THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA
כְּשׁוׄשַׁנָּה בֵּין הַחוׄחִים
(שיר ב׳ ב׳)
THE HISTORY OF SUSANNA.
ANALYSIS. (Θ)
vv.
1--4. Susanna--her husband, family, and house.
5,6. Two newly-appointed Elders resort thither for official purposes.
7--14. How they yielded to the 'lust of the eye,' and laid their plot.
15--21. How they attempted to carry it out.
22--26. Susanna's soliloquy and cry.
27--41. The Elders' false accusation in private and in public, resulting
in her condemnation to death.
42--44. Her prayer.
45--49. The inspiration of Daniel to clear her.
50--59. He re-opens the case, and proves the Elders to be false.
60--62. The death-penalty is transferred to them, and Susanna is
delivered,
63, 64. Whose family thank God; while Daniel's reputation is
established.
N.B.--It is not clear why the 'heading' or 'contents' in the A.V.
_begins_ with v. 16. _Cf._ the heading of Bel and the Dragon for a
similar ignoring of the early verses, as also that of I. Macc. i.
TITLE AND POSITION.
TITLE.
This is in general simply Σουσάννα, as in the true LXX.
In Cod. A (Θ) it is designated at the end ὅρασις α', our chap. i. being
ὅρασις β', and so on. It is therefore included in the number of the
visions.[29] Ὅρασις also occurs in the title of Holmes and Parsons'
cursive 235.
In the Syriac of Heraclius (=W₂ of Ball, pp. 323a, 330a) it is entitled
"The Book of the child Daniel," or "The Book of little Daniel" (Churton,
3896). This last title also seems applied to Bel and the Dragon in a
Nestorian list mentioned by Churton (on the same page), and in Ebed
Jesu's list of Hippolytus' works (_D.G.B._ art. _Hippolytus_, p. 104a),
When applied to Bel and the Dragon, however, 'little' must refer to the
size of the book, and not, as is usually understood when it heads
Susanna, to Daniel's youthful age. To this Bar Hebræus (†1286), in his
Scholia on Susanna, expressly attributes it (ed. A. Heppner, Berlin,
1888, p. 18). He also remarks that neither Syriac version is equal to
the Greek.
"The Judgments of Daniel," Διακρίσεις Δανιήλ, is a good title given by
Arnald, by Churton (p. 390), and by Westcott (Smith's _D.B._ art.
_Additions to Daniel_, ed. 1, 3966, ed. 2, 713b), none of whom specify
any source or authority for it, Arnald alone giving the Greek. It may be
traced back, however, through Sabatier to Flaminius Nobilius, who
writes, "In multis [vetustis libris] inscribitur Daniel, in quibusdam
Susanna, in aliquo διάκρισις Δανιήλ, Judicium Daniel" (Append, to Bp.
Walton's _Polyglott_, Lond. 1657, p. 191). He gives no information as to
what this 'certain' copy at the end of his descending climax might be in
which he had found this title; nor does it quite agree with the plural
form in which Arnald gives it, presumably with regard to the double
sentence passed by Daniel. Holmes and Parsons give no such reading, and
no one now seems able to identify the 'liber' intended by Flaminius.
Delitzsch (_di Hab. Vita_, etc., Lips. 1842, p. _25n_) says that "Unus
Cod. qui ex coenobiis montis Athos advectus est" gives the title περὶ
τῆς Σωσάννης.
As this piece describes one episode only in Susanna's life, "the History
of Susanna" in both A.V. and R.V. is not a good title. 'History' and
'story,' however, were not so clearly differentiated in English formerly
as they are now. Possibly this title was taken from Jerome, who speaks
of "Susannæ historiam" twice in his Preface to Daniel. It is given also
in Syr. W₁. In Article VI., and in the "Names and Order of the Books" in
A.V., it takes the form, "Story of Susanna."
The name שׁוׄשַׁנָּה is so eminently fitted to the subject of the story
as to suggest its intentional choice; and, so far, would tell in favour
of the allegoric, and against the historic, nature of the piece[30]. Or
even supposing the piece to be historic, the name may have been assumed
in order to avoid identification of the heroine. The word occurs in its
masculine form, שֵׁשָׁן, in I. Chron. ii. 31, 34, 35; and in its
feminine form in II. Chron. iv. 5, Cant. ii. 1, 2 (here in a phrase most
readily lending itself as a motto for the tale), and Hos. xiv. 5. The
place Shushan, too, is thought to have been named from the abundance of
lilies which grew there. This name, derived from the plant world, is
paralleled by that of Habakkuk in the companion story of Bel and the
Dragon, according to Marti on Hab. i. 1 (_Hand-Commentar,_ Tübingen,
1904).
POSITION.
In Cod. Chisianus, and in the Vulgate, Susanna forms chap. xiii. of
Daniel. So also in the Syro-Hexaplar version (Ball, p. 330b). Cajetanus
Bugati (_Syriac Daniel_, Milan, 1788, p. 163), endeavours to explain
this (against Michaelis) by supposing Susanna to have been removed from
its original place at the beginning of the book.
In Codd. A, B, Q, Susanna stands at the beginning, before our chap. i.
of Daniel. This is its position also in the Old Latin, and in the Arabic
versions (Ball, p. 330b). Rothstein in Kautzsch (p. 172) thinks that
this was not its original place, but the one in which Theodotion fixed
it, or perhaps that which found favour when Theodotion's translation was
substituted for LXX. And this position appears to be contemplated by the
A.V. and R.V. titles, "set apart from the beginning of," etc. Driver,
however, thinks (_Comm. on Dan._, p. xviii.) that the chap. xiii.
position (before Bel and the Dragon) was perhaps its original place.
"The fact that it contains an anecdote of Daniel's youth might readily
have led to its subsequent transference to the beginning of the book."
St. Hippolytus, a writer subsequent to Theodotion, evidently regards it
as the commencement of the book (Schürer, _H.J.P._ ii. iii., 185).
Flaminius Nobilius in his "Notae," as given in the Appendix to Bryan
Walton's _Polyglott_, writes, "Hæc Susannas historia in omnibus
vetustis libris est principium Danielis, quemadmodum etiam apud S.
Athan. in Synopsi." This Synopsis is now considered to be of
post-Athanasian date; and the position which its writer gives to
Susanna in § 41 does not look quite consistent with that he gives
afterwards in § 74 (_see_ 'Canonicity,' p. 157).
Although in the Vulgate this moveable fragment forms Daniel xiii.,
Jerome, notwithstanding, in his Preface names these additions in the
order, Susanna, The Three, Bel and the Dragon; yet in the immediately
following "capitula Danihelis," it stands as in the text after chap.
xii. This clearly points to some uncertainty as to its proper place.
The statements made by E.L. Curtis at the end of art. _Daniel_ in
Hastings' _B.D._, that this and Bel and the Dragon are separate books in
the LXX, have question marks justly affixed to them. In the Jacobite
Syriac, Susanna is joined with Judith, Ruth, and Esther, as a "Female
Book" (_Urtext und Uebersetz._ p. 230). Gwynn says (D.C.B. art.
_Thecla_, IV. 895b), that in "Syriac O.T.'s these are usually placed
together and classed as the four books of the 'Book of Women.'"
Yet another position is suggested by J. Fürst (quoted in Bissell, p.
444), who thinks its proper place is after Dan. i. 20. This is a very
plausible conjecture, but evidence to support it is at present wanting.
A slight confirmation of it however is afforded by the _Byzantine Guide
to Painting_ (_see_ 'Art,' p. 171); and by the position given by Sulpicius
Severus to his epitome of the story (_see_ 'Christian Literature,' p.
167). E. Philippe (Vigouroux, _Dict._ II. 1267a) attempts to account for
its removal from, or want of position in, the Massoretic Daniel, "parce
qu'elle est infamante pour les juges d'Israel," obviously adopting
Origen's reason (_see_ 'Canonicity,' p. 157) which is not a very
satisfactory one.
All things considered, the position of Susanna in the A.V. as a detached
piece, along with Bel and the Dragon, is as suitable as any which have
been suggested. For its original place cannot now, from the information
in our hands, be determined with absolute certainty.
DATE AND PLACE OF WRITING.
DATE.
Susanna is deemed by J.M. Fuller (_Speaker's Comm., Introd. to Dan._,
221a) to be probably the oldest of the three additions. This opinion is
however by no means universally accepted.
If a Semitic original really existed, it no doubt preceded the Greek
texts. R.C. opinion (_e.g._ Dereser, quoted by Bissell, p. 444), as that
of all who regard the booklet as canonical, treats it as part of Daniel,
and therefore whatever date is assigned to that book is made to apply to
this also. Professor A.A. Bevan (_Comm. on Dan._, Camb. 1892, p. 45)
thinks that this piece and Bel and the Dragon "appear to have been
circulated independently before they were incorporated with the book of
Daniel." C.J. Ball ascribes the origin of the piece to the struggles
between the Pharisees and the Sadducees, B.C. 94-89 (p. 330a). But to
attribute it thus to the outcome of these quarrels, brings the original
down to a later date than is at all probable, in view of its
incorporation with the LXX.[31] Nor does the bitterness of those
disputes seem stamped with sufficient strength upon the document itself
to compel us to see in them its period of origin.
J.T. Marshall (Hastings' _D.B._ IV., 631-2) conjectures that the latter
part of the story arose out of Simon ben Shetach's efforts, about 100
B.C., to get the law as to witnesses in criminal cases altered. This
view is perhaps a trifle more probable than Ball's.
As to the true LXX text, Bissell (p. 444) rather inclines to deem it to
have been from the first a part of the LXX. So Pusey, quoted by Churton
(p. 389), says that it is "admitted to have been contemporary with the
LXX version;" and W. Selwyn (_D.B._ III., p. 1210a) thinks that this,
with the other additions, was "early incorporated with the LXX."
Rothstein in Kautzsch, very hesitatingly and with much caution, suggests
(I., p. 178) the second century before Christ.
On the other hand, A. Kamphausen (_Encyclop. Bibl._ I. 1013) writes,"
When [Daniel] first began to be translated by the Egyptian Jews into
Greek, the legends of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon, which may very
well have had an independent circulation, had certainly not as yet been
taken up into it.... We cannot tell at what date it was that these
apocryphal additions (which are contained in all MSS. that have reached
us), were taken up into the Greek and Syriac Daniel." How he knows so
"certainly" that they were not in it at the period named, he does not
explain; and before this positive statement can be unreservedly accepted
strong proof is wanted.
As to Theodotion's version, there is no reason to suppose that the
portion consisting of Susanna differs in date from the rest of the book.
