THE SONG OF THE THREE HOLY CHILDREN
בָאֻרִים כַּבְּדוּ יְהוָׂה
(יש׳ כד׳ טו׳)
THE SONG OF THE THREE HOLY CHILDREN.
ANALYSIS.
vv.
1, 2. Narrative in continuation of the canonical text, describing
the procedure of the three children in the furnace.
3-22. Azarias' confession (3-10), and prayer (11-22), on behalf
of them all.
23-28. Narrative describing the fire, the descent of the Angel, and
the happy result.
29-68. The Song of praise itself, which may be subdivided thus: God
directly addressed in blessing (29-34); after all God's works,
celestial objects are addressed, including Angels[4] (35-41); objects
of the lower heaven or atmosphere are called upon, including those
immediately concerned, wind and dew being placed next to fire and heat
(42-51); then the earth[5] and its natural features, and the animals
inhabiting it, are called upon (52-59); then the human race, as a whole
and in various classes, down to the three children themselves (60-66).
In conclusion God is extolled for His ever-enduring mercy in phrases
culled from the Psalter (67, 68).
The tendency of the arrangement of the Song proper is to descend from
generals to particulars. It has a refrain at the end of each verse,
slightly differing in those preliminary verses which are addressed to
the Lord Himself, and wanting in the last three. The rendering of the
refrain in the preliminary verses does not seem very happy in its
English (A.V. and K.V.).
TITLE AND POSITION.
TITLE.
Forming, as it does, an integral portion of the third chapter of the
Greek Daniel, the principal MSS. give the Song, in that place, no
independent title. It falls of course under the general title of the
whole Book, Daniel.
Van Ess in his LXX (Lips. 1835) entitles it Προσευχὴ Ἀζαρίου καὶ ὕμνος
τῶν τριῶν, but as he puts this heading in curved brackets it is possibly
merely his own insertion. 'B' is the codex which he is professing to
follow in his text; but that MS. is credited with no such title in Dr.
Swete's Greek Old Testament; nor do Holmes and Parsons shew any
knowledge of it as existing in any of their MSS.
In the Veronese Graeco-Latin Psalter it is headed Ὕμνος τῶν πατέρων
ἡμῶν, and in the Turin Psalter Ὕμνος τῶν τριῶν παιδῶν, which title it
inserts again at v. 57, strangely regarding that verse as the
commencement of a fresh canticle with a new number, ιβ. Churton (_Uncan.
and Apocr. Script._, p. 391) suggests that the former title "may have
been wrongly transferred from Ecclus. xliv." at the head of which it
stands. He also calls it the title in the Alexandrian Psalter--the Odes,
presumably that is, at the end. But the title to Ecclus. xliv. is simply
πατέρων ὕμνος, so that the likelihood of the transfer, deemed possible
by Churton, having taken place is very small.
In the Odes, at the end of Cod. A, two canticles are extracted from this
piece; the first (Ode IX.) entitled Προσευχὴ Ἀζαρίου, the second (Ode
X.) Ὕμνος τῶν πατέρων ἡμῶν, each corresponding with the name given to
it. In the office of Eastern Lauds the two parts have separate titles,
being assigned to different days of the week (_D.C.A._ art. _Canticle_).
In the Syriac and Arabic versions of Daniel a separate title is given
after v. 23 of chap. iii., and in the latter after v. 52, according
to Churton in his marginal notes. He also says that "the prayer of the
companions of _Ananias_" is the Syriac title. The titles on the whole
are fairly suited to their purpose; but the use of the word "children"
(παιδῶν) in the common heading of the Song contemplates the three as of
the age indicated in Daniel i. rather than that in Daniel iii.
POSITION.
Obviously this is not meant for an independent work, since it has no
proper commencement of its own. "And they walked" is clearly intended
as a continuation of some foregoing history. Accordingly, its position
in the LXX, Theodotion, Vulgate, and other versions, is immediately
after the 23rd verse of Daniel iii., thus forming a portion of that
chapter. This is clearly its natural and appropriate place. It unites
well both at the beginning and the end with the canonical text, "Qui se
trouve entrelassée (_sic_) dans le texte," as D. Martin says in the
heading of the book in his French version. T.H. Home, however (_Introd._
1856, II. 936), mentions its "abrupt nature" as a reason for thinking
that the translator did not invent it, but made use of already existing
materials. But the abruptness is not so apparent to other eyes and ears.
Indeed G. Jahn, in his note on Dan. iii. 24 (Leipzig, 1904), considers
the gap between vv. 23 and 24 in the Massoretic text is filled up
satisfactorily in the LXX and Theodotion only.
By means of this insertion, and the inclusion of what in A.V. are the
first four verses of chap. iv., this chapter is lengthened out in the
Greek and Latin versions to exactly 100 verses.
Bishop Gray's note (_Key to O.T._ 1797, p. 608), in which he says "the
Song of the three holy children is not in the Vat. copy of the LXX," is
certainly a mistake. It is just possible, however, that he may have
meant that the true LXX version was absent from it. So Ball somewhat
obscurely (p. 310 "the Alex. MS. omits"[6]), and Bissell (p. 442),
though not very distinctly, suggest a like idea as to its omission from
Dan. iii. in A, and Zöckler in his commentary falls into the same
mistake (Munich, 1891, p. 231). It is not unlikely that these writers
successively influenced each other.
E. Philippe's idea (Vigouroux, _Dict._ II. 1267a), that this piece was
separated from the original book because "elle retarde le récit et est
en dehors du but final" seems unconvincing--as much so as Dereser's
(quoted in Bissell, p. 444), from whom perhaps it was borrowed--that
"the Sanhedrim at Jerusalem shortened it for convenient use," An equally
unsatisfying "reason" is that of H. Deane in _Daniel, his Life and
Times_, p. 70 (pref. 1888). "There is no doubt as to the antiquity of
this addition, but probably on account of the feelings of hatred the
three children express with regard to their enemies, it was not
universally received by the Church." In the face of many stronger
expressions in the O.T. received without hesitation, this explanation
seems untenable, or at least insufficient. And the same may be said of
G. Jahn's theory that some mention of the singing of the three,
contained in the original, was expunged by the Massoretes as too
wonderful and apocryphal.
Much has been made of the omission of this and the other additions from
the original Syriac (_e.g._ Westcott, quoting Polychronius, Smith's
_D.B._, ed. 2. 7136, Bissell, 448), but they are contained in the Syriac
text of Origen's _Hexapla_, in the MS. in the Ambrosian Library at Milan
(Kautzsch, I. 172), published in facsimile by Ceriani. Bugati in his
edition of Daniel gives this Syriac and the LXX text in parallel
columns. In Jephet Ibn All's (the Karaite's) Arabic commentary on
Daniel, translated by D.S. Margoliouth (Oxf. 1889), no notice is taken
of the additions. The commentary was probably written about A.D. 1000.
Professor Rothstein (Kautzsch, I. 173) compares the situation of the
prayer in ix. 4 _sqq._, which he deems, like this one, to have been
perhaps a later insertion into the book.
It is beyond question that if this psalm of prayer and praise is to find
a place anywhere in the Book of Daniel, no more suitable position can be
found for it than that which it occupies so well in the Greek. If it is
a digression from the course of the original narrative it is very
happily placed, since it accounts satisfactorily for the statement "the
king was astonied" in v. 24 (91). He was surprised at the voice of
praise, instead of the shrieks of pain which he had expected to produce
by the execution of his decree.
AUTHORSHIP.
In the Greek of neither Ο´ nor Θ is there variation sufficient to prove
that the writer differed from the one who translated the rest of the
book. Rather do the indications point to the same hand having been at
work throughout. Comely says of this and its companion pieces, "Neque in
trium pericoparum argumentis quidquam invenitur quo illas Danielis
auctori attribuere prohibeamur" (_Compendium,_ Paris, 1889, p. 421).
This, like other R.C. writings, holds of course a brief for their
canonicity.
The Prayer, on the surface, claims to be by Azarias; the Song by all the
three. The introductory and intermediate narrative verses are given as
if from the same pen as the rest of Daniel's history; v. 4 (27)
reminds us in its terms of Daniel iv. 37 (34) very strongly, and, in
part, of ix. 14. In v. 24 (47) the mention of 49 (7 x 7) is paralleled
by the symbolic use of the number 7 in iv. 25, etc. But even if, as is
likely, they did not originate with the ostensible utterers, still it
is quite possible that the hand for the prayer, the narrative, and the
Song may not, in the first instance, have been identical.
Probably, however, we are intended, by the producer of the piece in its
present shape, to understand that the prayer and the Song are recorded,
even if not originated, by the author of the whole book. If not genuine
parts of Daniel, their parentage has not been assigned to any named
author; and the work must be treated as anonymous, for no clue has been
traced which points to a definite writer.
The putting forward in v. 2 (25) of the second person of the trio, not
otherwise distinguished from his fellows, is remarkable, and not
suggestive of a forgery. There is nothing to shew why he led the prayer,
as no special characteristics are attached to Abed-nego in our
knowledge. Most likely a forger would have put the prayer into the mouth
of Shadrach (Ananias), who always stands first, though the order of the
last two is reversed in the one place in which the three are named in
the uncanonical portion of the chapter. Ewald (_Hist. of Israel_, E. Tr.
Lond. 1874, V. 486) thinks that Azarias is introduced as the eldest, or
perhaps the teacher, of the other two; but this conjecture does not
account for the varying orders of the names of the three in v. 65.
However thick a veil may rest over the author's name, it may safely be
regarded as certain that he was a Jew, and a Jew who was well acquainted
with the Psalter. But the opinion as to whether he was of Babylonian,
Palestinian, or Alexandrian extraction will depend in a great measure on
the view taken as to the original language, whether Chaldee, Hebrew, or
Greek. Professor Rothstein (p. 174) admits the possibility of this
addition having been made to Daniel before its translation into Greek.
But Dean W.R.W. Stephens (_Helps to Study of P.B._, Oxf. n. d., prob.
1901, p. 45) may be taken as representing what has been the commonest
view. He thinks it "probably composed by an Alexandrine Jew." On the
other hand, Dr. Streane's remark tells against this increase of contents
having begun at Alexandria. "The tendency to diffuseness, characteristic
of later Judaism... operated much more slightly among Egyptian Jews
than with their brethren elsewhere" (quoted in Dr. Swete's _Introd. to
Greek O.T._, p. 259).
The assertion has gone the round of the commentators that the Song
proper is a mere expansion of Psalm cxlviii., leaving us to infer that
it is hardly a work of independent authorship. Perowne[7] writes, "the
earliest imitation of this psalm is the Song of the Three Children." And
J.H. Blunt, _in loc._, tells us that "the hymn in its original shape was
obviously an expanded form of the 148th Psalm." So even Gaster,
"modelled evidently on Ps. cxlviii."[8]; while Wheatley[9] goes so far
as to say that it is "an exact paraphrase" of that psalm, "and so like
it in words and sense that whoever despiseth this reproacheth that part
of the canonical writings."[10] But though the general idea for calling
upon nature to glorify God is the same, the author of _Benedicite_ is
much more than a mere expander or imitator. Naturally many of the same
objects are mentioned; but while comparison with the LXX version of the
psalm shews some resemblance in word and thought, it shews much more
variation in style, phraseology, and treatment. That the writer, as a
Jew, was acquainted with this psalm can scarcely be doubted; that he
consciously imitated it there is little to shew. Moreover, the use of
this psalm at Lauds in the Ambrosian, the Eastern, and Quignon's
service-books, together with the _Benedicite_, would hardly have
occurred if the Church had regarded the latter as a mere expansion of
the former, and not as a distinct production.
Whoever the author may have been, he was evidently strictly orthodox,
and quite in sympathy with his three heroes, in whose mouths he placed
this lively, agreeable, and most religious Song. He has added a much
appreciated treasure, at least among Christians, to the ecclesiastical
hooks; a most serviceable form of utterance for the Church's praiseful
voice. But the nature of the piece does not afford much scope for
display of the character or personality of the writer. He effaces
himself while extolling devotion to Jehovah, and, if he be Daniel, while
recording the faithfulness of the blessed friends of his youth. What
subject more likely to excite his enthusiastic sympathy? Honour to the
martyrs who endured, praise to the Lord who delivered, it was plainly a
pleasure to him to give.
