supply of fresh provisions, they voted unanimously for the coast of
Guinea, and in the latitude of 22 N. in their voyage thither, met with
a French ship from Martinico, richly laden, and, which was unlucky for
the master, had a property of being fitter for their purpose than the
banker. “Exchange was no robbery,” they said, and so after a little
mock complaisance to monsieur for the favour he had done them, they
shifted their men and took leave. This was their first royal fortune.
In this ship Roberts proceeded on his designed voyage; but before they
reached Guinea, he proposed to touch at Brava, the southernmost of
Cape Verde Islands, and clean. But here again, by an intolerable
stupidity and want of judgment, they got so far to leeward of their
port, that, despairing to regain it, or any of the windward parts of
Africa, they were obliged to go back again with the trade-wind, for
the West Indies, which had very near been the destruction of them all.
Surinam was the place now designed for, which was at no less than 700
leagues distance, and they had but one hogshead of water left to
supply 124 souls for that passage--a sad circumstance that eminently
exposes the folly and madness among pirates, and he must be an
inconsiderate wretch indeed, who, if he could separate the wickedness
and punishment from the fact, would yet hazard his life amidst such
dangers as their want of skill and forecast made them liable to.
Their sins, we may presume, were never so troublesome to their
memories as now that inevitable destruction seemed to threaten them,
without the least glimpse of comfort or alleviation to their misery;
for, with what face could wretches who had ravaged and made so many
necessitous, look up for relief; they had to that moment lived in
defiance of the Power that now alone they must trust for their
preservation, and indeed without the miraculous intervention of
Providence there appeared only this miserable choice, viz., a present
death by their own hands, or a lingering one by famine.
They continued their course, and came to an allowance of one single
mouthful of water for twenty-four hours; many of them drank their
urine, or sea-water, which, instead of allaying, gave them an
inextinguishable thirst, that killed them. Others pined and wasted a
little more time in fluxes and apyrexies, so that they dropped away
daily. Those that sustained the misery best were such as almost
starved themselves, forbearing all sorts of food, unless a mouthful or
two of bread the whole day, so that those who survived were as weak as
was possible for men to be and alive.
But if the dismal prospect they set out with gave them anxiety,
trouble, or pain, what must their fears and apprehensions be when they
had not one drop of water left, or any other liquor to moisten or
animate? This was their case, when (by the working of Divine
Providence, no doubt) they were brought into soundings, and at night
anchored in seven fathom water. This was an inexpressible joy to them,
and, as it were, fed the expiring lamp of life with fresh spirits; but
this could not hold long. When the morning came they saw land from the
mast-head, but it was at so great distance that it afforded but an
indifferent prospect to men who had drank nothing for the last two
days; however, they dispatched their boat away, and late the same
night it returned, to their no small comfort, with a load of water,
informing them that they had got off the mouth of Meriwinga River on
the coast of Surinam.
One would have thought so miraculous an escape should have wrought
some reformation, but, alas! they had no sooner quenched their thirst,
but they had forgot the miracle, till scarcity of provisions awakened
their senses and bid them guard against starving. Their allowance was
very small, and yet they would profanely say, “that Providence which
gave them drink, would, no doubt, bring them meat also, if they would
use but an honest endeavour.”
In pursuance of these honest endeavours, they were steering for the
latitude of Barbadoes, with what little they had left, to look out for
more, or starve; and, in their way, met a ship that answered their
necessities, and after that a brigantine; the former was called the
_Greyhound_, belonging to St. Christophers, and bound to Philadelphia,
the mate of which signed the pirates’ articles, and was afterwards
captain of the _Ranger_, consort to the _Royal Fortune_.
Out of the ship and brigantine the pirates got a good supply of
provisions and liquor, so that they gave over the designed cruise, and
watered at Tobago, and hearing of the two sloops that had been fitted
and sent after them at Corvocoo, they sailed to the island of
Martinico, to make the governor some sort of an equivalent, for the
care and expedition he had shown in that affair.
[Illustration: _Captain_ Bartho. Roberts _with two Ships, Viz. the_
Royal Fortune _and_ Ranger, _takes Sail in_ Whydah _Road on the
Coast of_ Guiney, _January 11ᵗʰ., 1721/2_]
It is the custom at Martinico for the Dutch interlopers that have a
mind to trade with the people of the island to hoist their jacks when
they came before the town. Roberts knew the signal, and being an utter
enemy to them, he bent his thoughts on mischief; and accordingly came
in with his jack flying, which, as he expected, they mistook for a
good market, and thought themselves happiest that could soonest
dispatch off their sloops and vessels for trade. When Roberts had got
them within his power, one after another, he told them he would not
have it said that they came off for nothing, and therefore ordered
them to leave their money behind, for that they were a parcel of
rogues, and hoped they would always meet with such a Dutch trade as
this was; he reserved one vessel to set the passengers on shore again,
and fired the rest, to the number of twenty.
Roberts was so enraged at the attempts that had been made for taking
of him by the governors of Barbadoes and Martinico that he ordered a
new jack to be made, which they ever after hoisted, with his own
figure portrayed, standing upon two skulls, and under them the letters
A. B. H. and A. M. H., signifying a Barbadian’s and a Martinican’s
head, as may be seen in the plate of Captain Roberts.