It may probably be assigned to the latter half of the second century
A.D. Behrmann, in Nowack's _Hand Kommentar_, p. xxx. says, "um 150."
Most writers on this subject, such as Westcott, Streane, and Marshall,
as well as some of those previously mentioned, markedly avoid any
approach to definite dates as to the original, or as to the LXX Greek.
And justly so; for the evidence in our hands does not, unfortunately,
admit of anything closer than a "period" being safely fixed. The
materials we have are not sufficiently precise for closer approximation
with any decree of security. Rothstein (Kautzsch, I., p. 178) very
wisely says, "Natürlich lasst sich mit irgend welcher Sicherheit über
diese Frage nichts ausmachen." With this, until further evidence be
forthcoming, it is well to agree.
PLACE.
_Of Original._ As to the place of origin nearly every writer on Susanna
is silent except Scholz, who (p. 147) favours a non-Alexandrian
birthplace, giving a preference to the land of the Captivity. And if we
assume, as he does, a Semitic original, Babylonia is no doubt its
probable birthplace, or, failing that, Palestine.
It might appear, if the trees named could be botanically identified with
a reasonable degree of certainty, that a valuable sign would thus be
given of the place of origin. But inasmuch as Joacim's park or garden
would be a likely place for the cultivation of exotics, perhaps no safe
theory could be built upon the identification of the trees, unless they
were shewn to be such as would not live in the climate of the country
suggested.
There is no trace of Alexandrian philosophy or speculation, nor of
commercial interests, some of which generally betray themselves in
writings of Alexandrian origin. And the same may be said of the Song of
the Three, and Bel and the Dragon. But in such short pieces it is not
wise to build much on the absence of these traces.
_Of LXX Greek._ That this was made at Alexandria admits of little doubt.
From the similarity of style, too, it would appear that the translator
(or editor) was identical with the translator of the canonical Daniel.
This is the opinion of Rothstein (in Kautzsch, I. 178). Schürer
(_H.J.P._ II. III.), who denies the existence of a Semitic original,
classes this (with the other additions) not in his
'Palestinian-Jewish,' but in his 'Graeco-Jewish' section.
The mention of Sidon in v. 56 (where Θ has Canaan) may perhaps suggest a
writer in the original, whatever language he may have used, who was
connected with the north of Palestine. But it is quite as probable that
the writer (or translator) had some idea of Gen. x. 15 in his mind,
"Canaan begat Sidon his firstborn." After him, according to Josephus
(_Ant._ I. VI. 2), the city was named: Σιδώνιος ὃς καὶ πόλιν ἐπώννμον
ἔκτισεν ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ, Σιδὼν δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ Ἑλλήνων καλεῖται. It is worth
noticing that in St. Matt. xi. 21 our Lord speaks of the city more
favourably.
_Of Theodotion's Greek._ Of the 'provenance' of the Greek version
bearing Theodotion's name very little is known. But Ephesus may be
suggested as not altogether improbable with regard to what little we
know of Theodotion's life. If we take the Revelation of St. John, too,
as having been written at Ephesus, this will accord well with the use
made of Theodotion's version of Daniel in that book. Or if Theodotion
made use, in whole or in part, of some previous version, as seems
certain, this fact would not at all militate against St. John at Ephesus
having also made use of the same earlier version. And it is quite
possible that this version may have been of Alexandrian origin, although
worked up by Theodotion elsewhere.
Whatever the place of origin may have been, it is very remarkable that a
version by one who was either a Jew or a heretic Christian should have
been preferred to the LXX of Daniel and the Additions so as practically
to supersede it. Prof. J.J. Blunt describes Theodotion as one who
"attempts to wrest the Hebrew from the cause of the Gospel" (_Christian
Church_, p. 129). This was indicated by Irenæus, III. xxiii. 1. If,
however, the previous version used by him was due to a pre-Christian
Jew, this may have smoothed the way for its acceptance among Christians.
For Jews B.C. and Jews A.D. were regarded by the Church, as was natural,
in very different lights, and their writings likewise.
AUTHORSHIP.
Like some other of the apocryphal books, this is a traditional story of
great popularity. It is not necessary to suppose that its author's name
has been lost from the title, as it may always have been anonymous. The
nature of its contents would not be unlikely to give offence to the
Sanhedrin, and therefore a motive for anonymity is not far to seek.
Bishop Gray (_Introd. to O.T._ p. 613) seems, as he often does, to hit
the mark, as nearly as we can tell, when he deems it to be "by some Jew
who invented the history, or collected its particulars from traditionary
relations in praise of Daniel." This observation is little more than
paraphrased by J.H. Blunt, when he writes (_in loc._) "probably inserted
into LXX from some ancient Jewish authority." The variations of text
certainly suggest an oral tradition, perhaps even more strongly than in
Bel and the Dragon.
Bissell says that Susanna "contains nothing which might not have come
from the pen of a Hellenist" (p. 445); and Westcott sees in this and
other additions "the hand of an Alexandrian writer" (Smith's _D.B._ ed.
2 I. 714a), but thinks it not unlikely that he worked up earlier
traditions. Certainly v. 22 seems to shew that the author of the Greek
of Θ was evidently acquainted with the LXX of II. Sam. xxiv. 14. "Wer
die Susanna (in Walton's _Polygl._ 4) nach Theodot. frei übersetzt hat,"
says Nestle, "wissen wir nicht" (_Urtext und übersetz._ 236).
It is noteworthy that Josephus shews no acquaintance with this or the
other additions, though he makes some use of other uncanonical legends
of Daniel (_Jud. Ant._ X., 10, 1; 11, 6 and 7). Schürer in Hauck's
_Encylop._ (I. 639), thinks Susanna and Bel and the Dragon may well
originally have had independent existences. If so, this might help to
explain Josephus' disregard of them.
It is a reasonable inference from v. 57, that the author was a Jew in
the strictest sense, and not from one of the ten tribes. Yet it should
not escape notice that in v. 48 "Israel" is apparently used for the
entire people, including all the tribes.[32] The invidious contrast
between the Israelitish and Jewish women is omitted in what Dr. Salmon
calls, "the second Syriac recension" of Susanna, termed erroneously at
one time "the Harklensian" (_Speaker's Comm._, p. xlvi.). The contrast
in v. 56 between Israel and Canaan is made into a stinging reproach, but
is hardly to be understood literally as to the Elder's family descent.
J. Kennedy in _Daniel from a Christian standpoint_ (p. 55), says of this
and the other Additions that there is "no means of determining when,
where, or by whom written." He adds (p. 56), "those who conceived and
wrote the additions were both intellectually and spiritually incapable
of appreciating the book [of Daniel] and its contents," and he concludes
that they "belong to different ages and to entirely different conditions
of thought." This estimate is a much too severe one, and very different
from the opinion formed by some other equally qualified judges. The fear
lest a favourable opinion of the quality of these pieces should lend any
countenance to the Tridentine decree as to the Apocrypha, or seem to
weaken the Protestant position with regard to them, appears to have
operated, consciously or unconsciously, in shaping the views on this
subject expressed by such writers. Probably acting under similar
sentiments Ludovicus Cappellus, †1658 (quoted by Ball, 325a), calls
the author "a trifler" (nugator), and styles his production "fabula
ineptissima."
Jerome, in the Prologue to his _Commentary on Daniel_, says that
Eusebius and Apollinarius replied to Porphyry's objection to these
additions that "Susannæ Belisque ac Draconis fabulas non contineri in
Hebraico, sed partem esse prophetæ Abacuc filii Jesu de tribu Levi;"
and apparently acquiesces in this statement. As there appears to be no
other authority for attributing Susanna to Habakkuk, it is a question
whether the LXX title to Bel and the Dragon was not applied to Susanna
also "per incuriam." A. Scholz escapes the difficulty of Habakkuk both
here and in Bel and the Dragon by regarding it as a merely symbolic
title, which he renders by "Kämpfe" on very slender grounds (_Esther und
Susanna_, Würzburg, 1892, p. 138; and _Judith und Bel und der Drache_,
1896, p. 204).
It must not be forgotten, however, that the authorship of Daniel is of
course suggested by most of those who defend the canonicity of the book.
Origen in his Epistle to Africanus maintains the solidarity of the piece
with the book of Daniel. And it should be remembered, as a point of some
strength, that Julius Africanus' correspondence with Origen at the
beginning of century III., is the first record we have of any dispute as
to its genuineness.
Professor Rothstein, in Kautzsch (i. 172) gives very decidedly a
contrary opinion, stating that Susanna and Bel and the Dragon, "haben
mit dem Danielbuche nur insofern zu thun, als in ihnen Daniel eine Rolle
spielt." But it is hard to offer conclusive proof that Susanna and Bel
and the Dragon differ greatly in character from the independent
historical "scenes" of which the first six chapters of Daniel consist;
each, in nearly all respects, being intelligible when standing alone. It
is hard also to shew that their incorporation, and constant acceptance,
with the LXX was a deplorable mistake. And this difficulty is enhanced
when we see that, so far as is known, all the Greek and Latin speaking
Christians before Julius Africanus, and most of them after, fell
unquestionably into what, if Rothstein and those who think with him are
right, must be deemed a grave error. But even if it could be proved that
these pieces were by the author of Daniel, the recent questions as to
who that writer may have been, still further complicate the at present
insoluble problem of the authorship of Susanna.
FOR WHOM AND WITH WHAT OBJECT WRITTEN.
FOR WHOM.
That this story was originally prepared for the use of Jews there can be
no doubt. Probably it was designed for readers and admirers of Daniel,
who would be glad of this example of the prophet's insight. Certainly
it was for those who loved to dwell on the interventions of God for His
people, and especially on a recent manifestation of His particular care
for oppressed individuals. Possibly also the case of those may have been
regarded who were dissatisfied with the current methods of administering
justice and conducting trials. J.W. Etheridge (_Jerusalem and Tiberias_,
1856, p. 109) deems it to be an example of Haggadah in common with its
two companion pieces, "histories coloured with fable," as he styles
them--a sort of legendary appendix to carry on the interest of readers
of the canonical text.
But since the Christian era this writing has been employed by Christians
far more than by Jews. Perhaps its ready acceptance by the former may
have diminished the chance of popularity amongst the Israelites of later
times. They would look upon it with more suspicion, though it was
clearly connected with the literature of their race. And obviously this
enlarged acceptance among Christians was beyond the aim of the tale's
author.
WITH WHAT OBJECT WRITTEN.