DATE AND PLACE.
DATE.
Almost everything, excepting its absence from the original, points to
the Song having been from the beginning a part of the LXX text of
Daniel. Its date therefore in this case would be the date of that text.
The way in which it is worked into the canonical Daniel narrative
suggests that, if there be any variation as to date in the three
additions, this is seemingly the earliest.
That the LXX translator invented this enlargement out of his own genius
seems highly improbable; nor, were it not for its absence from the
original Daniel, few would have doubted that he obtained the whole of
his material from the same quarter. In such case our 'apocryphon' would
obviously ante-date the LXX text.
It is not unlikely that the Alexandrian translator worked up certain
traditions (J.M. Fuller, S.P.C.K. _Comm._; see also Bevan, _Dan._ Camb.
1892, p. 45), or, if Gaster's discovery be what he thinks, written
narratives. What sources, however, were used in preparing its LXX Greek
form can only be conjectured, and that on very slender data.
Rothstein in Kautzsch (I. 176) deems it to have been imported into the
text of Daniel before the LXX translation, which he dates at latest in
the first quarter of the last century B.C.
How an interpolation of this kind came to be admitted into the original
of Daniel is a difficult matter to explain. Even on the supposition that
the כתובים were less rigidly fixed than the Law or even the Prophets,
the insertion or omission of such a section as this seems a very bold
step. Ewald (_Hist. Israel,_ v. 86, 87, Eng. Tr.) thinks these additions
to be fragments of an enlarged Daniel based on the older book, which was
composed one or two centuries earlier.[11] Some later writer must have
compared this new book, which was originally written in Greek, with the
translation of the older book of Daniel, and transferred whatever he
thought proper from the former into the latter. The work, thus compiled
afresh, has been preserved in Greek shape, while the intervening book,
whose former existence is proved by clearest traces, is now lost. It is
only in this way, Ewald thinks, that we can explain the origin and
preservation of the portions which are not contained in the Hebrew.
Prof. Kautzsch (I. 121) deems III. Maccabees, in vi. 6 of which book
there is a reference to v. 27 (50) of the Song, to date from some time
between the end of the second century B.C. and 70 A.D. at the latest.
Within these limits he fixes upon the commencement of the Christian era
as the most likely time. Dr. Streane, moreover (_Age of Macc._ p. 157),
thinks that while century I. B.C. is very possible, it cannot be of
earlier date, on account of the proof given by this verse of
acquaintance with the Song. This reference, therefore, undoubted as it
is, does not greatly help us in solving the problem of date, except as
to its _ad quem_ limit.
Tob. xii. 6 and xiii. 10 (the latter especially in the Vulgate) are very
similar in phraseology to the refrain of the _Benedicite_; vv. 29, 30
(52) too, in both Greek versions, strongly suggest an acquaintance with
Tob. viii. 5, since κύριε appears more likely to have been added to,
than omitted from, the later document of the two. This is on the
assumption that Tobit is, as Streane thinks (p. 148), pre-Maccabean, or
at any rate earlier than this Song. But as the words used are not very
distinctive, it is quite possible that they might have been
independently prepared. The mention of Ananias, Azarias, and Misael in
I. Macc. ii. 59 is not conclusive as to its writer's knowledge of the
Song, but the order of the names, which does not occur elsewhere, makes
a remembrance of v. 88 not improbable. I. Macc. is dated by Kautzsch
(I. 31) from 100 to 90 B.C.; Streane (p. 149) allows slightly wider
limits; and Westcott (Smith's _D.B._ II. 173) suggests 120 to 100. As to
another possible indication given by v. 66 (88), see 'Chronology,' p.
69.
Of that scepticism which followed the refinements of rabbinism there is
no trace, either here, or in Susanna, or in Bel and the Dragon. The
tone of them all is that of an earlier time, free from any symptoms of
this later decline. But still the signs of date are not sufficiently
decided to justify us in fixing upon a narrow period with any degree of
certainty. Taking the piece as independent of the original Daniel, the
second century B.C. might perhaps be named as far from improbable. But a
closer date than this it is hardly safe to fix.
PLACE.
If we assume an _Aramaic original_, Babylonia most probably will be the
place for its production; Palestine somewhat less probably. But
indications of place in the piece itself are very faint. It is true,
however, that the order "nights and days" is "in conformity with the
Shemitic custom of fixing the beginning of the day at the preceding
evening" (McSwiney, _Psalms and Canticles_, 1901, p. 644).
Everyone must have noticed the frequency with which things watery and
things cold are mentioned in the Song. The number of times they occur
seems quite out of proportion with the scale on which it is conceived.
Water, showers, dew, cold, frost, snow,[12] sea, rivers, fountains, all
that move in the waters, are apostrophised in succession. The
preponderance of these objects is very noticeable, even to a cursory
reader. Now both Babylon and Alexandria are alike situated in hot
countries; but of the two, a resident in the former would be more likely
to have had these things brought before his eyes than a resident in the
latter. Lower Egypt with its almost rainless climate, and its one river,
does not seem the most likely locality to suggest a constant reference
to such topics. Chaldæa, on the other hand, is better watered and is
within the region of rain, and at any rate in its northern parts, of
frost and snow. Dura, according to Keith Johnston's map, is close to the
hills. But the position of "the plain of Dura," where the martyrdom took
place, has not been certainly identified. J.M. Fuller's note on v. 42
(64), "Rain and dew have that prominence which naturally belongs to them
in the parched East," is far from sufficing to explain the oft recurring
mention of these matters.
Still less does Bishop Forbes' remark[13] that "the element of water
seems specially to have received the benediction of the Lord," serve to
elucidate the cause of its preponderance here.
The slight anthropomorphism in v. 54, where 'sitting' is implied in Θ,
expressed in Ο´, is more conformable to Babylonian than Alexandrian
ideas; but this may be a mere reminiscence of Psalms lxxx. 1, xcix. 1.
The mention of pitch or bitumen is inconclusive, inasmuch as it is found
in both Babylonia and Egypt; but the mention of "heavens" and "stars of
heaven" (vv. 59, 63), agrees very well with Chaldean origin. So far,
therefore, as these considerations go, they turn the scale, to a small
extent, in favour of Babylonia.
The only natural object which may be regarded as telling in the opposite
direction is κήτη (v. 79), which might be thought to point to
knowledge of the Mediterranean Sea (_see_ Child Chaplin, _Benedicite,_
1879, p. 324).
The birthplace of the LXX text is surely Alexandria. The character of
this, as of the other additions, indicates, according to Westcott
(_D.B._ ed. 2, I. 1714a) and Wordsworth (on Dan. iii. 23), the hand of
an Alexandrian writer.
It is well, however, to notice that this, with its companion pieces, has
as few indications of Greek philosophy and habits of thought as any part
of the Apocrypha; and in common with most Alexandrian writers it has
little or nothing of purely Egyptian character. Still, Dereser's idea
that "Daniel may have written his book in Greek at Babylon with all the
additions" (quoted by Bissell, p. 444) seems most unlikely, and could
hardly have been advanced except under the necessity of supporting the
Roman view of the book.
Theodotion's version, so far as concerns the locality where it
originated, shares the obscurity which hangs over much of Theodotion's
personal life. Ephesus may be suggested, for Irenæus (III. xxiii.)
styles him ὁ Ἑφέσιος; though Epiphanius calls him Ποντικός (_D.C.B._
art. _Hexapla_, p. 22a). The latter author is, for the most part, the
less accurate of the two. In _De Mensuris, etc._, XVII. he states that
Θ's version was issued in the second Commodus' reign, 180--192,
"obviously too late."[14] The pre-Theodotionic version which Θ is thought
to have used may of course have been an Alexandrian production; but at
present little is known of it.
That Theodotion had some earlier rendering, besides the LXX as his
basis, the quotations in Rev. ix. 20, etc., and St. Matt. xii. 18,
coinciding with his version,[15] render highly probable, inasmuch as he
wrote subsequently to any likely date for those books. Possibly he may
have used Aquila's version, or that of some unknown translator.
Professor Gwynn's idea (_D.C.B._ art. _Theodotion_, 977a) of "two rival
Septuagintal Daniels"[16] seems to have more "inherent improbability"
than he is inclined to admit. But where this ground text, circulated
apparently in Palestine and Asia Minor, was made, who can say? But if we
take St. John as the author of Revelation, his connection with Ephesus,
and the probable publication of his work there, give some little support
to the theory of an Ephesian origin of Theodotion's translation.
It is strange that a version supposed to be made by one who was not an
orthodox Christian, if Christian at all, should have been preferred, as
far as concerns Daniel, by the Christian Church for ordinary use.[17]
Jerome (_Præf. in Dan._) says, as if he felt that some explanation was
needed, "et hoc cur acciderit nescio," though he proceeds to suggest
some possible reasons why the version of one "qui utique post adventum
Christi incredulus fuit" should have been so much honoured. The
religious work of a Jew, who lived before Christ, and that of one who
refused to acknowledge his advent after it had taken place, stand
obviously, for Christians, on a different footing.
FOR WHOM AND WITH WHAT OBJECT WRITTEN.
FOR WHOM.
Undoubtedly for Jewish readers, who were already interested in the story
of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abed-nego; designed for those who had Daniel's
book in their hands, who felt the Three to be heroes rightly honoured.
Of course, if the words were really spoken by Azarias, they were for the
honour of God and the benefit of himself and his companions in the fire;
and the Song itself becomes a real thanksgiving, on the spur of the
moment, for the literal fulfilment of such promises as Isai. xliii. 2--a
form, for their own personal use, to express their immediate feelings.
Verse 24 (Ο´) might suggest the idea that the prayer (and perhaps the
Song also) were uttered in the interval between the issue and the
execution of the king's order for burning alive; but the words ἐν μέσῳ
τῷ πυρί in v. 25 forbid this view. (As to a possible subsequent
insertion of the prayer, see 'Integr. and State of Text,' p. 42.)
Theodotion also precludes this idea by his insertion of ἐν μέσῳ τῆς
φλογὸς in v. 24 itself, as well as ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ πυρὸς in v. 25. The
slight change in the case of the last two words lessens the likelihood
of their having been transferred from v. 25 of one version to v. 25
of the other. But it is quite possible that Θ may have purposely omitted
the clause in v. 24 of Ο´, beginning ὅτε αὐτοὺς, in order to shut out
the idea of these devotions having taken place in the interval suggested
above.
Dean Farrar even says that the Song is "not very apposite" (_Expositor's
Bible_, Daniel, Lond. 1895, p. 180), though other minds find it
remarkably so. In writing on v. 27 (50) he erroneously substitutes
νότιον for δρόσον. This is probably copied from Ball's note _in loc._ If
the latter part of v. 66 (88) was in the original Song, the reference
to their own position is of course apposite enough.
Even a writer of such a stamp as Albert Barnes (_Comm. on Dan._ iii. 23)
is obliged to confess that "with some things that are improbable and
absurd, the Song contains many things that are beautiful and that would
be highly appropriate if a song had been uttered at all in the furnace."
But to a contrary effect J. Kennedy goes even further than Dean Farrar,
calling it "an elaborate composition by some one whose imagination
failed to realise what was fitting and natural to men in the position of
the three Hebrews in the fiery furnace" (_Dan. from a Christian
Standpoint,_ 1898, p. 55).
The passage vv. 26 to 34 is provided in Littledale's _Priest's P.B._
(1876, p. 95) as a suitable Scripture reading for those "in fever."
Although there is a kind of appropriateness in the narrative of the fire
being driven off, many would regard this application of the extract as
highly fanciful, and not quite agreeable to the object with which the
piece was written.
OBJECT.
Unless we assume the writer to be purely an imaginative novelist, the
preservation of serviceable traditions as profitable records of
religion, is clearly his principal aim. This addition cannot reasonably
be said in any way to distort or disagree with, though it adds to, the
sacred narrative. It is very well fitted into the main story; and the
non-appearance of Daniel is quite in accord with his absence from the
scene in chap. iii.
