed to convey an erroneous idea of the former condition
of our Indian tribes. As the question has significance in the present
connection it must be considered somewhat at length.