The holding up an example of purity, maintained under circumstances of
great distress, is the leading object which Christians have seen in
this piece. It is probable, however, that other aims as well as this
entered into the mind of the writer.
A dissatisfaction with the method of conducting trials such as Susanna's
is clearly manifested. A Pharisaic, or at least an anti-Sadducean,
tendency has been observed, particularly in the latter part of the
story. Then the utility of investigating small particulars is
demonstrated, and the necessity of a rigorous punishment of false
witnesses, points on which the Pharisees insisted, according to Ball
(329b, 330a), who quotes Simon ben Shetach as saying from the
Mishnah (_Pirke Avoth_, I. 9) את הצדים הוי מרבה לחקור. Bissell (p. 447)
also thinks that "to reform the method of conducting legal processes"
was an object of the author. And certainly the story does teach the need
for a close investigation of testimony.
The author shews up the unscrupulousness and injustice practised even in
the leading circles of the Jewish community; and in so doing he
manifests throughout a good knowledge of the workings of the human
heart. Marshall (in Hastings' _D.B._) assumes "that we have here an
ethical mythus" (631b).[33] But to imagine that the story had no
other origin than this is, to say the least, unproved, and, as many
think, unproveable.
Another object may have been to extol Daniel and his judicial acumen.
There is a resemblance in this respect to the tone of several chapters
of the Book of Daniel, _e.g._, ii. and iv. His penetration and his
prophetic gifts as a young man are set forth. Indeed the last two verses
of the Ο´ version almost make the praise of youthful piety the moral of
the book. But this, edifying as it may be, is scarcely to be taken as
the chief object of the composition; and Θ substitutes another
conclusion as to the gratitude of Susanna's family and the growth of
Daniel's reputation.
Still, apart from the question of historic value, many worthy objects
may have lain within the purview of the composer; and to shew that
righteous youths are better than unrighteous elders may very well have
been one of these. To prove that even men of riper years are not
unerring in judgment may well also, as G. Jahn (quoted by Ball in
_Speaker's Comm._ 325a) points out, have been a subsidiary aim.
The kind of judicial acumen displayed strikes one, too, as being very
similar to that of the young Solomon in his judgment on the two women
(I. Kings iii.); but the story here is not an imitation of that. It is a
wholly distinct instance of the same class, a most popular one for
narration in Eastern countries.
Another object in writing this history (and certainly the most useful
object from a Christian point of view) is to give an example of the
maintenance of purity and right, even at the risk of losing both life
and reputation.
It may be questioned, however, whether the idea of depressing the
estimation of elders, or of raising that of Susanna and of Daniel, was
uppermost in the writer's mind. Almost equal prominence is given to each
of these ideas. The latter, perhaps, would throw over the piece a
somewhat less attractive character than the former. But there is that in
the cast of the composition which suggests that its object may have been
quite as much to raise disgust at the elders' crime as to raise
admiration at Susanna's purity; in fact that the whiteness of her
character was designed as a foil to make more prominent the blackness of
her oppressors. On this account Jer. xxix. 23 might perhaps be taken as
a verse which gave his cue to the writer. But these are points on which
opinions will inevitably vary according to the impression made on
different minds by a matter so nearly balanced.
This, the only one of our three booklets in which women appear, presents
them in a very favourable light. Beyond the imputation suggested against
those of Israel at the beginning of v. 57, it contains nothing but what
is creditable to the female sex. The present Archbishop of Armagh's
poem, "The Voyage to Babylon," thus prettily depicts Susanna's purity:
".... garden bed of balm,
In one whereof old Chelcias' daughter
Went to walk down beside the water,
The lily both in heart and name,
Whose white leaf hath no blot of shame."
Abp. ALEXANDER'S _Poems_ (Lond. 1900).
INTEGRITY AND STATE OF THE TEXT.
In Θ we appear to have the story presented to us without material
interpolation; but there are omissions of some not very important
matters contained in the LXX text. A. Scholz accounts for variations by
supposing changes in the Hebrew original between the times of the two
translations. Of Θ he says, "Θ ist nichts als Uebersetzer; er setzt de
suo kein wort bei" (p. 142)--an exaggerated statement.
The true LXX version was long supposed to be lost; but a cursive MS. of
it (9th or 10th century) was found in Cardinal Chigi's library at Some,
and was first printed in 1772. From its owner's name it has received the
title of Cod. Chisianus, and is now numbered 87.
It is almost certain that Θ must have had the Ο´ text before him, since
the coincidences of diction, though not so continuous as in the Song of
the Three, are still far too numerous to be accidental. Bissell (p. 443)
says of all the three pieces, "Θ simply recast the version of LXX." This
dictum, however true of the Three, must not be quite literally taken of
Susanna, as he does introduce some fresh matter, particularly at the
opening and the close. Prof. Rothstein in Kautzsch (pp. 176-7) thinks
that the two Greek versions are two independent forms of the same story,
based on some common narrative material; but when the obvious idea
presents itself that this last was an Hebraic original, he speaks with
much guardedness (p. 178), lest he should commit himself to this view.
Θ's recension is rather more polished in language, less elaborate in
some of its details.[34] Fritzsche, quoted in Kautzsch (pp. 176-7), says
that "he worked over the LXX text, expanded the narrative, rounded it
off, and gave it a greater air of probability." Westcott's opinion to a
similar effect, however (Smith's _D.B._ ed. 2 I. 714a), is called in
question by Professor Salmon (_Speaker's Comm._ XLVI.a), who thinks
that there is quite as much to be said for the opposite views, and this
opinion is reasonable.
In the LXX text there is surely something wanting at the true beginning
at v. 5, which, as it stands, is awkwardly abrupt. Both Bissell (and
Brüll, quoted by him, p. 457) approve of the idea that the beginning was
suppressed because of its containing damaging reflections on the elders.
Then the present opening (vv. 1--5) was borrowed from Θ, and is marked
in both Cod. Chis. and Syro-Hex. as not part of the original work, but a
foreign exordium. Rothstein (p. 184, note) thinks that in place of the
present borrowed commencement there stood a short introductory remark on
the two judging elders. Though lacking proof, this conjecture is well
within the bounds of possibility. Yet in the Syro-Hexaplar text the
first five verses are obelised, indicating, according to Bugati (p.
163), that they are omitted in Θ, but present in Ο´.
There are in the LXX extra clauses, which are not in Θ, scattered
throughout the book; three verses between 14 and 15, one at the end, and
considerable enlargements of vv. 45, 52; also curious substitutions,
such as that in v. 39, where in the LXX the imaginary young man escaped
because he was disguised; in Theodotion, because he was stronger than
the Elders. These alternative reasons are of course not of necessity
incompatible.
The Syriac W₂ (=Harklensian) contains many further particulars inserted
here and there, such as the Elders' names (Amid and Abid)[35], v. 5,
Daniel's age of twelve years, and some words in praise of him, v. 64.
But most of these added clauses may not unfairly be regarded as
'paddings,' put in by way of embellishment. Those in v. 41 (ninth hour),
v. 45 (twelve years of age), v. 64 (increase in favour) have a Christian
look, the last two being suggestive of a knowledge of St. Luke's Gospel
(_cf._ 'Style,' p. 140). Also the continuation of v. 43 in Lagarde's
second Syriac version has rather a Christian air, "appear for me and
send a Redeemer from before thee," etc. (Hastings' _D.B._ art. _Sus._ p.
631b).
An attempt has been made to account for the numerous, but not generally
very important, variations in different texts and versions by supposing
the story to have been a favourite oral narrative, long continuing in a
fluid state. This is far from improbable.
The Vulgate, which follows Θ closely, appends the first verse of Bel and
the Dragon as the conclusion of this story. If this was done in order to
avoid chronological difficulty there, it was at the expense of
introducing it here, and that, to all appearance, very meaninglessly.
The chief uncial MS. authorities for Θ's text are A,B,Q, and from v. 51
onward, Γ. A often agrees with Q, as in vv. 19, 24, and elsewhere, in
substituting πρεσβύτεροι (Ο´'s word) for πρεσβῦται; in vv. 10, 11, etc.,
in substituting ἀπαγγέλλω for ἀναγγέλλω; and in v. 46, καθαρός for
ἀθῷος. In the canonical part of Daniel the substitution of ἀπαγγέλλω for
ἀναγγέλλω mostly holds good also so far as A is concerned (ii. 9,
16).[36] In v. 36, A has a transposition of a clause, and in v. 39
another of its changes of prepositions in composition, not easily
accounted for. Q (alone) has such changes in vv. 4, 32, 38. The above
are all changes from B. Γ often agrees with A and Q, or both, but has
nothing of importance independently.
The genitive Σουσαννάς (instead of ης) occurs occasionally in all the
above MSS. (vv. 27, 28, 62; also in LXX, v. 30). _cf._ Μάρθας in St.
John xi. I.
Two cursive MSS. (234 Moscow, S. Synod; 235 Rome, Vat.) consist of
Susanna only; but whether they are perfect, or only fragments, is not
clear. Holmes and Parsons give no particulars. On the whole, the text of
either version is fairly trustworthy, the average of variations being
not at all above that in the canonical Daniel.
LANGUAGE AND STYLE.
LANGUAGE.
As with the Three, so here, the question at once arises, Is the Greek of
the LXX more probably the original language or a translation? The
acceptance of a Semitic original seems on the whole to be more in the
ascendant than formerly; but still, the greater part of those who have
expressed an opinion on the subject incline to Greek as the language
chosen by the author.
The Hebraic style is somewhat less strongly marked than in the other two
fragments, nor has an Aramaic text of this one yet been discovered.
Still, the Greek can be rendered into Hebrew rather more easily than
most Hellenistic Greek. The Greek of the "rest of" Esther differs much
more in style and tone from that of the canonical book to which it is
attached than does the Greek of Susanna from that of the canonical
Daniel; and, so far as this fact goes, it points to a closer linguistic
connection in this case than in the other (_see_ Streane, _Age of Macc._
p. 160; Bissell, p. 203). Delitzsch (_op. cit._ pp. 31, 101) says that
"particulæ quædam citantur a Nachmanide" (entitled מגלת ששן) as well as
of Wisdom. The citations of the latter book are discredited by Farrar
(_Speaker's Comm._ p. 411) however, and probably those of the former are
in a similar position.
The early place of verbs in the sentences is here also, as in the other
pieces, to some extent noticeable as conforming to the theory of a
Semitic original. If the etymology of the name דניאל is supposed to be
drawn from his 'judgments' in this story, such an original is probably
involved in the supposition (_cf._ 'Title,' p. 104). The Hexaplaric
marks mentioned by Bugati (_op. cit._ 156), as occurring at the
beginning of Cod. Chisianus (Α, Σ, Θ), are strongly suggestive of
translation (_cf._ Song, 'Language,' p. 49).