An edifying purpose is most conspicuous, and, if we assume that it is
really an interpolation of the original book, we may well suppose with
Bishop Gray, that "some writer desirous of imitating and embellishing
the sacred text" has left us this specimen of his work; that the
veneration of some Hellenistic Jew probably induced him to fabricate
this ornamental addition to the history (_op. cit._ pp. 610, 611).
One aim would be to satisfy the interest awakened by the wonderful
experiences of the three, which afforded a narrative ground-work for
this extension; falling in this respect, as Prof. Ryssel points out
(Kautzsch I. 167), into the same category as the Prayer of Manasses and
the additions to Esther. It may be said that resistance to idolatry,
securing divine deliverance, is, as in Bel and the Dragon, the "motif"
of the piece. But this is not accomplished without great peril and
anxiety to these martyrs in will, who kept before them an uncompromising
standard, worthy of their noble lineage (Dan. i. 3), as well as of their
true religion.
In some respects we are reminded of Jonah's prayer, which had a similar
object, viz., to secure a deliverance from hopeless danger, a
deliverance as marvellous as that of the Three. The words by which it is
introduced are similar (καὶ προςηύξατο Ἰωνᾶς... ἐκ τῆς κοιλίας τοῦ
κήτους καὶ εἰπεν, Jon. ii. 2; καὶ συστὰς Ἀζαρίας προςηύξατο καὶ... ἐν
μέςῳ τοῦ πυρὸς εἰπεν, Dan. iii. 25, Θ); and the spirit of turning to God
in dire straits is the same. But Jonah's prayer differs from Azarias' in
containing much mention of his immediate danger. Yet the absence of this
from Azarias' prayer hardly amounts to a probable indication of
forgery; indeed the possibility of so long an utterance implies some
restraint of the consuming power of the furnace, such as is described in
v. 27 of the Chaldee.
A subsidiary purpose answered in the Song proper is that of joining
nature with ourselves, by addressing it in a series of invitations to
magnify Him who is its God and ours alike, thus interpreting the
feelings which nature maybe supposed to entertain. It is recognised that
the irrational as well as the rational have their rightful spheres of
action; and a wholesome sympathy is manifested with those portions of
nature--which we think are lower than ourselves. With this may be
compared Adam and Eve's morning hymn (in Milton's _Paradise Lost_, Book
V., 1. 153 _sq._), which is very similar in tone and in sequence of
objects apostrophized.
The Song so readily leads itself to use as a Canticle that the idea
inevitably arises of its having been composed with that purpose in view;
but proof that it was ever so used by the Jews seems entirely wanting.
The statements made in some P.B. manuals that it was so used appear to
have arisen from a misunderstanding of an ambiguous sentence of
Wheatley's (_see_ 'Liturgical Use,' p. 83). Still, there may have been
an _arrière pensée_ in the composer's mind of providing models of
prayer and of praise for others, in crisis of trial or deliverance, to
offer unto God. It is pleasing to note in this respect, that the
thanksgiving is not stinted, but is even longer than the prayer. Nowhere
is the manifold wealth of God's revelation in nature more fully and
comprehensively set forth in the most exalted spirit of praise; so that,
if this were one of the composer's objects, it is most abundantly
answered.
INTEGRITY AND STATE OF THE TEXT.
It has been suggested by Prof. Rothstein (in Kautzsch I. 174, 175) that
the prayer of Azarias, the intermediate narrative, and the Song itself,
were not all written at the same time. But this view is based purely on
internal probability, and derives little or no support from any of the
MSS. or versions, unless the introduction of titles in the Arabic after
v. 28 (51), and in some Greek copies to the prayer of Azarias, be
thought to give it countenance; yet these may have crept in from their
convenience for liturgical use, and so be accounted for merely on
practical grounds.
To base this separation, however, on a supposed disagreement between v.
15 (38) and vv. 31 (53), 62 (84), is certainly insufficient cause, as
Ball points out (307b), for assigning Prayer and Song to different
writers (_see_ 'Chronology,' p. 67). But the observation that the
narrative passage between the Prayer and the Song fits in well after the
canonical v. 23[18] seems a stronger basis for supposing that the prayer
is a later introduction than the Song. Rothstein points out (p. 181,
note d) that v. 1 (24) in Θ has relation to the Song, but not to the
Prayer, and originally, as he imagines, took the place of the present v.
28 (91) of similar import. Corn. a Lap. notes of v. 1 (24) "est
hysterologia." This view is also mentioned with favour in Charles'
article on Apocrypha in the 1902 vols. of _Encycl. Brit._ (_cf._ 'For
whom written,' p. 36).
It is observable also that the statement of v. 26 (48) is not a mere
repetition of that in v. 22, but refers to the scorching of the
onlookers, while v. 22 speaks of those who executed the king's
order.[19]
The repetition of the same invocation at the commencement of the Prayer
and the Song is noteworthy; if the two are not contemporary, it has
probably been borrowed by the composer of the Prayer. But the difficulty
(often magnified) of reconciling the statements of v. 15 (38) with the
Jews' civil and ecclesiastical condition at the time of Daniel iii.
wears quite a different aspect if the Prayer is regarded as an
interpolation of later date by another hand. Altogether this theory of
the interpolation of the Prayer is surrounded with a considerable air of
probability.
Five extra verses are interspersed in the Syriac of the Song, calling
upon the hosts of the Lord, ye that fear the Lord, cold and heat (the
winter and summer of our _Benedicite_), the herbs of the field, and the
creeping things of the earth (Churton's translation). Of these "frigus
and aestus" is in the Vulgate, taken from Θ. The source of the others is
unapparent, though creeping things would very naturally follow beasts
and cattle, as in Gen. vii. 14.
The present ending of the Song, after the usual refrain in the middle of
v. 66 (88) is of a laboured nature with a decidedly "dragging" style. It
certainly has the appearance of being an afterthought, added by some not
very skilful composer, who fancied the original termination to be too
abrupt, and thought he could attach an appropriate supplement. But of
this theory no external evidence is at present forthcoming.
Θ agrees with the Ο´ text much more closely in this than in the other
additions. Most verses are the same, word for word; and many others have
but the slightest variations. He makes a few small omissions, as in
(Greek) vv. 24, 40, 67, 68; but in general he follows Ο´ exactly. Even
vv. 67, 68, are contained in A, in both places, in Daniel and in the
Odes at the end; also they are in the Turin Psalter, though omitted in
the Veronese (Swete's LXX). As they are found, with a little difference
in the Ο´ text, they may have fallen out of B and Q accidentally. The
identical refrain at the end of each verse would naturally facilitate an
error of this kind.
The principal MSS. available for Θ's text are the same as those for the
canonical part of Daniel, A, B, and Q. Γ fails us here, as in other
passages, except from vv. 37--52, in which its variations are
unimportant.
Taking B as the ground-work, A's changes are not generally of serious
moment, excepting in the case of the two inserted verses, 67 and 68, and
the transposition of vv. 73 and 74. Otherwise they chiefly consist of
small insertions or omissions which do not materially affect the sense
(_vv_ 36, 81); varying forms from the same root such as ὑπεραινετός for
αἰνετός (v. 54), εὐλογημένος for εὐλογητός (v. 56). The correctors of B
in v. 38, though unsupported by the chief codices, certainly seem right
in substituting οὐδε for οὐ. Q's variations not unfrequently agree with
A's; where they do not, they are scarcely more important, and often
partake of a similar character. In v. 88 a synonym is substituted, viz.,
ἔσωσεν for ἐρύσατο (2nd). In the few verses covered by Γ, B is generally
agreed with; a change of case, αὐτούς instead of αὐτοῖς, appearing in v.
50.
LANGUAGE AND STYLE.
LANGUAGE.
The probability of a Semitic original lying in the background of this
piece, has always been considerable. Those who have maintained Greek as
the original language, have generally spoken a little less confidently
with regard to this than with regard to its two companion pieces. So
Bissell writes (p. 443), though a supporter of the Greek (p. 43),
"undoubtedly more can be said in favour of such a theory" [of a Semitic
original] "than for a similar one in respect of the two remaining
additions." And since M. Gaster discovered in 1894 an Aramaic text, the
grounds for deeming the Greek to be the original, though not set aside,
have been partially undermined. Schürer, however, in Hauck's _Encycl._
(I. 639), appears to think that this is translated from Θ, and not _vice
versâ,_ as Gaster claims. In his third German ed. of _H.J.P._ (III. 333)
he agrees with Gaster in deeming תודוס to be Θ, but considers the
Aramaic to be a rendering of Θ's Greek, taken into the tenth-century
Chronicle of Jerahmeel.
It must be confessed that the existence of two Greek versions increases
the probability, though it does not prove the existence, of an original
in another language. It does not seem likely that Θ would have revised
the Ο´ of the additions in the same way as the canonical part, unless he
had a similar basis to go upon in both cases. If not, why, and on what
authority, did he alter the additions at all? And this consideration
applies to the other two, even more than to the one we are dealing with,
inasmuch as the version of Susanna and of Bel and the Dragon involved
more numerous changes. Irenæus' statement that Theodotion "ἡρμήνευσεν,"
taken strictly, would of course always imply an original to translate;
but Irenæus may only have been thinking of the particular passage from
Isaiah which he refers to (III. xxiii.).
Many phrases may be instanced which point to a Semitic original, or at
least fit in well with the theory of its existence. Towards
counterbalancing this there is a much smaller number which may be
thought to tell in the opposite direction. But in the main, as Comely
truly writes (_op. cit._ p. 420), "accedit hebraismorum frequentia quum
in Alexandrini tum in Theodotionis versione."[20]
It is to be observed, however, that the names of the Three are Grecized
from their original Hebrew nomenclature,[21] although their Babylonian
names are employed in Dan. iii., and adopted by Ο´ and Θ in the
canonical portions, both before and after the apocryphal episode. An
apparent exception occurs in v. 23 of Ο´, where clauses of that verse
and of v. 22 have been transposed and slightly altered. Here Azarias
occurs in the same form as in the apocryphal portion. But this isolated
use of the Hebrew form of his name has probably been brought about by
the insertion of our piece into the chapter, the same form and phrase,
τοῖς περὶ τὸν Ἀζαρίαν, being found in v. 49 of both Greek texts. A like
phrase occurs in Ezek. xxxviii. 6, and in Acts xiii. 13. The order of
names, too, differs in this Addition from their order elsewhere, the two
last changing places, thus bringing Azarias (Abed-nego) into the middle.
It is remarkable that he is twice, vv. 2 (25) and 8 (49), placed as if
he were the leading member of the trio, in the former verse as uttering
the prayer, in the latter as heading the party in the furnace; and so
also, as pointed out above, in v. 23 of Ο´. This last fact, however, is
counterbalanced in the same version by all three being named in v. 24 as
praying, Azarias not there figuring as the sole speaker. These small
indications certainly point to some ancient distinction between the
uncanonical insertion, as we have it, and the body of the book.
E. Philippe (in Vigouroux' _D.B._ II. p. 1266) argues for Hebrew and
not Greek originals, because of the existence of two Greek versions,
neither of which, he says, appears to be a revision of the other,
containing hebraisms suggestive of a Hebrew original. But as regards the
Song of the Three, this statement, that neither version is a revision of
the other, must be regarded as more than doubtful. He also says that
the Chisian and Syro-Hexaplar MSS. contain critical signs of Origen,
revealing a Hebrew text, and in 87 (Chisianus) at xiii. 1-5, Α´, Σ´, Θ´
indicate Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, all translators from the
Hebrew. This last point, however, may not stand as to the Song of the
Three (_see_ note in Kautzsch, p. 176) so far as Aquila is concerned.
For Origen, in his letter to Africanus, seems to imply that Aquila's
rendering did not contain the Song: Οὕτω γὰρ Ἀκύλας δουλεύων τῇ Ἑβραικῇ
λεξει ἐκδέδωκεν--§ 2.
