An original document now lying before me, the autograph letter of
Charles the Ninth, will prove, that the unparalleled massacre, called by
the world _religious_, was, in the French cabinet, considered merely as
_political_; one of those revolting state expedients which a pretended
instant necessity has too often inflicted on that part of a nation
which, like the undercurrent, subterraneously works its way, and runs
counter to the great stream, till the critical moment arrives when one
or the other must cease.
The massacre began on St. Bartholomew day, in August, 1572, lasted in
France during seven days: that awful event interrupted the
correspondence of our court with that of France. A long silence ensued;
the one did not dare to tell the tale which the other could not listen
to. But sovereigns know how to convert a mere domestic event into a
political expedient. Charles the Ninth, on the birth of a daughter, sent
over an ambassador extraordinary to request Elizabeth to stand as
sponsor: by this the French monarch obtained a double purpose; it served
to renew his interrupted intercourse with the silent queen, and alarmed
the French protestants by abating their hopes, which long rested on the
aid of the English queen.
The following letter, dated 8th February, 1573, is addressed by the king
to La Motte Fenelon, his resident ambassador at London. The king in this
letter minutely details a confidential intercourse with his mother,
Catharine of Medicis, who, perhaps, may have dictated this letter to the
secretary, although signed by the king with his own hand.[177] Such
minute particulars could only have been known to herself. The Earl of
_Wolchester_ (Worcester) was now taking his departure, having come to
Paris on the baptism of the princess; and accompanied by Walsingham, our
resident ambassador, after taking leave of Charles, had the following
interview with Catharine de Medicis. An interview with the young monarch
was usually concluded by a separate audience with his mother, who
probably was still the directress of his councils.
The French court now renewed their favourite project of marrying the
Duke d'Alencon with Elizabeth. They had long wished to settle this
turbulent spirit, and the negotiation with Elizabeth had been broken off
in consequence of the massacre at Paris. They were somewhat uneasy lest
he should share the fate of his brother, the Duke of Anjou, who had not
long before been expedited on the same fruitless errand; and Elizabeth
had already objected to the disparity of their ages, the Duke of
Alencon, being only seventeen, and the maiden queen six-and-thirty; but
Catharine observed that Alencon was only one year younger than his
brother, against whom this objection had not occurred to Elizabeth, for
he had been sent back upon another pretext--some difficulty which the
queen had contrived about his performing mass in his own house.
After Catharine de Medicis had assured the Earl of Worcester of her
great affection for the Queen of England, and her and the king's strict
intention to preserve it, and that they were therefore desirous of this
proposed marriage taking place, she took this opportunity of inquiring
of the Earl of Worcester the cause of the queen his mistress's marked
_coolness toward them_. The narrative becomes now dramatic.
"On this Walsingham, who kept always close by the side of the count,
here took on himself to answer, acknowledging that the said count had
indeed been charged to speak on this head; and he then addressed some
words in English to Worcester. And afterwards the count gave to my lady
and mother to understand, that the queen his mistress had been waiting
for an answer on two articles; the one concerning religion, and the
other for an interview. My lady and mother instantly replied, that she
had never heard any articles mentioned, on which she would not have
immediately satisfied the Sieur Walsingham, who then took up the word;
first observing that the count was not accustomed to business of this
nature, but that he himself knew for certain that the cause of this
negotiation for marriage not being more advanced, was really these two
unsettled points: that his mistress still wished that the point of
religion should be cleared up; for that they concluded in England that
this business was designed only to amuse and never to be completed (as
happened in that of my brother the Duke of Anjou); and the other point
concerned the interview between my brother the Duke of Alencon; because
some letters which may have been written between the parties[178] in
such sort of matters, could not have the same force which the sight and
presence of both the persons would undoubtedly have. But, he added,
_another thing, which had also greatly retarded this business, was what
had happened lately in this kingdom_; and during such troubles,
proceeding from religion, it could not have been well timed to have
spoken with them concerning the said marriage; and that himself and
those of his nation had been in great fear in this kingdom, thinking
that we intended to extirpate all those of the said religion. On this,
my lady and mother answered him instantly and in order: That she was
certain that the queen his mistress could never like nor value a prince
who had not his religion at heart; and whoever would desire to have this
otherwise, would be depriving him of what we hold dearest in this world;
That he might recollect that my brother had always insisted on the
freedom of religion, and that it was from the difficulty of its public
exercise, which he always insisted on, which had broken off this
negotiation: the Duke d'Alencon will be satisfied when this point is
agreed on, and will hasten over to the queen, persuaded that she will