The controversy which was started by Africanus with Origen (and resumed
by Porphyry[37] with Eusebius of Cæsarea, and by Rufinus with Jerome) as
to the famous play upon the names of the trees (vv. 54--60) is still
unsettled. Some see in the paronomasiæ conclusive proof of the
originality of the Greek; others still contend with Origen that they are
no certain evidence as to determination of language. But few will think
the analogous case which he (Origen) gives from Gen. ii. 23 a very
convincing one (_D.C.B._ art. _Heb. Learning_, p. 858b). Still we must
remember that the Hebrew language was fond of paronomasiæ, and that
Daniel employs the figure in the canonical book (v. 25--28). In other
O.T. instances of its use it is, however, difficult to to see that the
LXX made any attempt to reproduce the word-play, _e.g._ Isai. v. 7, Mic.
i. 10; nor does either Greek version in Dan. v. 25--28.[38] But ἄνεσις
and ἄφεσις in I. Esd. iv. 62 looks like a word-play in what may not be
original Greek; though a Semitic original of that section of I. Esd.
(iii. 1 to v. 6) is by no means proved.
It has been shewn, however, in the case before us, how an adequate play
might be produced in Aramaic, as also in English (Hastings' _D.B._ art.
_Sus._). A. Scholz, too, in his Commentary attempts this, with only
moderate success, in Hebrew[39]; and Delitzsch (_op. cit._ 102) gives
some Aramaic possibilities of it from Plessner. As the precise
punishments named were not carried out, this passage in the original,
whatever it may have been, was clearly constructed with a view to
introduce their names.
It is interesting to compare and contrast the account of the Woman taken
in Adultery (St. John viii.) with that of Susanna, the one truly, the
other falsely, accused. There are, as might be expected, some verbal
parallels, but not sufficient to prove that the N.T. writer was
influenced by the History of Susanna, nor to give us material assistance
in deciding its original language (_cf._ III. 'Language,' p. 49).
Notwithstanding the general inclination towards Greek, this must at
present be left in doubt, and a verdict of 'non liquet' given.
In the following observations on specific points in the language,
instances telling in both directions have been included:
v. 3 Ο´, Θ. The use of κατά after διδάσκω, instead of a double
accusative, suggests a translation of למד followed by a ב or מן, with
either of which it is sometimes constructed.
v. 5 Ο´, Θ. If Aramaic be the original language, ἐδόκουν may well
represent צְבָא, as in IV. 14, V. 23 and elsewhere.
v. 6 Ο´, Θ. Scholz deems κρίσεις and κρινόμενοι to be based on a
confusion between משפטים and נשפטים.
vv. 7, 15, 19, 28 Θ. καὶ ἐγένετο is suggestive of ויהי.
vv. 8, 14, 56 Ο´, Θ. The use of ἐπιθυμία in a bad sense, and of ἐπιθυμέω
in a perfectly innocent one in v. 15 Θ, seems careless, and may point to
translation from an original, where different roots were used, _e.g._
אהב,חמד,אוה. _Cf._ LXX of Deut. v. 21 (18) for a rendering of two
different Hebrew roots by the same word, ἐπιθυμέω, though in that case
they are both employed in a bad sense.
v. 15 Θ. καθὼς ἐχθὲς καὶ τρίτης ἡμέρς looks like כִּתְמוׄל שִׁלְשֹׁם, as
in Gen. xxxi. 5 and II. Kings xiii. 5. "Wörtlich hebräisch," as Reuss
notes _in loc._ If Aramaic were the original, it might be
וּמִדֳקדְמוׄהִי כְּמֵאֶתְמָלֵי.
v. 17 Θ. σμήγμασα, "exprimere voluit Heb. בורית," but תמרוק (Esth. ii.
3, 9, 12) seems quite as likely as this suggestion of Grotius. Both
roots are Aramaic as well as Hebrew.
vv. 11, 30, 39, 63 Θ. An instance similar to that given above (vv. 8,
14, 56) is the use of συγγενέσθδι in a bad sense in vv. 11, 39, and
συγενεῖς innocently in vv. 30, 63.
v. 19 Ο´. συνθέμενοι = זמן either in Aramaic or Hebrew, as in ii. 9,
while ἐξεβιάζοντο = כבש, as in Esth. vii. 8.
v. 22 Θ. Συενά μοι πάντοθεν occurs also in David's choice, II. Sam.
xxiv. 14 (closer than I. Chron. xxi. 13). The certainty of its being a
translation in the one place increases the probability of its being so
in the other, suggesting a common original, unless we suppose a Greek
author borrowing a Septuagintal phrase.
v. 23 Ο´, Θ. On the other hand, the participial clause in this verse in
both versions seems un-Hebraic in form; as also the phrase ὁ τῶν κρυπτῶν
γνώστης in v. 42 Θ, which is not very like a translation from the
Hebrew. There is a certain resemblance to Dan. ii. 28, 29 (Ο´, Θ), ὁ
ἀποκαλύπτων μυστήρια, however; but the latter contemplates God as
revealing mysteries to others, the former as knowing secrets Himself.
v. 26 Θ. Scholz' idea that πλαγίας = קרי (as in Lev. xxvi. 21, etc.)
would suit either Aramaic or Hebrew.
v. 27 Θ. Adduced as Hebraism in Winer's _G.T. Grammar_ (_E.T._ 1870, p.
214); apparently, but not very clearly, on the strength of the phrase
πώποτε οὐκ ἐρρέθη.
v. 36 Θ. The genitive absolute is Greek in character, but does not occur
in Ο´.
v. 44 Θ. Εἰσήκουσεν... τῆς φωνῆς. A Hebraism, as in Gen. xxi. 17, and
often.
v. 53 Ο´, Θ. The quotation is exact in both versions from the LXX of
Lev. xxiii. 7. This fact may be thought to tell slightly in favour of a
Greek original. In the canonical Dan. ix. 13 there is a reference,
without precise quotation, to Moses' law, so that this mention is not
out of character. The phraseology of the verse in Θ has a distinctly
Hebraistic look, much more so than in Ο´.
v. 55 Ο´, Θ. ψυχήν, κεφαλήν = נֶפֶשׁ Isai. xliii. 4.
v. 56 Ο´. The epithet μικρά, as applied to the ἐπιθυμήα of the Elder, is
inappropriate, and suggests an error of translation. Now טםאה is
rendered by μικρά in Josh. xxii. 19[40], and this word would yield a
very good sense in a Semitic original here, supposed to lie in the
background.
v. 57 Ο´, Θ. If an animus against Israel, as Judah's inferior, is really
shewn here it would point to a Babylonian, and therefore Semitic,
original, inasmuch as the enmity between Israel and Judah does not
appear to have been so strong at Alexandria. The use of 'Israel,'
however, in v. 48 seems to include all in the first instance, and to be
employed of Susanna specially in the second, who was presumably of
Judah. The Syro-Hexaplar omits what was most likely deemed an invidious
reflection. The reference to Hos. iv. 15 in the _Speaker's Comm._ (note)
does not seem apposite as to its mention of Israel and Judah in the LXX;
only in the Hebrew.
The phrase τὴν νόσον ὑμῶν comes in strangely, as Θ, by omitting it,
apparently thought. It is suggestive of a translation, perhaps of חֳלִי,
which seems to be used of moral disease in Hos. v. 13, and is there
rendered by νόσος.
v. 59 Ο´, Θ. Why ὑμᾶς? In LXX it comes in very awkwardly, where σε would
naturally be expected.
Scholz, not improbably, suggests that μένει (Θ) and ἕστηκεν (Ο´) have
been caused by reading קוה and קום respectively, renderings which are
actually found of those words elsewhere in the LXX, _e.g._ Isai. v. 2
and Dan. ii. 31. That confusion sometimes occurred between ה and the
final ם is known.
v. 61 Θ. Τῷπλησίον, though referring to Susanna, may be a translation of
רֵצַ, a word apparently regarded by Gesenius as epicene; so in Gen.
xxiii. 3, 4, 8 τὸν νεκρόν is the rendering of מֵת, meaning Sarah's
corpse, "sine sexus discrimine" (Ges.). But πλησίον may be used here of
'neighbour' collectively without exclusive reference to Susanna.
v. 62 Ο´. Φάραγξ, a frequent translation of גַּיְא or נַחַל. As it does
not appear that there are any natural ravines in Babylon, this might
refer to a deep moat outside the wall.
v. 64 (62) Ο´. Scholz says, "Εἰς ist sclavische Uebersetzung von ל das
der Hervorhebung des Objektes dienen soll." This is probable, though
'sclavische' seems an unnecessary epithet.
STYLE.
The style is that of a clearly-told narrative, with little of a strained
or rhetorical character about it; indeed there is less of this than in
much of the canonical Daniel. Ideas are well expressed and the story
well proportioned. There is nothing superfluous; everything bears on the
main theme. Nor is it unnatural that Daniel is made to use a play on
words out of the Elders' own mouths in order to render his sentence of
condemnation more strikingly emphatic.
There is high literary skill in the simple yet effective way of
narration. The story is a practical example of the saying, "Ars est
celare artem," a fact which will be best appreciated by any who will try
to tell the tale as well in their own words.[41] Holtzmann calls it,
"besonders von der Kunst vielfach gefeierte Novelle" (Schenkel's _Bibel
Lex._ 1875).
The lack of spontaneity and original freshness sometimes charged[A]
against the apocryphal books is by no means conspicuous here, nor,
though perhaps less decisively, in the next addition, Bel and the
Dragon. The exciting interview between Daniel and the Elders is so drawn
as to arouse much interest. By the first incident the whole current of
Susanna's life is abruptly changed, and her destiny is made to hang in
the balance for some time in a natural, but very effective, manner. The
writer has a deep knowledge of the principles and actions of human
feeling, and a thorough grasp of the art, by no means so easy as it
looks, of telling a short story in a very engaging style. Plot,
surprise, struggle, unfolding of character, and much else which is
regarded as contributing to excellence in such a composition, we find
here.