Jerome's words in the Vulgate, after v. 23, "quæ sequuntur in Hebraeis
voluminibus non reperi," are very guarded, not absolutely denying the
existence of a Hebrew text, but merely asserting that he has not met
with it. Cod. Amiatinus, however, has 'non repperiuntur,' an expression
which asserts more comprehensively the absence of this passage in his
time.
The following are some specific indications of language which appear to
be of sufficient interest to be noted separately:
v. 27 Ο´, Θ. Δίκαιος εἶ ἐπὶ πᾶσιν = צַרִּיק צַל rendered by ἐπὶ in Dan.
ix. 14 (in both versions) and in Neh. ix. 33. Δίκαιος ἐπὶ also occurs in
Bar. ii. 9, in that part of Baruch which is almost certainly a
translation from the Hebrew. Ball (_Speaker's Comm._) gives a similar
phrase from the _Iliad_, and Bissell a still more apposite one from
_Il._ IV. 28, to shew that it is not unknown in pure Greek. Gaster's
Aramaic has simply ל not צל.
v. 30 Ο´, Θ. Ὑπακούω governs the genitive correctly, but συντηρέω,
coupled with it, is made to govern the same noun. Exigencies of
translation might easily cause this awkwardness, but hardly original
Greek composition.
v. 31 Ο´. Καὶ νῦν = וְצַתָּה So translated in II. Chron. vi. 16, 17 at
the beginning of the verse, as here; it occurs again in vv. 33 and 41 in
both versions, as also in ix. 15, 17. It is not a very natural beginning
of a Greek sentence.
v. 32 Ο´, Θ. Why ἁποστατῶν, a title which does not seem very applicable
to the Babylonians? It may be merely a rendering of טרך as in Ezra iv.
12, 15. The Vulgate here has 'prævaricator.' In Gaster's Aramaic the
verse is different. But _cf._ use of ἀπηλλοτριωμένοι in Eph. ii. 12 of
those who had never belonged to Israel.
v. 33 Ο´, Θ. Οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἀνοῖξαι looks very like a translation of
אֵין לָנוּ, an idiom used in II. Chron. xxxv. 3, 15 in the sense of
'cannot,' followed by a verb in the infinitive. _Cf._ Heb. ix. 5.
v. 34 Ο´, Θ. Εἰς τέλνς = לְכָלָה or לָנֶצַח as in II. Chron. xii. 12,
Ps. xv. 11. Διασκεδάσῃς σου τὴν διαθήκην. This curious expression may be
the rendering of such a phrase as that in I. Kings xv. 19,
הָפֵרָה אֶת בְּרִיתְךָ, there translated by the same words; also in Jer. xi. 10.
v. 36 Ο´, Θ. Ἄστρα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, as in viii. 10, xii. 3, both Ο´.
v. 37 Ο´, Θ. Ταπεινοὶ ἐν. Did the translators read בכל for מכל?
v. 38 Ο´, Θ. Καρπῶσαι. _Cf._ Lev. ii. 9, 11, קטר אשה being similarly
translated. Καρπόω is also used in the same sense in I. Esd. iv. 52.
Deissmann has an interesting 'study' of this word in his _Bible Studies_
(Eng. transl., Edinb. 1901, p. 135).
v. 40 Ο´, Θ. Ἐνώπιον... ὄπισθεν = אחרי... לפני. Ἐκτελέσαι is thought
by Ball to have arisen from some confusion between כליל and כלל, but
this is dubious. Marshall (Hastings' _D.B._ IV. 755b) suggests שׁלם in
Kal or Piel.
v. 44 Ο´, Θ. Ἐνδικνύμενοι, Grotius (in _Critici Sacri_) says "Expressit
Hebræum הראה quod est in Ps. lx. 3 (5) et alibi." The verb is so
translated in Exod. ix. 16.
v. 49 Ο´, Θ. The apparent Grecism of οἱ περὶ τόν Ἀζαρίαν occurs in the
LXX of Ezek. xxxviii. 6 and elsewhere. Συγκατέβη ἄμα, Ball suggests
ירד אחרי from Ps. xlix. 18. Gaster gives נחית צם. Ἐξετίναξε Gaster
characterises as a "senseless" rendering of ואיצטנין "and it cooled
down," which word certainly gives an excellent sense.
v. 50 Ο´, Θ. The well known "crux" of πνεῦμα δρόσου διασυρίζον appears
in the Aramaic as די מינשבא טלא כרוחא which Gaster translates "as a wind that blows
(and causes) the dew (to descend)."
v. 51 Ο´. καὶ ἐγέντο = וַיְהִי.
v. 54 Ο´. Δὀξης τῆς βασιλείας, _cf._ Dan. iv. 36 (33) Θ´, τιμὴν τῆς
βασιλείας. יקר מלכות is the Aramaic in both places. θρόνου δόξης, as in
Jer. xiv. 21. θρόνος is used of God's throne in Dan. vii. 9, end.
v. 59 Ο´, Θ. Οὐρανοί = שָׁמַיִם (not in Gaster's Aramaic).
vv. 64, 68 Ο´. Repetition of δρόσος, and vv. 67, 69 Ο´, of ψῦχος,
suggests possible difficulty of a translator, causing him to fall back
on same word.
vv. 65, 86 Ο´, Θ. The different senses of πνεύματα point to רוּחוׂת as
the underlying original of both.
v. 87 Ο´, Θ. Ταπεινοὶ τῇ καρδίᾳ; Luther renders "elend und betrübt
sind," since these words, if of literal and immediate application, would
indicate the depression of the Babylonian exiles; and so would tell in
favour of a Semitic original, Greek being unfamiliar to them.
v. 88 Ο´, Θ. Ἐκ μέσου καιομένης φλογός, _cf._ Dan. iii. 21, 29; vii. 11
(יקד, Chald. in first and third of these cases, and also in Gaster's
Aramaic of this piece).
v. 89 Ο´, Θ. Ἐξείλετο does not seem a very suitable word, as they had
not yet been into ᾅδης. It may be a translation of ישצ as in Jer. xlii.
11, if from a Hebrew original. שיזבנא is given by Gaster as the original
of both ἐξείλατο (Θ) and ἐρρύσατο.
v. 90 Ο´, Θ. Οἱ σεβόμενοι, used of proselytes of the gate in Acts xvii.
17, may have this meaning here also, as coming last, and in connection
with τὸν θεὸν τῶν θεῶν, a possible reference to the "gods of the
nations." Gaster's Aramaic has nothing answering to σβόμενοι. Grotius
suggests "יראי אלהים ut Job i. I, 8, ii. 3," where θεοσεβής is the word.
The writer deems the evidence of language to point on the whole to a
Semitic rather than to a Greek base. The difficulty of balancing the
indications however of the original language is shewn by the names of
important authorities which may be ranged on either side, Ball,
Rothstein, and Swete regarding the Semitic as probable; Westcott,
Schürer, and Fritzsche holding a similar opinion as to the Greek.
When a Semitic original is pronounced for, the further question arises,
was it Hebrew or Aramaic? The grounds unfortunately appear too
indecisive to warrant a distinct choice between these alternatives.
STYLE.
This is the only one of the three Additions which takes a devotional and
poetical form. The Song has perhaps exceeded the others in the great
estimation accorded to it. The frequent liturgical use made of it is
both a sign and a cause of this.
The style of the Greek is Hellenistic, and is not out of character with
the versions of which it is a part; nor in particular with the Book of
Daniel with which it is incorporated. It is spirited, interesting, and
agreeable, mainly Hebraic in the character of its thought and cast of
its language.
The Prayer may possibly be accused of the needless repetition of similar
sentiments; especially in vv. 4, 5, and 8 as to God's truth and justice;
and in vv. 6 and 7 as to Israel's disobedience, which are somewhat
over-insisted upon. But perhaps this may be attributed to earnest
pleading. It is instructive to compare and contrast Daniel's Prayer,
chap. ix., remembering that a different person would naturally have a
different style; a consideration which may also help to account for the
change we are conscious of when we pass from the prayer of Azarias to
the Song which purports to he the composition of the Three.
The principle on which πᾶς is inserted in some verses and omitted in
others does not seem clear. Rhythmical considerations do not
sufficiently account for it. Something other than style seems to have
influenced its use; but what that something may have been it is
difficult to discern. Nor does the principle seem clearer in the Aramaic
than in the Greek.
The poem has a simple yet majestic structure, with a refrain apt to
linger in the ear, either in Greek or English, Εὐλογεῖτε, ὑμνεῖτε, καὶ
ὑπρυψοῦτε αὐτὸν εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας, "Bless ye the Lord, praise Him, and
magnify Him for ever." In Gaster's Aramaic the refrain is slightly
varied, לצלמא being used where God is addressed, בצלמא where His
creatures are exhorted. Dr. Gaster understands the former to mean "for
ever," but the latter "in the world."[22] This distinction, if a just
one, is entirely obliterated in the versions. In the Vulgate however the
refrain sounds less agreeably, for "superexaltate " is a cumbrous word
for frequent repetition. It is one of those exaggerated compounds of
which the translator of Daniel seems to have been too fond, such as
"superlaudabilis," "supergloriosus" (v. 52), "deambulo" and
"discoöperio" (Sus. vv. 8, 32). This inconvenience was evidently felt in
liturgical use, as in the Roman Breviary and Missal the repetition of
"superexaltate" is avoided. Psalm cxxxvi. affords a biblical instance of
a refrain similarly repeated at the end of each verse; and Deut. xxvii.
15-26 may be regarded as containing a liturgical repetition of another
species.
The use of a symbolic multiple of 7 in v. 24 (47) accords well with a
similar practice in Daniel iii. 19, ix. 24, and x. 2,13. The number 3
itself (v. 28) may also be symbolic; but this is merely continued from
the canonical part of the story, being quite of a piece with it. No
other numbers occur.
There is a remarkable resemblance between the natural objects mentioned
in Ecclus. xliii. and in the Song. Especially v. 22[23] of the former is
like v. 27 (50) of the latter in its leading idea. The furnace, κάμινος,
is also named in v. 4 of the Ecclus. passage; and the aim of glorifying
God is most prominent in both. But the resemblance in style to Psalm
cxlviii. is not so great as has sometimes been imagined. (See what is
said on this point under 'Authorship,' p. 26.) On the whole, the style
of the work, whether supplicatory, narrative, or poetic, is well suited
to the purpose for which it is designed; and although the influence of
previous writers is evident, the manner of the author is not that of a
mere imitator of their compositions. He has a form of his own in which
to present his subject.
RELIGIOUS AND SOCIAL STATE.
RELIGIOUS.
So far as the Jewish actors in the scene are concerned, they exhibit a
true religious spirit from the O.T. standpoint, with an unshakeable
firmness of conviction that Jehovah alone should be worshipped.
The episode shews (in common with the canonical part) that the Captivity
had already produced a stubborn opposition to idolatrous temptations
among the Jews. The tendency to follow after other gods, and to depart
from Jehovah in this way, had been outrooted from the habits of these
exiles; and their example now would be for all time an incentive to
others to resist, at any cost, the pressing inducements to become
idolaters.
It is difficult to find anything really inconsistent with the religious
position, so far as we know it, of Israel in Babylon. Bissell, however,
writes strongly to the contrary, in company as he avers, with almost all
non-Romish scholars. This opinion is based on little more than the
supposed inappropriateness of the Prayer and Song to the occasion, and
on the discrepancy of v. 15 (38) with the circumstances of the time, and
with other parts of the composition (p. 445 and on v. 15). This
"discrepancy" is dealt with under 'Chronology.' Bissell also quotes with
approval the exaggerated comparison of Eichhorn, who deems the three
"like dervishes gifted in penitential exclamations, which they interrupt
by abuse of Nebuchadnezzar." A consistent religious ground is maintained
throughout by the three; there is for them no "doing at Rome as Rome
does" in vital matters of religion. And their condition is evidently
compassionated by God, their faithfulness approved, amid the
persecutions of a foreign land.