not occasion him the pain and the shame of passing over the seas without
happily terminating this affair. In regard to _what has occurred these
latter days_, that he must have seen how it happened by the fault of the
chiefs of those who remained here; for when the late admiral was
treacherously wounded at Notre Dame, he knew the affliction it threw us
into (fearful that it might have occasioned great troubles in this
kingdom), and the diligence we used to verify judicially whence it
proceeded; and the verification was nearly finished, when they were so
forgetful, as to raise a conspiracy, to attempt the lives of myself, my
lady and mother, and my brothers, and endanger the whole state; which
was the cause, that to avoid this, I was compelled, to my very great
regret, to permit what had happened in this city; but as he had
witnessed, I gave orders to stop, as soon as possible, this fury of the
people, and place every one in repose. On this, the Sieur Walsingham
replied to my lady and mother, that the exercise of the said religion
had been interdicted in this kingdom. To which she also answered, that
this had not been done but for a good and holy purpose; namely, that the
fury of the catholic people might the sooner be allayed, who else had
been reminded of the past calamities, and would again have been let
loose against those of the said religion, had they continued to preach
in this kingdom. Also should these once more fix on any chiefs, which I
will prevent as much as possible, giving him clearly and pointedly to
understand, that what is done here is much the same as what has been
done, and is now practised by the queen his mistress in her kingdom. For
she permits the exercise but of one religion, although there are many of
her people who are of another; and having also, during her reign,
punished those of her subjects whom she found seditious and rebellious.
It is true this has been done by the laws, but I indeed could not act in
the same manner; for finding myself in such imminent peril, and the
conspiracy raised against me and mine, and my kingdom, ready to be
executed, I had no time to arraign and try in open justice as much as I
wished, but was constrained, to my very great regret, to strike the blow
(lascher le main) in what has been done in this city."
This letter of Charles the Ninth, however, does not here conclude. "My
lady and mother" plainly acquaints the Earl of Worcester and Sir Francis
Walsingham, that her son had never interfered between their mistress and
her subjects, and in return expects the same favour; although, by
accounts they had received from England, many ships were arming to
assist their rebels at Rochelle. "My lady and mother" advances another
step, and declares that Elizabeth by treaty is bound to assist her son
against his rebellious subjects; and they expect, at least, that
Elizabeth will not only stop these armaments in all her ports, but
exemplarily punish the offenders. I resume the letter.
"And on hearing this, the said Walsingham changed colour, and appeared
somewhat astonished, as my lady and mother well perceived by his face;
and on this he requested the Count of Worcester to mention the order
which he knew the queen his mistress had issued to prevent these people
from assisting those of La Rochelle; but that in England, so numerous
were the seamen and others who gained their livelihood by maritime
affairs, and who would starve without the entire freedom of the seas,
that it was impossible to interdict them."
Charles the Ninth encloses the copy of a letter he had received from
London, in part agreeing with an account the ambassador had sent to the
king, of an English expedition nearly ready to sail for La Rochelle, to
assist his rebellious subjects. He is still further alarmed, that
Elizabeth foments the _wartegeux_, and assists underhand the
discontented. He urges the ambassador to hasten to the queen, to impart
these complaints in the most friendly way, as he knows the ambassador
can well do, and as, no doubt, Walsingham will have already prepared her
to receive. Charles entreats Elizabeth to prove her good faith by deeds
and not by words; to act openly on a point which admits of no
dissimulation. The best proof of her friendship will be the marriage;
and the ambassador, after opening this business to her chief ministers,
who the king thinks are desirous of this projected marriage, is then
"to acquaint the queen with what has passed between her ambassadors and
myself."
Such is the first letter on English affairs which Charles the Ninth
despatched to his ambassador, after an awful silence of six months,
during which time La Motte Fenelon was not admitted into the presence of
Elizabeth. The apology for the massacre of St. Bartholomew comes from
the king himself, and contains several remarkable expressions, which are
at least divested of that style of bigotry and exultation we might have
expected: on the contrary, this sanguinary and inconsiderate young
monarch, as he is represented, writes in a subdued and sorrowing tone,
lamenting his hard necessity, regretting he could not have recourse to
the laws, and appealing to others for his efforts to check the fury of
the people, which he himself had let loose. Catharine de Medicis, who
had governed him from the tender age of eleven years, when he ascended
the throne, might unquestionably have persuaded him that a conspiracy
was on the point of explosion. Charles the Ninth died young, and his
character is unfavourably viewed by the historians. In the voluminous
correspondence which I have examined, could we judge by state letters of
the character of him who subscribes them, we must form a very different
notion; they are so prolix, and so earnest, that one might conceive they
were dictated by the young monarch himself!