In the so-called Harklensian (W₂ of Salmon = Churton's Syr.[42]) various
details are added, such as the judgment chair brought out, which Daniel
refuses, standing up to judge; Susanna's chains (27, 50); her tears (33,
42); and her condemnation to death at the ninth hour (41). These are
obviously designed to heighten, by the introduction of more detailed
particulars, the effect of the narrative. The tale is so interesting and
so true to nature that its popularity is easily explained. That it
became a favourite story, in an age not given to prudery, for reading
and for oral repetition, is not surprising. Like all such, it was
subject to changes of form and gradual accretions. Oral repetition, as
well as non-canonicity amongst the Jews will, to a considerable extent,
account for the divergences between the LXX and Theodotion's recensions.
The latter, in Reuss' opinion (VI. 412), "ist reicher an Einzelnheiten
und auch besser stilisiert." With this view, in the main, most will feel
themselves in accord.
RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL STATE.
RELIGIOUS.
An unexceptionable O.T. moral standard on the part of the writer is
maintained throughout, so that no 'difficulties' arise on this score.
There is not a suggestion of any worship beside that of the Lord; no
idolatry is even hinted at. The Captivity had done its work in that
respect. Nor is there any symptom of the later developments of
rabbinism; not even in their inception.[43] It requires a very sharp
eye to find here so much as the germs of error in faith.
The Law of Moses is acted upon; taught by parents to children (v. 3);
regarded as the great authority (v. 62). The institution of Elders is in
full force, as contemplated in Jer. xix. 1 and xxvi. 17. I. Kings xx. 7
and xxi. 8, 11 shew that this body had been continued among the
separated tribes, and so naturally carried with them to their new home.
The appearance of corruption among officials in high places, who ought
to have been most free from it, is quite in accord with the religious
history of mankind in general, and of Israel in particular. Such
references as the above to Jeremiah, and that in v. 5 to Jer. xxix. 23,
are paralleled by a reference in the canonical Dan. ix. 2 to Jer. xxxv.
12.
When Daniel's plan was efficacious for revealing the Elders' guilt, the
just decision was approved; the right is thoroughly commended and the
wrong condemned. The heart of the people rings sound; their instincts at
the trials are in favour of justice. Morality is supported by popular
sympathy, which has been purified and elevated by the discipline of
exile.
In v. 57 some prejudice is suggested as existing in the writer's mind
against the women of Israel as being less chaste than those of Judah.
Possibly he was of the latter tribe himself (_see_ 'Language' on v. 57,
p. 137). The reproach to the second Elder of Canaanitish descent is in
keeping with Ezek. xvi. 3, where it is hurled against Jerusalem and her
abominations.
It is objected in Hastings' _D.B._ (IV. 631b) that "Daniel loudly
condemns both culprits before he adduces any proof of their guilt." But
surely this was justified by the prophetic office and the spirit within
him, which endowed him with an abnormal insight into the true state of
affairs. Personally he was assured, from the outset, of their guilt, but
secured public proof to satisfy the people. This objection is rather
poor ground on which to assail the historic character of the piece. In
fine, a religious tone, befitting the time intended, is consistently
maintained throughout.
SOCIAL.
Incidentally a pleasing picture of home life is outlined, before the
Elders tried to corrupt it.
Some of the Jews were apparently living in wealth and comfort during
the Captivity; but the end of v. 4 shews that Joacim's estate was
pre-eminent, not a sample of the general condition of the exiles. If not
royal (as Jul. Afric. in his letter to Origen hints, and Origen doubts
in his reply, § 14), it was evidently of an upper class; and a kind of
tribunal was held at his house. The state of life here depicted agrees
with Jeremiah's advice in xxix. 5; and with II. Esd. iii. 2, if that
too could be applied to the captives.
The King of Babylon was content with the subjugation and deportation of
the Jews, allowing them considerable liberty when he got them into
Babylonia. In this connection Ps. cv. 46 naturally occurs to the mind.
The captives evidently had alleviations granted them in Babylon by their
conquerors, witness Evil-Merodach's kindness to Jehoiachin, II. Kings
xxv. 28. There is, however, no indication even of the beginnings of that
trade and commerce which was so characteristic of much of the dispersion
in later years.
Great freedom to regulate their own affairs is shewn, including, to all
appearance, the power of inflicting the death-penalty, v. 62. This last
power has been objected to as unhistoric. But J.J. Blunt[44]
illustrates the possibility of this, by citing Origen's letter to
Africanus to shew that the Jews under the Romans enjoyed a similar power
in his day. Origen defends the correctness of v. 62 by adducing this as
a similar instance in his own knowledge. Blunt treats the matter as a
kind of "undesigned coincidence," rendering credible the death penalties
spoken of in Acts ix. 1, xxii. 4, xxiv. 6.[45] So Edersheim (_D.C.B._
art. _Philo_, p. 365b), "The rule of the Jewish community in
Alexandria had been committed by Augustus to a council of Elders." This
is also stated in the Jewish Encyclopædia (New York and Lond.,
_Alexandria_ I., 362a): "Philo distinctly states that at the time of
Augustus the 'gerusia' assumed the position of the 'genarch.' This is
the word he uses for 'ethnarch,' _Contra Flaccum_, § 10. Origen to
Africanus, § 14, writes of this privilege as having been granted by
'Cæsar' without specifying which Cæsar, and though he does not name
Alexandria, his words ἴσμεν οἱ πεπειραμένοι probably imply that place."
These references do not of course prove that the Jews in Babylonia had
the like privileges, but they shew, as Origen saw, a parallel case.
Perhaps those who are in favour of the Alexandrian origin of Susanna
might use this to shew that the writer had transferred to Babylonia the
circumstances of his own day; but his own day would almost certainly be
before the time of Augustus.
There is no mention of any government except the Jews' internal
administration; but then the native population of Babylon (unless
perchance it be in the shape of the servants) does not enter into the
story. The legal working at Babylon of this little "imperium in imperio"
had plainly an unsatisfactory side, although Susanna's rights were
vindicated by another power against injustice and oppression. Still, it
may not be fair to condemn the whole system on the strength of this
single instance.
The main drift of the tale indicates the existence of much
corruption[46] in the presbytery; yet the heart of the exiled people in
general had a healthy tone; witness the sorrowful sympathy with Susanna
(v. 33), and the delight at justice being ultimately done (vv. 60, 63).
The Elders grossly abused Joacim's hospitality. Seemingly they had
plenty of time to waste, and worse. It is noteworthy that two 'judges'
were chosen, annually, it would seem, from the 'elders of the people.'
This last phrase occurs in Numb. xi. 16, and is frequent in the N.T.,
but not with ἐκ as here.
The modest veiling of Susanna in _v. 32_, more distinctly expressed (ἠν
γὰρ κατακαλυμμένη) in Θ than in Ο´, reminds one of Rebekah's veiling in
Gen. xxiv. 65, and is quite in accordance with the custom of the
country. So are the "oil and washing balls" of _v. 17_ (A.V. and R.V.);
this last term is peculiar, and is used apparently for soap.[47] It is
so employed in Gerard's _Herbal_, ed. 1633, p. 1526, where he says, "of
this gum [storax] there are made sundry excellent perfumes... and sweet
washing balls." The 'sawing' or 'cutting asunder' of _v. 35_ was a
Babylonian punishment, as is shewn in ii. 5 and iii. 29 of the canonical
book.
The death penalty for adultery (_vv. 43, 45_) is in agreement with Lev.
xx. 10, Deut. xxii. 22, and Ezek. xvi. 38, though not with the laxity of
later times (_see_ art. _Adultery_, Smith's _D.B._; _Marriage_,
Hastings' _D.B._). The Syriac W₂ interpolation after _v. 41_ seems to
regard precipitation as equivalent to stoning. In the Ο´ of v. 62 both
this punishment and that of fire are meted out to the Elders as
retributive justice. Reuss' note on the trial is amusing, "die Richter
sich als Dummköpfe erwissen und Susanna vollständig den ihrigen verloren
hatte."
But we are disposed on the whole to agree with J.M. Fuller (S.P.C.K.
_Comm., Introd. to Sus._) when he writes, "The facts underlying the
story are in themselves probable," rather more than with Churton (p.
392), who deems the narrative to be "probably apocryphal, without strict
regard to historical facts."
THEOLOGY.
This 'History' does not appear to have been written with a view of
supporting any erroneous or debateable points in theology.
God is represented as being in heaven, as One on whom the heart relies
(v. 35); as eternal, a knower of secrets, of entire foreknowledge (v.
42); One to be appealed to by His servants in danger (v. 43),
efficaciously answering humble requests. The value of ejaculatory prayer
to Him in sudden peril is shewn (v. 44).
God had not so entirely cast off His people as to cease from caring for
separate souls. He hears the prayers of individuals (v. 35, end, Ο´),
for the individual, as well as the nation, is under His eye. He is
spoken of as raising up "the holy spirit" of a man (v. 45); as
conferring the eldership, regarded as a divine institution (v. 50); as
forbidding injustice (v. 53); as giving sentence to an angel to
execute upon an individual (v. 55); as worthy to be praised for saving
those who hope in Him (v. 61). A special Providence is recognised as
watching over the destinies of separate souls; inspiring Daniel for a
special effort; rescuing Susanna from a special danger. Heaven is
regarded as the seat of the Divine Judge, towards which the innocent
Susanna turned her eyes (v. 35), but from which the guilty Elders
averted theirs (v. 9).
In v. 5 God is termed ὁ δεσπότης (_cf._ St. Luke ii. 29, Acts iv. 24);
in vv. 24, 44, κύριος in vv. 55, 59 (Θ) θεός, for which Ο´ has
κύριος, a word which it seems to prefer, as in i. 17, ii. 45, ix. 18.
The fear of the Lord is evidently approved (v. 2), and instruction in
the Law of Moses regarded as proper (v. 3), which is also referred to
in vv. 33 and 62 (Θ only), and in act in v. 34. It would appear
likely too that II. Sam. xxiv. 14 is quoted in v. 22 (Θ), Susanna in
her strait borrowing the exclamation of David in his, and the words of
both may well be contrasted with the idea of Hos. iv. 16b. Adultery is
condemned as "sin before the Lord" (v. 23).
An angel is spoken of in vv. 44, 45 (Ο´ only) as giving a spirit of
understanding to Daniel. The former verse might be taken to mean that he
was visible.[48] He enabled Daniel to clear Susanna from her false
accusation. An angel is also named in v. 55, in both versions, as likely
to execute God's vengeance on the lying Elders. He is also mentioned in
v. 62 of Ο´ as bringing a judgment of fire. This frequent mention of
angels is quite in keeping with the canonical Daniel and other late
books. And as E. Bunsen remarks, "the apocryphal doctrine about angels
and evil spirits is sanctioned by the recorded doctrine of Christ"
(_Hidden Wisd. of Christ_, 1865, I. 186). But it is singular that what
has generally been considered the later recension should have less of it
in this case than the earlier.