Considerable talent and art in devotional composition are manifested in
confession, petition, and praise--talent and art of which the Christian
Church has widely availed herself from a very early period. The tone of
Azarias' prayer is not discordant with Daniel's description of his own
prayer in ix. 20, nor with the prayer itself immediately preceding that
verse, either in sentiment or phraseology. They may well have come from
the same editor, whether the prime author of the whole book or not.
Verse 16 (39) apparently contains phrases culled from Pss. xxxiv. 18,
li. 17. M. Parker on Deut. xxviii. 56 (_Bibliotheca Biblica_, Oxf. 1735)
thinks that the declaration of the three in v. 9 (32) corresponds with
Deut. xxviii. 49, 50, being in fact a public acknowledgment that
national impiety had brought upon them the distress in which they were
at present involved. If so, it shews knowledge of the law on their part.
But the connection is one solely of idea, and not of phraseology. There
is a strong connection in phraseology, however, between v. 27 and Deut.
xxxii. 4 in LXX. In any case the religious tone of the whole production
is not inconsistent with what we might have expected.
SOCIAL.
The nature of this piece does not afford much scope for the display of
the social condition of Babylon and its inhabitants. It is to be
expected therefore that it will shew us far less of these matters than
either Susanna or Bel and the Dragon. But so far as it gives any
indications, it is in accord with the canonical Daniel, and with what we
know from other sources of the customs of the country. Evidently Israel
was in a state of subjection to the Babylonian king, who ordered
idolatry to be practised by captives and natives alike. It is shewn by
v. 9 (32) _sqq._ that the former smarted under his tyranny, and appealed
to God for redress, like their forefathers in Egyptian bondage.
The punishment of burning, on which the whole story turns, is quite
Babylonian. Jer. xxix. 22 is another instance, so that there is no lack
of _vraisemblance_ in its introduction here. (_See_ Hastings' _D.B._
art. _Crimes and Punishments_, I. 523, for other instances). It has been
thought (Smith's _D.B._ ed. 2 art. _Furnace_, I. 1092b) that this
furnace in Daniel is alluded to by our Lord in St. Matt. xiii. 42, 50;
but how opposite on this occasion are the consequences of being cast
into it! Here prayer and praise from the righteous, there weeping and
gnashing from the wicked. The allusion must be considered a very
doubtful one.
The subservience of the king's servants[24] in performing their cruel
work, and the absence of a protesting voice or of a helping hand from
any quarter, is very characteristic of the results of Eastern despotism.
All, except the three martyrs, were afraid of Nebuchadnezzar, whose
murderous rage under contradiction is of a piece in both the Chaldee and
the Greek portions of the chapter. No one else on this occasion dared to
disobey his decree, and there is no sign of anyone venturing so much as
to intercede for the Jewish victims.
In such small glimpses as are given, in this extension of chap. iii., of
the social state of Babylonia there is nothing clearly indicating that
the interpolation (if such it be) is of an unhistoric or untrustworthy
character, nothing wholly irreconcilable with the rest of the book.
Indeed the author (W.T. Bullock) of the note on Daniel iii. 23 in the
S.P.C.K. _Commentary_ goes so far as to write of "that noble canticle
_Benedicite_," as an "historical document." This expression may require
qualification, but it is not beyond the bounds of possible fact.
THEOLOGY.
The theology appears to be of a perfectly orthodox character, quite what
might have been expected from the three children; nor is it inconsistent
with that contained in the rest of the book of Daniel. The exile had not
now contaminated the Jewish religion, but had rather purged it of its
corruptions, and eradicated in particular the fatal tendency to "serve
other gods." Such sins are thoroughly confessed by Azarias in a style
not without resemblance to Daniel's confession. (_Cf._ v. 6 (29) with
ix. 5 in both versions; also Esther xiv. 6, 7.)
The God of their fathers is He alone to whom prayers and praises are to
be addressed. He is regarded as the Lord of all creation, both as a
whole and in its specific parts. He is looked up to to make good the old
promises (13), being full of mercy (19), as well as of power and glory
(20, 22, 68). He is a king (33), just (4), and gracious (67), with an
ear open to the addresses of his people. The righteousness of even His
heavy judgements is acknowledged in the prayer; and the hymn throughout
shews that the gratitude of man is plainly deemed acceptable to Him.
As to the question of praise being called for from inanimate things or
irrational beings, we must remember that though unfitted, so far as we
understand them, for conscious praise, their creation, maintenance, and
usefulness give evidence of God's greatness and goodness. As Cornelius à
Lapide notes on v. 35 (57) "Inanimes creaturæ benedicunt Deum creatorem
suum, non ore sed opere, ait S. Hieronymus," giving, however, no
reference to the passage in Jerome. Ps. civ. 4 and Heb. i. 7 afford
some helpful clues to the operations of Nature in this connection. Man
is treated by our author as the interpreter of Nature, with a right, as
made in the image of God, to call upon it to glorify its Maker. He
offers vocal praise on its hehalf as well as on his own; though things
without life praise God silently, by fulfilling the parts for which He
made them. A somewhat similar idea of the elevating influence exerted by
natural beings may be discerned in the second of the _New sayings of
Jesus_ as restored by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt (Lond. 1904, p. 15). And
Addison fitly writes (_Spect._ No. 393), "The cheerfulness of heart
which springs up in us from the survey of Nature's works, is an
admirable preparation for gratitude "(_cf._ 'Early Christian Literature
and Art,' _s.v._ 'Hippolytus').
Azarias desires that the rescue of the party may redound to the
knowledge among all men of the sole deity of Jehovah (22)--a petition
for the conversion of the Gentiles. The phrase in the last verse of the
Song, θεὸς τῶν θεῶν, might be taken as an admission of the existence of
other gods over whom Jehovah was supreme. But clearly this is not so
intended, as may be proved from the use of the phrase in Deut. x. 17,
Pss. xlix. I (LXX), cxxxvi. 2. Yet it is not unlikely that
Nebuchadnezzar used the phrase in this acceptation in ii. 47. The other
occasion, however, on which it is used in Daniel (xi. 36), allows it to
be taken only in an orthodox sense; nor is any other likely in the mouth
of Azarias, who resisted to the utmost the command to sin by idolatry.
It is observable that Azarias omits the clause "in thy seed shall all
nations of the earth be blessed" (Gen. xxii. 18, xxvi. 4) from his
quotation of the patriarchal promise. This might arise from dislike to
the nations, who had conquered Israel; but on the other hand, the gist
of it is contained in his concluding petition in v. 22.
The objection that Ananias, Azarias, and Misael are invoked as saints
(which probably caused the omission in 1789 of v. 66 (88) from the
American P.B.) is sufficiently answered by pointing out that the Song is
praise, not prayer; and that these three do not stand on a different
footing in this respect from the other objects apostrophized. Moreover,
a highly poetical composition of this kind is not to be too literally
interpreted. As Liddon remarks in his _Elements of Religion_ (Lond.
1892, p. 182), "The apostrophes of the Psalms and Benedicite are really
acts of praise to God, of which his creatures furnish the occasion;" and
Addison again (_Spect._ No. 327), "Invocations of this nature fill the
mind with glorious ideas of God's works." v. 43 (65) is oddly applied
by Archdeacon Frank, _Serm._ XLII. to Pentecost (Oxf. 1849, II. 254).
Belief is plainly shewn in an angelic ministry, sent down to help God's
suffering servants, and endued with miraculous powers. The angel comes,
too, after their humble confession and prayer for rescue (vv. 43--45),
and before their song of praise. The very propriety however of this
arrangement, from a theological point of view, induces Rothstein to deem
the prayer a subsequent introduction, in order to supply the want of
request for deliverance before praise for its accomplishment; and he
thinks that the opening in the narrative for the insertion of the prayer
(between vv. 23 and 46) was not, in the Ο´, very deftly effected
(Kautzsch, I. 175, 181).
The natural and the supernatural, without any incongruity, are blended
as being all under one control, all subserving the same great ends, as
in the Hebrew Bible. But there is no increase of the miraculous element
beyond that in chapter iii., in which this piece is inserted; and at a
later age increase would have been highly probable. What essential
difference is there to be found between the miracles of the Chaldee and
of the Greek Daniel? Surely none.
A typical resemblance was discerned by St. Antony of Padua (_Moral
Concordances_, ed. Neale, p. 123), between v. 26 (44) and the
Annunciation, but this will be regarded by many minds as a very fanciful
theological discovery, and one surely not in the purview of the composer
of the passage.
CHRONOLOGY.
There is but little in the way of chronological indication in this
addition; considerably less than in the other two, and what there is, is
indirectly brought in.
A time after the Captivity is evidently pointed to in vv. 26, 32, 37,
38. Jerusalem was lying under a heavy visitation, the people delivered
over to the enemy, almost denationalized, and deprived of the
sacrificial worship to which they had been accustomed. Yet this position
of affairs is spoken of as if it were not one of very long standing.
(_Cf._ the use of νῦν in vv. 31, 33, 42, though in the last of these
instances its use may not perhaps be temporal.)
It has been objected, quite unnecessarily, that v. 38 is inconsistent
with v. 53, the one implying the destruction of the temple, the other
recognizing its existence; v. 84, too, may be taken as supposing priests
to be still capable of performing their offices. It is even possible
that the corrections of Cod. A in v. 38 may have had behind them some
idea of softening a discrepancy. This supposed lack of consistency has
been taken as an indication of double authorship of the Prayer and the
Song; and of course, if the Prayer were a later interpolation than the
Song, even the appearance of contemporary inconsistency is avoided. But
if we were to decline this hypothesis, and take Prayer and Song as from
the same pen, there is still no real difficulty; for v. 38 is thinking
of the earthly temple, v. 53 of the heavenly. Grotius (_Critici Sacri_),
apparently accepting the statements of v. 38 as correct, writes: "Harum
rerum penuria animos venture Evangelio præparabit."
Another chronological difficulty, that of "no prophet,"[25] in the same
verse (38) has even been offered as a 'proof' of non-canonicity
(Cloquet, _Articles_, p. 113). So T.H. Horne in Vol. IV. of his
_Introduction_, quoted by A. Barnes on Daniel (I. 81), says that "v. 15
(38) contains a direct falsehood"; and in Vol. II. 937 of his
_Introduction_ (ed. 1852), he asserts that the author "slipped in the
part he assumed." More just is his observation that "Theodotion does not
appear to have marked the discrepancy." Ball, too, joins in the
condemnation, by expressing an opinion that the writer had "lost his
cue" (_Introd. to Song_, p. 308); and Reuss, "Hier verrät sich der
Verfasser" (_O.T._, Brunswick, 1894, VII. 166). It has been suggested
(J.H. Blunt _in loc._) that Ezekiel, who was both priest and prophet,
had just finished his utterances, while Daniel, if he had commenced his,
would, out of modesty, not reckon himself. The same commentator also
attempts, still less successfully, to overcome the difficulty of "no
prince." Probably, however, this merely means that no monarch was
actually reigning, and that Jewish rulers were themselves ruled and
their authority superseded, not that no member of the royal house or of
the ruling classes was in existence. And this seems to fit in better
with an early period of the Captivity than with a later age, when Simon
Maccabeus is said to have had the title נָשִֹיא on his coins: and
Mattathias is called ἄρχων in I Macc. ii. 17. Gesenius says in his
_Thesaurus_ under נשיא on the authority of F.P. Bayer (_de numis
hebraeosamaritanis_, p. 171, append, p. xv.), that Simon's coins had the
inscription שמצון נשיא ישראל[26]; but it is now doubted whether the
coins formerly attributed to Simon are really of his time. (_Cf._ Bp.
Wordsworth of Lincoln on I Macc. xv. 6.) Zöckler's idea (_Comm. in
loc._) that ἡγούμενος must be understood here as equivalent to "priest"
is unsupported and needless. כּׄהֵן is never so translated by LXX.