The description (v. 9) of the workings of conscience, while overt sin
was under consideration, but before it was actually committed, shews a
deep knowledge of the human heart, such as is found in the biblical
writers. A process the reverse of 'turning unto God,' 'having the eyes
unto Him' (II. Chron. xx. 12, Ps. xxv. 14), is very accurately depicted,
as the dwelling upon some attractive lust is allowed to engage the mind.
A better way of narrating such a matter it would be hard to devise.
Hippolytus, in his _Comm. on Dan._, treats the whole story as having an
allegoric meaning. Joacim represents Christ, Susanna the Christian
Church; the bath represents Holy Baptism; and the two Elders the Jews
and Gentiles persecuting the faithful (_D.C.B._ art. _Hippolytus_, p.
104a. For Christian sarcophagi with like symbolism, _see_ 'Art'). M.
de Castillo (Madrid, 1658) reflects in symbolism the increments of a
later age when he sees in Susanna a type of the Virgin Mary--"Maria
Virgo in illa figurata."
There does not appear to be anything 'Messianic' in this writing, unless
Daniel himself be regarded as a type of Christ, executing just judgment,
separating the righteous publicly from the wicked. There is also
Origen's statement bearing upon this matter (_ad Afric._, see _Speaker's
Comm._ 327b), as to the prospect of becoming Messiah's mother, which
the Elders held out to Susanna. St. Jerome, at the end of his
_Commentary on Jeremiah_, has a slightly different version of their
outrageous pretences.
Standing on surer ground than such speculations the theology of the
piece itself is sound and proper.
CHRONOLOGY.
The period in which this trial befel Susanna is plainly that of the
Babylonian Captivity, after the Jews were well settled in their
conqueror's land, but not very long after.
The time covered by the narrative itself is obviously a very short one,
probably only a few days at the outside.
If the suggestion in Julius Africanus' letter to Origen is correct,
Joacim, Susanna's husband, was none other than Jehoiachin, the captive
king of Judah. But Africanus is not by any means confident of this; nor
does Hippolytus so identify them,[49] but contents himself with
commenting on the statement of the text (v. 4) that Joacim was a very
rich man. Nor is there anything in the Greek of either version to
indicate his royalty, though the assertion that "he was more honourable
than all others" fits in well with the notion. But if the story was
coëval in its first form with the events narrated in it, the fact might
be taken as universally known; or it might be thought politic to
suppress it, as likely to be unpalatable to the reigning Babylonian
monarch, in the written record. Thus it is possible to answer to a great
extent Bissell's objection on v. 7, "that there seems to be no good
reason why it should not have been definitely stated."
His name is given as Ἰωακείμ both here, in II. Kings xxiv. 8, 12, and in
I. Esd. i. 43, exactly the same as that of his father and predecessor
Jehoiakim in I. Esd. i. 37 (39). Elsewhere the name is transliterated
Ἰεχονίας and Ἰωαχίμ (Bar. i. 3, Jer. xxii. 24, _var. lect._, II. Chron.
xxxvi. 8, 9). In Judith iv. 6, xx. 8 we have Ἰωακείμ without variation,
as the name of the high priest.
If this identification be correct the date must be subsequent to 597
B.C., the year of Jehoiachin's captivity; and probably not long after,
since Daniel, who was taken to Babylon in or soon after the third year
of Jehoiakim's reign in 603-4,[50] is represented as being still
παιδάριον νεωτέρον in v. 45. This phrase is somewhat tautologically
rendered by A.V. as a 'young youth,' an instance which might be cited in
support of the view that the English of the apocryphal was less
excellent than that of the canonical books[51]; but, strange to say, the
awkward expression is continued in R.V.
Without necessarily implying it, v. 2 might easily be taken to convey
the impression that Jehoiachin married in Babylon. Thus Hippolytus
asserts, Ἰωακεὶμ πάροικος γενόμενος ἐν Βαβυλῶνι λαμβάνει τὴν Σωσάνναν
εἰς γυναῖκα (Migne, _Patr. gr._ X. 689). And, on 'the same year' of v.
5, Reuss gives the interrogative note, "Im Jahre der Verheiratung des
Joakim?"
If Susanna's husband really be Jehoiachin, he is the Jechonias who finds
a place in the genealogy of Christ, St. Matt. i. 11, 12, Jehoiakim
(Eliakim) being omitted. Bugati (_Dan._ p. 166) argues that Joakim is
not Jehoiachin because of the name: "quo circa erroris arguendus est
Jacobus Edessenus, sive auctor scholii ad calcem historiae Susannas
adjecti in codice Parisiensi, qui Joacem virum Susannæ eum Joachin rege
confundat." Bugati was probably unaware of the above-mentioned
variations in the spelling of the name, which neutralize the force of
his argument.
Two other doubtful indications of time are given by Hippolytus, viz.
that Chelchias was Jeremiah's brother, making Susanna therefore his
niece (Westcott's art. _Chelcias_, Smith's _D.B._), and that 'a fit
time' in v. 15 intimated the Feast of the Passover. Unsupported
tradition and conjecture look like the grounds of these two indications
respectively. Bardenhewer (_op. cit._ p. 75) not unreasonably deems that
Hippolytus is thinking of Christian Baptism in connection with Easter,
and so throws back the idea into the 'bath' and 'the fit time' of the
Passover.
The Harklensian Syriac (W₂, Walton's second Syriac[52]) asserts both in
vv. 1 and 45 that Daniel was twelve years old at the date of the story;
also that Susanna was a widow after a married life of a few days only
(v. 5), a statement to which neither Greek version lends any
countenance. In fact, v. 63 (Θ) supposes Joakim to be alive at the end
of the tale. Now we know from II. Kings xxv. 27 and Jer. xxviii. (xxxv.)
1-4 that Jehoiachin lived some years at least after his deportation.
These Syriac insertions therefore as to Daniel's age and Susanna's
widowhood are hardly compatible with one another on the supposition
that she was the wife of Jehoiachin, king of Judah.
It has been pointed out in the _Speaker's Commentary_, xlvib, that the
insertion of 'twelve years old' into the text of the Syriac of Susanna
may be due to "Christian re-handling," as also the extension of the
final verse about Daniel's fame, "and he increased in favour with the
family of Susanna," etc., so as to produce a correspondence with St.
Luke ii. 42, 52. This is a possible theory, but one lacking, so far, the
support of evidence. The condemnation of Susanna "at the ninth hour" (v.
41) might likewise be attributed to the same Christian influence. This
was no doubt operative here, as it was with Hippolytus.
In this connection it is worthy of note that in the longer recension of
the "Ignatian" _Epist. ad Magnes.,_ § III., Daniel is spoken of as
δωδεκαετής when he γέγονε κάτοχος τῷ θείῳ πνεύματι, a phrase evidently
reminiscent of the history of Susanna. Bishop Lightfoot notes on this:
"His age is not given in the narrative, and it is difficult to see
whence it could have been derived." He dates the longer Ignatian
epistles in the second half of the 4th century (I. 246), while Thomas
of Harkel lived in the 6th and 7th centres. But, though so much later,
this Syriac translation may perhaps afford some clue to the ultimate
discovery of Ignatius', or rather his expander's, source of information.
The words παιδάριον νεώτερον do not of course necessarily imply such
extreme youth as twelve years; nor are we in any way tied to the
accuracy of this or other Harklensian variations.
Though this Addition therefore has its chronological difficulties, they
need not be regarded as absolutely insurmountable.
CANONICITY.
Before the correspondence of Origen with Julius Africanus, whose letter
is "a model of sober criticism" (Swete, _Patristic Study_, p. 56)--a
correspondence renewed between Eusebius of Cæsarea and Porphyry[53],
and between Rufinus and Jerome, with less sobriety--we have no record of
the point having been mooted. For, as Bissell writes (p. 448), "We have
no evidence that these pieces were not regarded as fully on a level with
the remainder of the book." Africanus heard Origen use Susanna in
controversy with one Bassus, and subsequently wrote to remonstrate, he
himself being resident in Palestine. Some of his objections in this
famous letter have considerable force, while others are very weak
(_D.C.B._ I. p. 54b).
Origen deems Susanna part of the genuine Daniel, cut out by the Jews, as
he suggests in his _Epistle_ to Africanus. Bishop Gray (_O.T._ p. 612)
describes this Epistle as 'suspected'; but it appears now to be
generally accepted. Origen thinks that the motive of Susanna's exclusion
was its relation of particulars discreditable to the Jewish nation. But
the Bishop truly says, "there is no foundation for this improbable
fancy." It is, however, maintained by Philippe in Vigouroux' _Dict._
(_cf._ 'Title and Position,' p. 109).
Origen also asserts the canonicity of Susanna in _Hom. in Levit._ § 1
(middle): "Sed tempus est nos adversus improbos presbyteros uti sanctæ
Susannæ vocibus, quas illi quidem repudiantes, historiam Susannæ de
catalogo divinorum voluminum desecrarunt. Nos autem et suscipimus, et
opportune contra ipsos proferimus, dicentes 'Angustiæ mihi undique,'"
etc. (v. 22).
Again, Origen refers to the matter in his _In Matthæum Commentariorum
Series_. He quotes Daniel's words in v. 55, "angelus Domini habens
gladium scindet te medium," and also "ausi sumus uti in hoc loco, Dan.
exemplo, non ignorantes quoniam in Hebræo positum non est, sed quoniam
in ecclesiis tenetur. Alterius autem temporis est requirere de
huiusmodi" (Migne, _Patr. gr._ XIII. 1696). Delitzsch (_op. cit._ p.
103) says, on second thoughts, that he "adductum esse, ut ipsos libros
apocryphos ab Origine pro γνησίοις et divinis habitos esse censeam."
About the same time, or probably a little earlier, St. Hippolytus (†230)
gives a similar reason for the extrusion of this episode. He notes on v.
8, ταῦτα μὲν οὐν οἱ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἄρχοντες βούλονται νῦν περικόπτειν τῆς
βίβλου, φάσκοντες μὴ γενέσθαι ταῦτα ἐν Βαβυλῶνι· αἰσχυνόμενοι τὸ ὑπὸ τῶν
πρεσβυτέρων κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν γεγενημένον. On which Bardenhewer
(_op. cit._ p. 76) remarks, "Susanna soll also früher auch in dem
jüdischen Kanon gestanden haben und erst später (unliebsamen Vorwürfen
gegenüber) aus demselben entfernt worden sein."
A. Scholz, however, who treats the book allegorically as a 'vision,'
attributes early opinions adverse to its canonicity to the
"Missverstehen der Erzählung und die unlösbaren Schwierigkeiten, die
dieselbe bei der historischen Auffassung macht" (p. 139). The 'vision'
theory, however, is a difficult one to maintain, serviceable though it
may be in evading historic difficulties.
Lists of books of the canon do not help us much, as it is often
uncertain whether 'Daniel' covers the Additions or not. We may safely
conclude, however, that it does in Origen's own list, as preserved for
us by Eusebius (_H.E._ VI. 25).
In the pseudo-Athanasius' _Synopsis sacr. script._ § 74, Susanna is
named, after the books he deems canonical, as ἐκτὸς δὲ τούτων, along
with four books of Maccabees and the Psalms of Solomon. In this case we
might conclude that Δανιήλ does not cover Susanna; but in the beginning
of the _Synopsis of Daniel_ (§ 41) the story is mentioned as part of
that book, and Bel and the Dragon, at the end, in the same way. This
author's view, then, for and against the canonicity looks somewhat
undecided. So in Cyril of Jerusalem's list in _Catech._ IV. § 35,
'Daniel' pretty certainly includes Susanna and probably the other two
Additions, because in _Cat._ XVI. § 31, "de Spiritu sancto," he quotes
Susanna 45 in company with Dan. iv. 6 as if on an equal footing.
It is quoted as Scripture before Origen's time by Irenæus IV. xxxv. 2,
xli. 1; Tert. _de Cor. IV._; Clem. Alex. _Proph. Ecl._ 1. Methodius,
Bishop of Tyre, introduces Susanna into his Virgins' Songs as an example
of brave sanctity, calling upon Christ[54] (see exact words under'Early
Christian Literature,' p. 166).
In the _Apost. Const._ II. 49, 'concerning accusers and witnesses,' this
trial is instanced ὡς τοὺς δύο πρεσβυτέρους κατὰ Σωσάννης ἐν Βαβυλῶνι,
and again in cap. 51 (Mansi, _Concil._ Florence, 1759, I. 352, 353).
Though Jerome (_Pref. to Dan._) calls this and the other Additions
'fabulæ' (twice), it is pointed out by Peronne in his note to Corn. à
Lap. on Dan. xiii. 1 (Paris, 1874) that Jerome uses the same word of the
story of Samson (no ref. given), which he certainly regarded as
canonical. He claims therefore that here it has "verum et nativum sensum
vocis fabulæ, quæ quidem significat 'historiam, sermonem.'" But even if
any disparaging sense could be eliminated from this particular word,
Jerome's opinion is otherwise expressed.
The only possible reference to Susanna observable, I think, in the N.T.
is in Matt, xxvii. 24, unless the name of Susanna in St. Luke viii. 3 be
taken from our heroine's. It is of course emblematic of lily-like
purity, and therefore very suitable for a woman. The story, with some
omissions, forms the Epistle for Saturday after the third Sunday in Lent
in the Sarum and Roman Missals.
Luther says that this and Bel are "beautiful and spiritual compositions,
just as Judith and Tobias " (Bleek, _O.T._, Venables' transl., 1869, II.
339).
In the Greek Church the Synods of Constantinople and Jerusalem in 1672
expressly decided, in opposition to Cyril Lucar and the Calvinists, that
Susanna and Bel (with some other apocryphal books) were genuine elements
of Divine Scripture, and denounced Cyril Lucar's conduct in styling them
Apocrypha as ignorance or wickedness (Bleek, II. 343; Loisy, _O.T._ p.
243). The present Eastern Church reckons them, with the Song of the
Three, canonical, as Bishop Nectarius expressly states (_Greek Manuals
of Church Doctrine_, publ. by Eng. Ch. Assoc., Lond., 1901, p. 19). Also
Bar-Hebræus (†1286), the Monophysite, comments on these fragments as if
Holy Scripture (Loisy, p. 245). We see then that the testimonies to
canonicity are of considerable strength, more so than is perhaps
generally realised, even though the arguments to the contrary may be
still stronger. The statement of Fritzsche (_Libri apocryphi_, 1871, p.
xiii) is moderate and reasonable, fitting in well as it does with the
views of our own Church, "Liber Danielis canonicus iam eo ipso tempore,
quo primum in linguam græcam transferebatur, additamentis græcis auctus
est, quorum tria maiora fere inde a seeulo quarto in eccl. christiana
vulgo a viris doctis apocrypha iudicata sunt."
EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE AND ART.
LITERATURE.
NEW TESTAMENT. In St. Matt. xxvii. 24 Pilate possibly adopts Daniel's
words in v. 46, or at least accidentally falls in with them. In Heb. xi.
23 and Sus. 7 (Ο´) there is a strong similarity in the use of the word
ἀστεῖος, as well as in Exod. ii. 2.
"Among names taken from the O.T., that of Susanna is not uncommon"
(_D.C.A._ art. _Names_, 1374a). Not improbably therefore Susanna, in
St. Luke viii. 3, may have been named after the Susanna of this history,
as already mentioned under 'Canonicity,' p. 161. St. Susanna of the
Roman Calendar, who is dated _circ._ 293, is most likely an example of
this. She is not given an article in _D.C.B._, but there is a short
notice of her in _D.C.A._, as commemorated in various Martyrologies on
August 11th.
IRENÆUS (†200). In _Adv. Hær._III. xlii. 1 there is an apparent
reference to v. 55; in IV, xxxv. 2 to v. 42; and in IV. xli. 1, 'de
presbyteris injustis,' vv. 20, 26 are quoted as "a Daniele propheta
voces" in reproof of Christian presbyters. It is probable, too, that
"Deum qui absconsa manifestat" (IV. xxxi. 2) may be a reminiscence of
the phrase ὁ τῶν κρυπτῶν γνώστης in v. 42; and still more probably
perhaps "qui est absconsorum cognitor" in IV. xxxv. 2 has its origin in
this same verse.
CLEMENT or ALEXANDRIA (†220). In _Strom._ IV. (Heinsius' ed., Paris,
1629, p. 522) he speaks of Susanna and Miriam together, as if their
biblical positions were on a par. In Hort and Mayor's edit. (1902) of
_Strom._ VII. the words πρὸ τῆς γενέσεως in § 37 are referred to Susanna
43 (Θ); but it is hardly safe to assume that we have here more than an
accidental approximation of wording.
HIPPOLYTUS (†230) distinctly recognizes Susanna at the end of his
_Preface to Daniel_, as well as in his _Commentary_ itself. This last,
Bardenhewer (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1877, p. 69) deems, on account of its
homiletic phrases, to be "Bruchstücke einer Homilie" (_cf._ art.
_Hippolytus, D.C.B._ iii. 102a).
APOSTOLIC CONSTITUTIONS (third century?). Susanna's trial is instanced
in II. 49, "Concerning accusers and witnesses" (_see_ quotation under
'Canonicity,' p. 161), and again in cap. 51.
TERTULLIAN (†240). In _de Corona militis_, 4, after instancing Rebecca,
he goes on to say of Susanna: "si et Susanna in iudicio revelata
argumentum velandi præstat, possum dicere: et his velamen arbitrii
fuit," etc. Also _de Pudic._ 17, etc.
ORIGEN (†254) frequently refers to Susanna in his commentaries, many
references to which are collected by Schürer, _H.J.P._, II. III. 186. In
the middle of § 1 of his _Hom._ I. _in Levitic._ he quotes Susanna's
words in v. 22 as if appropriate to the mouth of the book itself,
surrounded, by those who doubted its canonicity (words quoted under
'Canonicity,' p. 158). In Eusebius' Præp. Ev. VI. 11, Origen is given as
quoting v. 42 as a proof of God's foreknowledge, ὰπὸ τῶν γραφῶν τοῦτο
παραστῆσαι. In his _Commentary_ on St. John (bk. XX. § 5) he quotes v.
56 with ὡς ὁ Δανιήλ φησι.
CYPRIAN (†258), in _Ep._ XLIII. 4, illustrates his remarks by a
reference to "Susannam pudicam."
Bleek (_O.T._ II. 316) says that Bel and the Dragon and Susanna were
used by both Irenæus and Cyprian in a similar way to the Scriptures of
the Hebrew canon.
METHODIUS (†330), in his "Song of the Virgins" (II. 2). Ἄνωθεν, παρθένοι
βοῆς, includes Judith and Susanna:
ὁρῶντες εἶδος εὐπρεπὲς, ὑφ᾽ ἧς
δύο κριταὶ Σουσάννας ἐμμανεῖς,
ἔρωτι λέξαν, Ὠ γύναι, κ.τ.λ.
(Migne, _Patr. gr._ XVIII. 212).
HILARY OF POITIERS (†367), _de Trin._ IV. 8 (Migne, _Patr. lat._ 10,
101), quotes Susanna 42, "Sicut beata Sus. dicit, Deus æternus
absconditorum cognitor, sciens omnia," etc.
ATHANASIUS (†373) also, in his _Disc, against Arians_, I. 13, quotes
this popular verse (42) as "in Daniel." In the _Life of Anthony_, § 43,
he refers to Susanna, as well as in the 'doubtful' _Synopsis S.S._
EPHREM SYRUS (†378) refers both in his _Ep. ad Johann. monachum_, and in
his 15th _Parænesis_, to the blessed Susanna.
GRATIAN (†383) notes on Can. XI. of Neocæsarea (315 A.D.) in _Decreta_
I. 78, c. iv., "Daniel, we read, received the spirit of prophecy before
he had arrived even at youth." The Canon itself, as given by Hefele,
makes no mention of Daniel.
CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (†386) refers (_Catech._ I. 31) to Daniel's
inspiration to rescue Susanna, and quotes v. 45 with γέγραπται γάρ.
GREGORY OF NYSSA (†396) quotes, in his _Hexaëmeron_ (Migne, _Patr. gr._
XLIV. p. 71) and in his _Making of Man_, v. 42, twice as a prophetic
writing (XXIX. 1).
AMBROSE (†397) has, Sermons XLIX. and L., "de accusato Domino apud
Pilatum et de Susanna," in which he draws a parallel between them, as to
silence under false charges, at considerable length (Basel, ed. 1527,
III. 549).
SULPICIUS SEVERUS (†400?), in his _Hist. Sacr._ lib. II. § 1, gives an
outline of the story of Susanna, after the events of Dan. i. and before
those of chap, ii., evidently regarding it as historical.
CHRYSOSTOM (†407) has a sermon "de Susanna," in which he compares her to
the "garden enclosed" of Solomon's Song iv. 12 (quoted in Arnald's
_Commentary_).