Cornelius à Lap. (Paris, 1874), deals with the difficulty of "no
prophet" in a different way. He writes, "Quia Dan. potius somniorum
regiorum erat interpres, quam propheta populi; Ezech. autem propheta
aberat agebatque in Chobar aliisque Chaldaeae locis, eratque is unus et
captivus. Itaque 'non est,' _i.e._ vix nullus erat." Of "princeps et
dux" he says nothing; but Peronne adds a note to say that Daniel was
thinking of Judaea only. It is not unlikely that Hos. iii. 4 was in the
mind of the writer of the Song, as being fulfilled in his days.
If, however, we assume a date for the whole piece considerably later
than that of the canonical book, it is quite conceivable that the author
may have made a backward transference of the circumstances of his own
time to that of the earlier exile. For this is a species of error all
traces of which even expert forgers find it difficult to remove.
It is generally assumed, and probably rightly, that v. 88 is intended as
a contemporary utterance of the Three calling upon themselves;
nevertheless it is quite intelligible as the expression of a later
writer summoning them, with the rest of creation, to praise their
Maker. And, assuming this verse to be contemporary with the rest, this
latter idea would of course mark the hymn as not really issuing from the
mouths of the Three.
Everything said and done in this piece takes place within one day, the
day on which Nebuchadnezzar's subjects were ordered to worship the
golden image. There is therefore much less scope than in Bel and the
Dragon, or even Susanna, for those who seek to discover chronological
difficulties, because devotional compositions afford fewer openings than
narrative matter for the raising of such questions.
CANONICITY.
Like Susanna, and Bel and the Dragon, the Song of the Three Children
formed, so far as we know, part of the original LXX text of Daniel,
having a connection with it closer even than theirs. For while they take
their places at the beginning or the end, this one is incorporated into
the narrative of chapter iii. as one connected whole. Prof. Robertson
Smith does indeed write (_O.T. in Jewish Church_, 1895, p. 154), "these
are perhaps later additions to the Greek version"; but this is only
conjecture, and as such he puts it forward.
Until the correspondence of Origen with Africanus, the canonicity of
these pieces does not seem to have been called in question by Christians
who used Greek or Latin Bibles; nor do Greek-speaking Jews appear to
have disputed the matter seriously. "Commonly quoted by Greek and Latin
Fathers as parts of Daniel," says Westcott (Smith's _D.B._, ed. 2, I.
713b). So Schürer (II. III. 185), "Julius Africanus alone among the
older Fathers disputes the canonicity of these fragments." See also
Bissell's admission on p. 448 of his _Apocrypha._ But Jerome seriously
called their canonicity in question (_Præf. in Dan._), although he
included them in his translation, with a notice that they were not found
in the Hebrew. Polychronius, Theodore of Mopsuestia's brother, refused
to comment on this piece because it was not part of the original Daniel,
nor in the Syriac, οὐ κεῖται ἐν τοῖς Ἑβραϊκοῖς ἢ ἐν τοῖς Συριακοῖς
βιβλίοις. In this latter respect it keeps company with the Catholic
Epistles in the earliest stage of the Syriac N.T. (Carr, _St. James_, p.
XLVII). But it gained a place in the Peshitto (_D.C.B._ arts.
_Polychronius & Polycarpus Chorepisc._). Buhl (_Kanon und Text des
A.T._, 1891, p. 52) says that the Nestorians recognise "die
apokryphischen Zusätze zum Daniel als kanonisch;" and the Malabar
Christians regard this, with its two companions, "as part and parcel of
the book of Daniel." (Letter to the writer from F. Givargese, Principal
of Mar Dionysius' Seminary, Kottayam, 1902.) They formed part of the
Sahidic, and probably other Egyptian versions of Daniel, which may be as
early as century II.; as also of the Ethiopic and, seemingly, of the Old
Latin (Swete, _Introd._ 96, 107, 110).
It seems very difficult to prove that the Alexandrian Jews who used the
LXX did not regard this piece as canonically valid; though how they
reconciled their canon with the Palestinian one is not clear. Their
frequent communication with Palestinian Jews must have brought any
considerable discrepancy to the notice of both sides. F.C. Movers (_Loci
quidam Hist. can. V.T._, Breslau, 1842, pp. 20, 22) solves the
difficulty by imagining that this and the other Apocrypha were similarly
regarded both in Palestine and Alexandria, "vix credibile est alios
libros a Palestinensibus inter profanos repositos ab Alexandrinis codici
sacro adscitos esse." Acts ii. 10 proves the presence of Egyptian Jews
at Jerusalem for Pentecost, and vi. 9 that they had a synagogue there.
This close connection must have brought their religious practices to one
another's knowledge, and any differences, considered seriously
important, could hardly have failed to raise disputes. Now Bleek
(_Introd. to O.T._, II. 303, Engl. transl, Lond. 1869), says "the
additions to Esther and Daniel were certainly looked upon by the
Hellenistic Jews in just the same light as the portions of the books
which are in the Hebrew." And this seems to have been done almost
without question, difficulty, or protest, although Alexandrian ideas
must have been, brought under the notice of the religious authorities in
Jerusalem. (_Cf._ Meyer's note on Acts vi. 9, and Jos. _cond. Ap._ I. 7,
as to regular intercourse between Palestinian and Alexandrian Jews.)
Professor, now Bishop, Ryle (_Can. of Script_, p. 157) thinks that the
amplification of Daniel, as of Esther, may have been tolerated because
Daniel was not then deemed canonical. But we must remember that
additional sections, though smaller in extent, appear in other books of
the LXX, of whose canonicity there appears to have been no question,
_e.g._ Job xlii. 17, Prov. xxiv. 22, I. Kings xvi. 28, this last being
taken from chap, xxii., though still left there. It has also been
suggested by Prof. Swete (_Introd._ p. 217) that the כתובים were
probably attached to the canon by a looser bond at Alexandria than in
Palestine. However this may be, certain it is that this addition was
frequently quoted or referred to by early Christian writers as if part
of Dan. iii., without qualification or sign of misgiving, as may be
seen in the quotations given in the chapter on 'Early Christian
Literature,' p. 76 _sqq._ Loisy's contention is a noticeable one (_A.T._
p. 236), "Presque tous les auteurs catholiques, anciens et modernes, qui
ont emis des reserves touchant l'autorité des deutero-canoniques, ont
regardés ces livres comme inspirés. Ils ne les croyaient pas bons pour
établir le dogme; mais cela est parfaitement compatible avec
l'inspiration, attendu qu'un livre peut-être inspiré sans être
dogmatique, et que s'il n'est pas dogmatique par son contenu il ne
saurait regler le dogme." But this contention savours somewhat of clever
special pleading in order to evade the force of opposing evidence.
Loisy, however, for a Roman Catholic, is a wonderfully frank and fair
writer on these matters.
The explanation of the early mixture of non-canonical books with
canonical, by reason of their having been kept as separate papyrus rolls
in the same chest (Swete's _Introd._ p. 225), seems not an unlikely one
in the case of independent works such as Judith or Wisdom. But it
appears to lose its force in the case of additions such as these, or
those to the book of Esther. For the Song of the Three, Susanna, and Bel
and the Dragon are hardly likely to have had separate rolls assigned to
them; least of all this first piece, which fits into the middle of the
accepted narrative, and is scarcely intelligible without it. Something
more therefore is wanting to explain the inclusion of those portions in
the Greek Bible.
Bengel's explanation (_Gnomon on Matt._ xxiv. 15), that the apocryphal
books in Latin Bibles were mixed with the canonical "pro argumenti
affinitate," though distinguished at first by marks (afterwards omitted)
in the index, however likely so far as it goes, fails to account for
their admission on so slender a plea into Biblical MSS. at all.
If the additions are to be regarded with Streane (_Age of the Macc._ p.
161) as "specimens of fiction," this one, more strongly than the other
two, shews the pre-existence of the canonical Daniel; but it is very
hard to understand how 'fiction' of this kind could be introduced into
the Bible with no general protest, and ultimately come to be treated as
of Divine authority; and this position is defended, even in these
critical days, by the greater number of Christians in the world.
When the Council of Trent made the canon of Scripture co-extensive with
the Vulgate, this, with the other additions, was of course included in
the decree. But in the Roman Church up to the present day attempts have
not been wanting to minimize the force of this decision, which, if it
removes some difficulties, certainly introduces others. Outside the
Roman Church the position of these books, in common with the rest of the
Apocrypha, remains, as always, more or less insecure.
A. Scholz, in condemning the principle that Christians are tied to the
O.T. canon, rather amusingly supposes: "Wenn Jemand sich bei den Juden
jetzt als Prophet geltend machen und ein Buch schreiben würdem so müsste
es nach diesem Grundsatz von den Protestanten als kanonisch wohl
anerkannt werden" (_Esther und Susanna_, Würzburg, 1892, p. 140). But
such argument is mere polemic, which cannot be seriously taken into
account in establishing the position of this or the other additions.
Something is needed much deeper and more convincing in character.
EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE AND ART
LITERATURE.
In the N.T. _possible_ references may be found in St. Matt. xi. 29
(ταπεινὸς τῇ καρδίᾳ) from v. 65 (87); II. Tim. i. 18 (εὑρεῖν ἔλεος) from
v. 15 (38); [in Numb. xi. 15 only does the phrase elsewhere occur, but
in another tense]; Heb. xii. 23 (πνεύματα δικαίων) from v. 64 (86).
Our 'apocryphon' is often referred to or quoted by early Fathers to a
remarkable extent, considering the brevity of the piece and its merely
episodic character in the main narrative. The following are specimens:
JUSTIN MARTYR (†167?), _Apol._ I. 46, Ἐν βαρβάριος δε Ἀβραὰμ καὶ Ἀνανίας
καὶ Ἀζαρίας καὶ Μισαὴλ καὶ Ἠλίας καὶ ἄλλοιπολλοὶ. The names of the Three
occur in this form and order in v. 88 of the Song only.
CLEM. ALEX. (†220) in his _Eclogæ propheticæ_, § I, quotes several
verses with ἐν τῷ Δανιὴλ γέγραπται.
HIPPOLYTUS (†230) recognizes the Song of the Three in his comment on
Daniel, _in loc._, as well as in the Fragment preserved in the "Catena
Patrum in Psalmos et Cantica" (_Ante-Nic. Christian Lib._ p. 484). In
the former place he comments on the words καὶ διεχεῖτο ἡ φλόξ, and says
that the Three ἐδροσίζοντο in reference to v. 50; in the latter, on the
verse "O Ananias, Azarias," etc., he notes that everything is called to
praise, ἵνα μὴ ὡς ἐλεύθερον αὐτεξούσιον νομισθῇ.
TERTULLIAN (†240) _de Orat._ § 15, says that they prayed, "in fornace
Babylonii regis orantes." In § 29 he quotes vv. 26, 27.
ORIGEN (†254) _Comm. in Ep. ad Rom._ I. c. 10, II. c. 9, VII. c. 1;
_Comm. in Matt._ XIII. c. 2 (naming the LXX); and in _de Oratione_ XIII.
XIV.
CYPRIAN (†258) _De lapsis_ 31 and _De dom. orat. 8_, quotes this piece,
in the latter case agreeing with Θ rather than Ο´. Pseudo-Cypr. (some of
whose writings Professor Swete, _Patristic Study_, 1902, p. 67, deems to
be contemporary with Cyprian or nearly so) in _Oratio_ II. 2 says
"misisti angelum tuum cum roribus tuis," agreeing with Ο´.
EUSEBIUS (†342), in his first _Fragm. on Daniel_, comments on iii. 49,
ὡσει πνεῦμα δρόυ διασυρίζον (Θ), and quotes Psalm xxviii. 7 as
illustrative. (In Constantine's "To the Convention of Saints," given in
the translation of Eusebius (Camb. 1683), much mention is made of Daniel
in Babylon, but there is no clear indication of knowledge of the
additions.)
ATHANASIUS (†373) quoted the Song in _Ep. Pasch._ x. 3; and in _Agst.
Avians_ II. 71 he employs the Song to "arraign the Arian irreligion"
(Newman's translation).
EPHREM SYRUS (†378). His commentary on Daniel does not embrace the
additions, but in his _Morning Hymn_, rendered by H. Burgess (Lond.
1853), we have "Sprinkle me with Thy dew, like the young men in the
furnace."