JEROME (†420), in his _de Nominibus Hebraicis_, includes, under the Book
of Daniel, Susanna and Joacim without any distinction from the names in
the rest of the book (ed. Vallarsi, vol. III.).
AUGUSTINE (†430) draws, in _de Civ. Dei_, I. 19, a parallel between
Susanna and Lucretia, greatly to the advantage of the former. Arnald,
on v. 23, gives some extracts from this.
CYRIL OF ALEXANDRIA (†444) quotes v. 56 at least twice, viz. on Hos.
xii. 8 and on Zeph. i. 11. In the latter case he speaks of it as παρά γε
τοῖς ἱεροῖς γράμμασιν, giving it thus explicitly a high position.
THEODORET (†457) quotes in Letter CX., Susanna 22; but in his comment on
Daniel, Susanna is not contained.
MAMERTUS CLAUDIANUS (†474). The following occurs in a hymn attributed to
this writer, "_In Jacobum magistrum equitum_," but which Migne says is
'dubiæ auctoritatis': "Sic tibi det vires sancta Susanna suas."
NICEPHORUS OF CONSTANTINOPLE (†828) classes Susanna among his
"antilegomena." As he makes no separate mention in his lists of the
Song, or of Bel and the Dragon, he presumably reckons them under
'Daniel'[55] (Migne, _Patr. gr._ c. 1056). At the end of
pseudo-Athanasius' _Synopsis S.S._ comes a list of κανονιζόμενα, so
similar to Nicephorus' list in order and contents as to suggest that
they had some close connection; and it is possible that this appendage
may be of even later date than the Synopsis itself, which may be
attributed to the 6th century (Loisy, _A.T._, p. 147).
The above are specimens of the numerous references made to Susanna by
early Christian writers, both Greek and Latin, who evidently found in
her a favourite instance to adduce in support of their teaching. Nor
ought we, in such a matter, to treat lightly the tenor of Christian
antiquity so remarkably manifested.
ART.
From early times scenes from Susanna were often chosen for artistic
treatment. In "a list of the symbols most frequently represented in
painting or sculpture by the Church of the first seven centuries"
Susanna is included (_D.C.A._ art. _Symbolism_).
Frescoes of Susanna and the Elders occur, though not with great
frequency, in the Catacombs (_D.C.A._ I. art. _Fresco_, 700a). W.
Lowrie, in his _Christian Art_ (N.Y. and Lond. 1901, p. 210), mentions a
second-century fresco of Susanna and the Elders judged by Daniel, in the
cemetery of Callistus; also he says, "in the Capella græca in St.
Priscilla the story is depicted with unusual dramatic interest in
several scenes." Three old Italian sarcophagi have bas-reliefs of
Susanna and the Elders as emblematic of the Church enduring
persecution; others are known in southern Gaul (_D.C.A._ art. _Church,
Symbols of_). A woodcut is given in this article of a sheep (ewe?)
between two wild beasts (wolves?), 'Susanna' and 'Senioris' being
written over them respectively, the artist evidently fearing that the
symbolism might otherwise not be perceived.
Scenes from the history of Susanna carved on sarcophagi are more
frequent in France than in Italy. It has been thought that the two
Elders may be taken to represent the two older forms of religion, the
Pagan and the Jewish (_D.C.A., O.T. in Art_, II. 1459b). In the same
Dict. (_Sculpture_, II. 1867a) it is noted that the cycle of subjects
has a remarkable correspondence with those named in the Roman Breviary
"Ordo commendationis animæ," where "Libera, Dom. animam servi tui sicut
liberasti Sus. de falso crimine," is one of the petitions.
It is fair to presume that Delitzsch refers to some of the above when he
writes, "Susannæ historia in sarcophagis veterum Christianorum cum
sacris historiis insculpta conspicitur" (_op. cit._ 26).
In the Brit. Mus., 2nd North Gallery, Room V., there is a glass fragment
of the 4th century, found at Cologne, representing (probably) Susanna
amongst other subjects. She also appears on a carved ivory reliquary of
Brescia, which is most likely not later in date than 800 (_D.C.A._ art.
_Reliquary_, II. 1780b).
In the Byzantine Guide to Painting (Ἑρμηνεία τῆς ζωγραφικῆς), given in
Didron's _Christian Iconography_ (Bohn's ed., Lond. 1886, I. 45_n_, II.
284), 'Daniel defends Susanna' is put immediately after the scene in
Dan. i. 15, and before the other scenes given out of Daniel (_cf._
'Position,' p. 109). Didron's MS. of this work is probably of the 15th
century, though the monks of Athos, whence it appears to have come,
regarded it as some five centuries older.
There is a window of stained glass, said to be _cinque-cento_, in the
westernmost bay of the south aisle of St. James' Church, Bury St.
Edmunds, of which the three lower lights represent the trial of Susanna.
In the centre Susanna's bath takes the form of a deep font, in which she
is standing. The Elders are clothed in purple.[56]
In Sumner's _Antiquities of Canterbury_, 1703, the second figure in the
third window of the cathedral is described as "Daniel in medio
seniorum," and this inscription is given:
"Mirantur pueri seniores voce doceri
Sic responsa dei sensum stupent Pharasaei."
(Reprinted in _Ancient Glass Painting_, by an Amateur, Oxf. 1848, p.
355.)
In the scheme of stained glass for Truro cathedral there are several
apocryphal subjects, including a window in the south-east transept
having "Susanna and the Mother of the Seven Martyrs" for its subjects
(Donaldson, _Bishopric of Truro_, 1902, App. V.).
A carved chimney-piece exists in Chillingham Castle, Northumberland,
representing Susanna and the Elders (Murray, _Handbook to
Northumberland_, 1873, p. 326).
This scene has been a wonderfully popular one with painters. Altdorfer,
Carracci, Correggio, A. Coypel, van Dyck, Guercino, Rembrandt, Rubens,
Santerre, Tintoretto, Valentin, and P. Veronese may be named amongst
those who have treated it. A picture entitled 'Susanna' was exhibited in
the Royal Academy, London, in 1886, by Fred. Goodall, R.A.
Thus we see that the many picturesque incidents in this Addition have
not been overlooked by Christian artists in search of subjects for the
brush or the chisel. Of these three supplementary sections of Daniel the
History of Susanna has, in this respect, been found much the most
suggestive; probably as the one which is thought to contain the highest
passion and feeling.
"EXAMPLE OF LIFE AND INSTRUCTION OF MANNERS."
In the character of _Susanna_ we see unconquerable _Purity_ in thought
and deed; prayerful _Trust_ in God under a false and cruel
accusation,[57] and, in the face of death, securing deliverance from an
unexpected quarter (_cf. v. 60 with II. Cor. i. 10). With v. 55
Hippolytus compares Tob. iii. 2 (Vulgate). The parallels drawn by St.
Chrysostom and St. Augustine will be found under 'Early Christian
Literature,' p. 167. Susanna's trouble may be taken as a conspicuous
illustration of Ps. xxxiv. 19.
Susanna was conscientious as well as pure; would not lie, being tenderly
nurtured morally as well as physically.[58] She had the virtue of
bodily cleanliness as well as social purity, and affords an early
instance of the use of the prepared bath.
It is noticeable, too, that no unfavourable traits develop themselves on
the re-establishment of her happiness and the condemnation of her
slanderers; there is no excessive reaction to unbecoming laxity, no
ἄσχημον πρᾶγμα.
In the character of the _Elders_ we see judicial position and feigned
piety used as a cloak for lust and slander; great hardness of heart in
condemning Susanna to death, with the full knowledge that she was
innocent; unblushing effrontery (v. 50); sins of the tongue in 'lying
and slandering.'
Hooker (_Ecc. Pol._ V. 2) refers, according to the marginal note (though
they are not named in the text), to these Elders as examples of
"affected atheism," "where the windows of the soul are of very set
purpose closed"; "they turned away their mind and cast down their eyes,
that they might not see heaven nor remember just judgments." St.
Hippolytus on v. 61 quotes Prov. xxvi. 27 very appositely. The fall of
the Elders shews the need for our Lord's order in St. Matt. v. 28, and
the terrible results of acting otherwise.
The individual character of each Elder has a little light thrown upon it
by the form of condemnation framed by Daniel. That of the first is
chiefly based on his unjust judgment, that of the second on his lewd
conduct, each judgment being varied in this way according to the form of
his previous iniquities. The knowledge which Daniel possessed of these
appropriately determined the cast of his sentence. That he had some
acquaintance with their former habits is shewn by vv.. 52, 53, 56.
The change to the plural in v. 57 is difficult to explain, and does not
receive attention at the hands of the commentators; in fact Ball applies
this verse, without mentioning the change of number, to the one Elder
only. Although these godless judges failed in accomplishing their
purpose, they were not on this account less scandalous betrayers of
virtue.
In Susanna's _Servants_ we see fidelity, sympathy, and no eagerness to
believe an ill report. As regards Susanna, this fact speaks volumes for
the excellence of her conduct.
In _Daniel_ we see the courage and penetrating acumen which are so
characteristic of his whole career, impressing all with whom he was
brought into contact. He weighs a matter carefully before coming to a
decision. By unmasking hypocrisy and securing justice he is delighted to
set right a grievous wrong.[59] He appears as the best judge (_cf._ the
estimation shewn of the justice of God by Azarias, Song of the Three,
4--8). Daniel further exhibits a decision and an absence of
self-distrust, in undertaking tasks of great risk, quite in accordance
with his character as portrayed in the canonical book, and in Bel and
the Dragon. In each case he is alert, acute, and fearless; his conduct
in different circumstances is quite in keeping with itself. Using his
talents thoroughly, he makes "full proof of his ministry."
There is a strong resemblance in ideas, though not much in words,
between Daniel's sentence in v. 55 and St. Matt. xxiv. 51. The judgment
of Daniel in this case may be taken as a type of the Last Judgment,
correcting the unjust judgments of this world.
A high value is set on Scripture, as v. 53 shews, where it is quoted as
an authoritative rule of conduct; v. 5, too, if it is to be regarded as
a reference to Jer. xxix. 23, points to a similar high esteem for it as
the word of the Lord. Susanna herself in v. 22 evidently remembers
David's words in II. Sam. xxiv. 14, when he too had to make his choice
between falling into the hand of the Lord or the hand of man, thus
shewing her ready knowledge of the O.T.
Much admirable moral teaching therefore may be drawn from the characters
of this little work of world-wide interest, teaching which is needed in
all nations and in all periods.