CYRIL OF JERUSALEM (†386) quotes both the Prayer of Azarias (v. 29) and
the Song (v. 54) in _Catech._ II. 18 and IX. 3 respectively, without
hesitation (ed. Reischl, Munich, 1848).
AMBROSE (†397) _in Luc._ VII "Cantaverunt Hebræi cum vestigia eorum
tactu flammæ rorantis humescerent."
HIERONYMUS GRÆCUS THEOLOGUS (cent. IV?) _de Trin._ treats the hymn,
flames and dew in the furnace, μία κάμινος οὐσα, as an emblem of the
Three in One.
SULPICIUS SEVERUS (†400?) _Hist. sacr._ II. § 5 shews knowledge of this
Song by writing of the Three as "deambulantes in camino psalmum Deo
dicere cernerentur."
CHRYSOSTOM (†407) _De incomprehensibili Dei natura_ V. 7, οί τρεῖς
παῖδες ἐν καμίνῳ διῆγον... λέγουσιν, οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν κ.τ.λ. _In Isaiam_
VI. ἐπεὶ καὶ οἱ παἱδες οἱ τρεῖς τοῦτο αὐτὸ ἔλεγον σχεδὸν ἐν τῇ καμίνῳ
ὄντες· οὐκ ἔστιν ἡμῖν ἀνοῖξαι τὸ τόμα. _Hom._ IV. _ad pop. Antioch._ (de
statuis) τὰς ίερὰς ἐκείνας ἀνπεμπον εὐχας. Also _De incarnatione_ VI.
RUFINUS (†410) _adv. Hieron._ lib. II. upbraids Jerome for not reckoning
the piece canonical.
JEROME (†420). In the _Comes_ or Lectionary, the Song is made use of,
but probably the Comes is not really Jerome's. (_See_ art. _Lectionary,
D.C.A._ 962a.)
THEODOERT (†457) in _Letter_ CXLVI. quotes v. 63 amongst a string of
canonical texts; and also deals with the whole in his _Commentary on
Daniel_, as consolidated with chap. iii.
SEDULIUS (†460?). In his poem _De tribus pueris_ there is nothing which
goes beyond the canonical record; but, strangely enough, in his
_Miraculorum recapitulatio proedictorum_ there are the lines
".... flagrante camino
Servavit sub rore pios."
And equally in the prose version "rore sydereo puerorum membra proluit
in camino." This shews a recognition of v. 50 (de la Bigne, _Bibliotheca
Patrum_, ed. 4, 1624, pp. 660, 661, 914).
VERECUNDUS (†552) wrote a comment on some of the ecclesiastical
canticles including the prayers of Azarias and Manasses (printed in
_Spicilegium, Solesmense,_ Vol. IV.).
It is manifest, therefore, that Early Christian writers regarded the
Song as of much value and importance; were well acquainted with it, and
often quoted it in much the same manner as the canonical books.
Occasionally, however, a knowledge of it is not shewn where we should
have expected it; and in some cases we know that those who quoted it
denied, or doubted, its canonicity.
ART.
This Greek insertion in the book of Daniel has, on the whole, offered
less scope for the exercise of artistic talent than the history of
Susanna or even than that of Bel and the Dragon. The nature of its
contents, which consists in the main of a prayer and a song, reasonably
accounts for this paucity of illustration. It does not lend itself so
readily as its two companions to pictorial treatment. Nevertheless a
certain number of examples are not wanting.
Loisy in his _Canon of the O.T._ (1890, p. 95) remarks, "Dès avant le
IV<sup>e</sup> siècle, on ornait les catacombes de peintures dont les sujets
avaient été fournis par Tobie et les fragments de Daniel."
In a fresco from the cemetery of St. Hermes, the Three Children are
represented, each over a separate stoke-hole (or what looks like one),
with hands elevated as if in prayer or praise, most likely in reference
to v. 1 (24), (_see D.C.A._ art. _Fresco_, p. 700a). Another picture
of figures somewhat different, yet with outstretched hands, is given
from Bottari in the same Dictionary under art. _Furnace._ There are
sculptured representations of the Three on the high crosses at Moone
Abbey, and at Kells (M. Stokes, _Early Christian Art in Ireland_, Lond.
1887, II. 22).
In the Utrecht Psalter, over the Song are depicted, as well as in other
places, the sun and the moon, very appropriately (_D.C.A._ art. _Sun_),
and in other illuminated Psalters, pictures of the Three in the furnace
are not uncommon. Thus Brit. Mus. MS. Additional 11836 has an
illumination of the furnace scene.
The under side of the wooden roof of Trinity College Chapel, Cambridge,
was painted about 1870 with the series of natural objects mentioned in
the Song proper, and with the words appertaining to each. A few extracts
from _Benedicite_ are on scrolls in a modern window on the south side of
the chancel of St. James' Church, Bury St. Edmunds.
It is a little surprising that the series of objects named in this Song
has not been more frequently chosen for decorative purposes on roofs,
walls, or windows of ecclesiastical buildings, where a long series would
be appropriate. Perhaps the length of the series, and the difficulty of
making any but an arbitrary selection, has something to do with the
rarity of its appearance.
A set of not very satisfactory wood-engravings by MacWhirter and others,
one illustration to each verse, was published in a small book under the
title of the _Song of the Three Children illustrated_ (London, 1887)
The verse "O ye wells," etc., is said to be a frequent motto for the
floral well-dressings at Tissington, in Derbyshire, and elsewhere, on
Ascension Day; and a more appropriate one could hardly be found. But in
general the Song of the Three Children has not, for the reason given
above, and doubtless others besides, proved a popular subject in art.
LITURGICAL USE.
GENERAL.
There is, strange to say, no record of the Song's employment in this way
amongst the Jews. Statements sometimes made to the contrary in works on
the P.B., _e.g._ by W.G. Humphry, F. Procter, E. Daniel, and J.M. Fuller
(S.P.C.K. _Comm._ "Introd. to the Song"), "in the _later_ Jewish
Church," all appear to have originated in a misunderstanding of an
ambiguous sentence in Wheatley's _Rational Illustration_ (1875, p. 143).
He says that it "was an ancient hymn in the Jewish Church." But this
does not necessarily imply that it formed any part of Jewish services.
Nor did Wheatley probably intend to assert that it did. In point of fact
no evidence of such use is forthcoming, though it certainly would not
have been surprising if the Song had been so used, at least among the
Hellenistic Jews. For as Rothstein says in Kautzsch's Apocrypha, like
Ps. cxxxvi. it is "offenbar antiphonisch aufzufassen" and
"litaneiartig."
Notwithstanding the previous neglect, as it would seem, of this Song in
Jewish worship, its use by Christians dates from an early period. So Bp.
Gray (_O.T.,_ p. 611) says, "It was sung in the service of the primitive
Church;" and Ball, "the instinct of the Church, which early adopted the
_Benedicite_ for liturgical use, was right" (p. 307). Yet after it had
come into high esteem with Christians its chances of Jewish acceptance
would of course be largely diminished.
EARLY.
The liturgical use however was generally confined to the Song proper,
commencing with v. 29, and not always extending to the whole even of
that. In the Greek Church it is divided into two odes, said at Lauds on
two different days, vv. 3--34 (A.V. verses) forming one, and the
remainder of the Song the other (art. _Canticle D.G.A._). In the
Ambrosian rite the first part only of the Song is used as an invitatory
before the Matin Psalms, under the title, somewhat confusing to us, of
"Benedictus" (_D.G.A._ art. _Benedictus_).[27]
For some reason not easy to assign, the Song, whether divided or entire,
has always been treated as a morning canticle, although there is nothing
in its words to suggest any time of day as specially appropriate.
Rufinus, according to Dr. Salmon (_Speaker's Comm._ Introduction to
Apocr. XXVIIb), speaks of the Song as "sung on Festivals in the Church
of God." No reference is given to the passage quoted. But in Rufinus'
_Apol. in Hieron._ II. 35 we find the words, "Omnis Ecclesia per orbem
terrarum... quicunque Hymnum trium puerorum in Ecclesia Domini
cecinerunt," etc. Whether this be the passage Dr. Salmon intends or not,
it is at any rate sufficient to prove that the canticle was in use in
and before Rufinus' time, who is believed to have died in the year 410.
Bishop Barry (_Teacher's P.B._) notes that it was used at Lauds (τὸ
ὄρθρον) in the East as well as in the West: and so Mr. Hotham in his
art. _Canticle_ in _D.C.A._ In his art. _Psalmody_, however, no mention
is made of its Eastern use; but in the Western Church in the Gregorian
and its derived rites, including the Roman and cognate Breviaries, he
says, "Benedictiones sive canticum trium puerorum" comes in Sunday
Lauds, and likewise in the Benedictine Psalter.
In the Ambrosian Psalter, while the first part "Benedictus es" is said
daily at Matins as stated above, the usual _Benedicite_ is said at Lauds
on Sundays. In the Mozarabic Psalter an abridgment of both parts is said
at Lauds, but not "in feriis." "Benedictus es" also comes on weekdays at
Prime. In the Mozarabic Missal _Benedicite_ occurs in the service for
the first Sunday in Lent. In the use arranged by Cæsarius of Aries
(†542) for the Gallican Church _Benedicite_ was sung at Sunday Lauds.
Duchesne says (_Christian Worship_, Eng. tr. S.P.C.K. 1903, p. 195), "In
the Gallican Mass between the Apostolic and the Evangelic lections the
Hymn of the Three Children was sung. It was known also by the name of
the Benediction (_Benedicite_) because in it the word 'Benedicite' is
continually repeated." In a note he adds, "The Luxeuil Lectionary,
however, prescribes for the Nativity, _Daniel cum Benedictione, i.e._,
the Hymn of the Three Children before the Apostolic Lection. It is true
that in the Mass of _Clausum Paschale_ it places it after this lection."
The fourth council of Toledo in 633, condemns the omission of the Song
at Mass, threatens with excommunication those who in Spain or Gaul (or
Gallicia, margin) persist in leaving it out, and styles it "Hymnum
quoque trium puerorum in quo universa coeli terræque creatura dominum
collaudat et quem ecclesia catholica per totum orbem diffusa celebrat"
(Mansi, _Concil._, Florence, 1764, X. 623).
In the Roman Missal at the end of the Canon, the last Rubric is
"Discedens ab Altari, pro gratiarum actione dicit Antiphonam Trium
Puerorum cum reliquis, ut habetur in principio Missalis;" where is given
as an antiphon before it these words, "Trium puerorum cantemus hymnum
quem cantabant sancti in camino ignis, benedicentes Dominum."
Possibly there is a reference to this Eucharistic use in Bishop
Wordsworth's Michaelmas Hymn, No. CII. in his _Holy Year_, 1864.
Angelic voices we shall hear
Joined in our jubilee,
In this thy Church and echoing
Our Benedicite.
Angelic faces we shall see
Angelic songs o'erspread
Above thy holy Altar, Lord,
And Thou, the Living Bread.
In the Saram Breviary (and in Cardinal Quignon's) _Benedicite_ is a
canticle at Lauds on Sundays only. It is to be said without "Glory";
"dicatur sine Gloria Patri per totum annum quandocunque dicitur"
(Procter, p. 188); but a doxology is provided in the Roman Breviary,
"Benedicamus Patrem et Filium cum Sancto Spiritu," etc., and 'Amen' is
directed not to be said at the end. This doxology is said to have been
added by Pope Damasus I., who also transposed v. 56 to stand as the
finale of the Song (_see_ James M'Swiney, _Psalms and Canticles_, Lond.
1901, p. 643). This R.C. writer calls the use of the canticle on Sundays
"a thanksgiving for the resurrection of the Crucified, the earnest of
the glories wherewith nature is to be invested at His second coming."
But this sounds like an _ex post facto_ reason for its appropriateness.
_Benedicite_ appears, at any rate sometimes, to have been said
subsequently to _Te Deum_ after the election of an Abbot (_see_ Jocelin
of Brakelond's _Chronicle_, Sir E. Clarke's ed., 1903, p. 38). It also
appears in the _Cantica_ after the Psalter, between _Te Deum_ and
_Benedictus_, in the Scottish _Breviarium Bothanum_, which is thought to
be of about 15th century (Lond. 1900).
Thus it is evident that the use of this hymn became general at an early
period, and so continued, having never receded in Christian esteem as a
valued factor in public worship.
Besides the use of the Song, or part of it, as a canticle, verses or
small portions often occur in liturgies; _e.g._, vv. 28--30 are borrowed
in an Ἐκφώνησις before the offertory prayers in the Liturgy of St.
James; at the censing of the Gospel in that of St. Mark; in a Byzantine
Liturgy of the ninth century in the second prayer of the faithful; in
that of St. Chrysostom immediately before the lections in the Mass of
the Catechumens; and v. 19 in the Ἐπίκλησις in that of the Coptic
Jacobites (Brightman's _Liturgies_, I. Oxf. 1896). In the Leonine
_Sacramentary_, in a Preface, Mense Junio, IIII. 1. 13, ad Fontem, the
last words of the Song appear to be cited "plena sunt omnia saccula
misericordia tua" (Dr. Feltoe's ed., Camb. 1896, p. 31). The verse
"Benedicite omnes angeli" occurs in a "Communio" for Michaelmas in the
Rosslyn Missal; "Benedictus es Domine patrum nostrorum" occurs in the
Mass of the Holy Trinity in the Westminster Missal as a "gradale," also
in a Mass "pro sponsis", and other places (Hen. Bradshaw Soc., Lond.
1899, p. 70, 1897, p. 1239). v. 34 (56) occurs in the Sarum Compline
after the Creed, as also in the Roman.
In the Greek Euchologion a great part of the Song is embodied, with
other Scripture odes, in what is styled "the Canon at Great Matins in
the All Night Vigil" (_Euchology_, translated by G.V. Shann,
Kidderminster, 1891, p. 34).
LATER ENGLISH USE.
Burbidge (_Liturgies and Offices of the Church_, 1885, p. 268), gives a
number of instances of the use of _Benedicite_ in foreign service books,
and says, "In other churches _Benedicite_ has been held in higher esteem
than amongst ourselves." Esteem for it has never been entirely lacking,
however, as its prominence in the P.B. shews.
In a Prymer of circ. 1400, as given by Maskell (_Mon. rit._ 1882, Vol.
III. p. 21), _Benedicite_ occurs in Matins, beginning "Alle werkis of
the Lord, bless ye to the Lord: herie ye and overhize ye him in all
time." On the same page, note 49, he gives a quotation from _Gemma
animae_, II. 53, "canticum trium puerorum est festivius et ideo in
omnibus festis dicitur." Also in his _Append, to Prymer_, p. 243,
another version is given, from Bodl. Douce MS. 275, fol. 9b: "Alle
werkes of the Lord, bless ye the Lord: praise and overheie ye him in to
the worldes." There was an authorized translation into Welsh early in
the 14th century, according to H. Zimmer (_Urtext und Uebersetz_,
Leipzig, 1897, p. 172), together with _Magnificat, Benedictus_, and
several Psalms, evidently for liturgical purposes.
In the P.B. of 1549 the use of the _Benedicite_ as a substitute for the
_Te Deum_ was confined to Lent "all the which time" its recital was
obligatory. It has been suggested by W.G. Wyon (_Letter to "Guardian,"_
May 14, 1902) that mediæval devotion read into it an allegoric meaning
of deliverance from temptations and dangers of this naughty world, and
this made the Song suitable for Lent. He also suggests that the 'Oratio'
of the Roman Missal in the 'Gratiarum actio' after Mass, which contains
it, shews us its suitability for penitential seasons indirectly, "Deus
qui tribus," etc. No doubt hope of deliverance from fierce spiritual
perils may be in Lent a proper frame of mind; but this attempt to prove
the _Benedicites_ special appropriateness to that season is more
ingenious than satisfying. It is strained and far-fetched. Compare what
is said above (p. 88), where M'Swiney is cited as shewing in similar
style its special appropriateness to Sunday. The tone of the canticle is
unmistakeably joyful, and the 1549 rubric disappeared in 1552, leaving
_Benedicite_ as a simple alternative to the _Te Deum_, at any time
according to the taste of the officiant. And so it still remains, though
often preferred to the _Te Dewm_ during Lent. Septuagesima and Trinity
XXI. are, on account of their first lessons, fitting Sundays for its
use; nor is it by any means unsuitable for a harvest festival. An
entirely different kind of reason for its Lenten suitability is provided
by H.P. Cornish (_Notes on P.B._, Evans, Redditch, n.d., p. 17). Lent,
he says, is the time "when all nature begins to wake from its Lenten
sleep": hence its appropriateness in spring. It is questionable,
however, whether mediæval liturgical authorities paid much attention to
the natural seasons of the year; and the variety of 'reasons' proves the
difficulty of discovering a really conclusive one. The idea that the
_Benedicite_ is consonant with Lenten feelings is singularly out of
accord with the opinion expressed as to its character as being
'festivius' in the _Gemma animae_, given above, p. 90. Indeed it can
hardly be disputed that its tone is joyful. But though its special
aptness for a fasting-time is not easy to make out clearly, few
unprejudiced people will dissent from the opinion of Freeman as to its
scope when he writes, that "though wanting in the grand structure of
the _Te Deum_, in point of range it is in no way inferior" (_Divine
Service_, Lond. 1855, I. 356).
In the scheme for the revision of the Prayer-Book in William III.'s
reign it was actually arranged to expunge _Benedicite_, and to
substitute Ps. cxlviii. It would have been extruded in good company
however, as _Magnificat_ and _Nunc Dimittis_ were to be replaced by
psalms in a similar way. Happily the deplorable proposals of 1689 came
to nothing. But strange to say, previously to this, in the Laudian
Scottish Prayer-Book, Psalm xxiii. had been substituted for
_Benedicite_. In England, however, in 1662, the Church, taught by the
persecution of the Commonwealth, declined "to appoint some psalm or
scripture hymn instead of the apocryphal _Benedicite"_, as demanded by
the Puritans at the Savoy Conference (Procter, _P.B._, 1872, p. 119).
At a rather earlier period, Dean Boys of Canterbury, in his quaint
_Prayer-Book Notes_ (1615?) says: "I finde this hymne less martyred than
the rest, and therefore dismisse it, as Christ did the woman (John
viii.), 'Where be thine accusers? Hath no man condemned thee? No more
doe I; goe thy way.'"
At least three English metrical renderings of _Benedicite_ exist, one
of the 18th and two of the 19th century, by J. Merrick, J.S. Blackie,
and Richard Wilton respectively. The first of these writers, who expands
freely, concludes with a stanza designed to put the Song unmistakeably
into the mouths of the Three:
Let us, who now impassive stand,
Plac'd by the Tyrant's stern Command
Amid the fiery Blaze,
(While thus we triumph in the Flame)
Rise, and our Maker's Love proclaim
In hymns of endless praise.
The objection that in using this hymn we pray to angels and heavens, to
ice and snow, etc., shews how hard it is to find reasonable cause of
complaint against its use. (_See_ p. 62).
The whole canticle was however actually omitted in the P.B. printed at
Oxford in 1796, an edition notorious for the liberties taken with the
book in many ways (A.J. Stephens' _P.B._, Lond. 1849).[28] The last
verse, "O Ananias," etc., which was omitted in the United States' P.B.
is, as well as the above, dealt with under 'Theology,' p. 64.
In an _Altar Service Manual_, ed. 1837, which was very popular in the
middle of the 19th century, by S. Isaacson, certain extracts from the
_Benedicite_, with presumably original additions, are formed into what
is called "the canticle" in an "Evening Liturgy for use after Holy
Communion." The five added verses, in rather unrhythmical English, are
modelled in imitation of the Song, _e.g._ "O ye who have partaken of the
Holy Communion, bless ye the Lord: praise Him and magnify Him for ever."
The Song of the Three Children is, with other canticles, frequently
found in appendices to both Greek and Latin Psalters. And on this
account it is included sometimes in commentaries on the Psalter, as in
that of de Muis (†644), Louvain, 1770, beginning with v. 51, "tunc hi
tres quasi ex uno ore laudabant," etc. It stands in this book between
Hezekiah's and Jonah's prayers. In the mediæval Psalters, _Benedicite_
may constantly be found, though its place in the series of canticles
varies considerably.
Many of the LXX MSS. too contain these canticles, or some of them,
repeated from their regular places in the text, such as Alexandrinus and
the Veronese and Turin Psalters; of these the first has vv. 26 to 45 and
52 to 58, as two separate canticles between the Prayer of Manasses and
Magnificat; the second, vv. 52 to 90 after Magnificat as its last
canticle; and the third has vv. 26 to 45, 52 to 56, and 57 to 90 as
three separate canticles between the P. of M. and Benedictus. In each
case, it will be observed, the narrative portion is naturally excluded.
In the first and third of these MSS., A. and T., it may here be noted
that there is a non-biblical Morning Hymn, Ὕμνος ἑωθινός, a kind of
Eastern "Gloria in excelsis," which contains an apparent extract from
vv. 29, 30 (52), or v. 3 (26) of our Apocryphon, in line 34 of the hymn.
Very nearly the same words occur in Tobias' song (Tob. viii. 5), which
curiously enough (in common with the song of Deborah), is not included
in these canticles. Doubtless it was not in ecclesiastical use; but the
reason why the Christian Church abstained from availing herself of it
for choral purposes is not evident; any more than why the Jewish Church
abstained from the use of _Benedicite_.
Although the employment of _Benedicite_ in the services of the Church
is interesting, as shewing the value set upon, and the use made of, this
canticle, it reflects little or no light on its origin, or indeed on any
of the heads under which it has been previously discussed.
"EXAMPLE OF LIFE AND INSTRUCTION OF MANNERS."
The conduct of Azarias and its results shew us the _value of Prayer_
made by those under persecution. He led the way, and his comrades joined
him.
Azarias is not so taken up with the wrongs of himself and his fellows as
to forget the wrongs which his own nation had done; therefore his prayer
commences with a _humble Confession_. Then he relies on the great
promises of the past (vv. 12, 13). It may be thought that _Humility_ is
also shewn in the Song by the Three putting their own names in the last
place of the series. But another cause may have contributed to the
choice of this order; for, so far as animal life is concerned, the Song
follows the order of Gen. i., bringing in human beings last, not as
being least important, but as forming the crown of creation.
Although Nebuchadnezzar is severely spoken of in v. 9, A.V. (and in iv.
27 of the canonical book 'sins and iniquities' are attributed to
Nebuchadnezzar), there is great _Self-restraint_ shewn in wishing for
retribution (vv. 20, 21); and indeed it is asked that he and his
servitors may be brought to the knowledge of God (v. 22).
The pleasure of _Thanksgiving and Praise_ on delivery are exemplified by
the Three in the production of the Song itself. As soon as ever their
prayer was answered, before they emerged from the furnace, they united
their voices in thanking God with a glow of fervid faith, recognizing in
Him the universal Lord and Benefactor.
They sang in harmonious accord their song of praise at once (v. 28).
Though staunchly refusing to worship in a wrong way, they were very
ready to do so in a right, and lost no time in proving it, publicly and
before all creation. As de Muis (†1644) says in his _Comm. in Psalmos_
(Louvain, 1770, II. 705), "Ut calamitatibus tanquam igne probatur;
fidelis animus non modo non deficiat sed etiam animata inanimaque omnia
ad Dei laudes provocet." Eager to honour God, they join in unreserved
devotion.
Their _Reliance upon God_ is obviously great. To Him they turn in their
martyrdom with prayer and praise; to Him they address themselves with
the heart and voice of sure conviction. He is their unfailing resource.
A _Love of Nature_, as created by the same hand as ourselves, is very
apparent in this canticle; there is a thorough fellow-feeling with
natural objects, as derived from, and responding to, the same Almighty
source. This love of nature appears in Holy Scripture most strongly, as
here, in the poetical books, and hardly anywhere does it take a deeper
tone than in this canticle.