At Dominico, the next island they touched at, they took a Dutch
interloper of twenty-two guns and seventy-five men, and a brigantine
belonging to Rhode Island, one Norton, master. The former made some
defence, till some of his men being killed, the rest were discouraged
and struck their colours. With these two prizes they went down to
Guadalupe, and brought out a sloop and a French fly-boat laden with
sugar; the sloop they burnt, and went on to Moonay, another island,
thinking to clean, but finding the sea ran too high there to undertake
it with safety, they bent their course for the north part of
Hispaniola, where, at Bonnet’s Key, in the Gulf of Saminah, they
cleaned both the ship and the brigantine. For though Hispaniola be
settled by the Spaniards and French, and is the residence of a
President from Spain, who receives, and finally determines appeals
from all the other Spanish West India Islands, yet are its people by
no means proportioned to its magnitude, so that there are many
harbours in it to which pirates may securely resort without fear of
discovery from the inhabitants.
Whilst they were here two sloops came in, as they pretended, to pay
Roberts a visit. The masters, whose names were Porter and Tuckerman,
addressed the pirate, as the Queen of Sheba did Solomon, to wit, “that
having heard of his fame and achievements,” they had put in there to
learn his art and wisdom in the business of pirating, being vessels on
the same honourable design with himself; and hoped with the
communication of his knowledge they should also receive his charity,
being in want of necessaries for such adventures. Roberts was won upon
by the peculiarity and bluntness of these two men, and gave them
powder, arms, and whatever else they had occasion for, spent two or
three merry nights with them, and at parting, said, “he hoped the
L---- would prosper their handy works.”
They passed some time here, after they had got their vessel ready, in
their usual debaucheries. They had taken a considerable quantity of
rum and sugar, so that liquor was as plenty as water, and few there
were who denied themselves the immoderate use of it; nay, sobriety
brought a man under a suspicion of being in a plot against the
commonwealth, and in their sense he was looked upon to be a villain
that would not be drunk. This was evident in the affair of Harry
Glasby, chosen master of the _Royal Fortune_, who, with two others,
laid hold of the opportunity at the last island they were at to move
off without bidding farewell to his friends. Glasby was a reserved,
sober man, and therefore gave occasion to be suspected, so that he was
soon missed after he went away, and a detachment being sent in quest
of the deserters, they were all three brought back again next day.
This was a capital offence, and for which they were ordered to be
brought to an immediate trial.
Here was the form of justice kept up, which is as much as can be said
of several other courts that have more lawful commissions for what
they do. Here was no feeing of council, and bribing of witnesses was a
custom not known among them, no packing of juries, no torturing and
wresting the sense of the law, for bye ends and purposes, no puzzling
or perplexing the cause with unintelligible canting terms and useless
distinctions, nor was their sessions burthened with numberless
officers, the ministers of rapine and extortion, with ill-boding
aspects enough to fright Astrea from the court.
The place appointed for their trials was the steerage of the ship, in
order to which a large bowl of rum punch was made and placed upon the
table, the pipes and tobacco being ready, the judicial proceedings
began. The prisoners were brought forth, and articles of indictment
against them read. They were arraigned upon a statute of their own
making, and the letter of the law being strong against them, and the
fact plainly proved, they were about to pronounce sentence, when one
of the judges moved that they should first smoke the other pipe, which
was accordingly done.
All the prisoners pleaded for arrest of judgment very movingly, but
the court had such an abhorrence of their crime that they could not be
prevailed upon to show mercy, till one of the judges, whose name was
Valentine Ashplant, stood up, and taking his pipe out of his mouth,
said he had something to offer to the court in behalf of one of the
prisoners, and spoke to this effect: “By G----, Glasby shall not die,
d----n me if he shall.” After this learned speech he sat down in his
place and resumed his pipe. This motion was loudly opposed by all the
rest of the judges in equivalent terms, but Ashplant, who was resolute
in his opinion, made another pathetical speech in the following
manner: “G---- d----n ye gentlemen, I am as good a man as the best of
you; d----n my s----l if ever I turned my back to any man in my life,
or ever will, by G----. Glasby is an honest fellow, notwithstanding
this misfortune, and I love him, d----l d----n me if I don’t. I hope
he’ll live and repent of what he has done, but d----n me if he must
die, I will die along with him.” And thereupon he pulled out a pair of
pistols and presented them to some of the learned judges upon the
bench, who, perceiving his argument so well supported, thought it
reasonable that Glasby should be acquitted; and so they all came over
to his opinion, and allowed it to be law.
But all the mitigation that could be obtained for the other prisoners
was that they should have the liberty of choosing any four of the
whole company to be their executioners. The poor wretches were tied
immediately to the mast, and there shot dead, pursuant to their
villainous sentence.
When they put to sea again, the prizes which had been detained only
for fear of spreading any rumour concerning them, which had like to
have been so fatal at Corvocoo, were thus disposed of: they burnt
their own sloop and manned Norton’s brigantine, sending the master
away in the Dutch interloper, not dissatisfied.
With the _Royal Fortune_ and the brigantine, which they christened the
_Good Fortune_, they pushed towards the latitude of Deseada, to look
out for provisions, being very short again, and, just to their wish,
Captain Hingstone’s ill fortune brought him in their way, richly laden
for Jamaica; him they carried to Bermudas and plundered, and
stretching back again to the West Indies, they continually met with
some consignment or other (chiefly French) which stored them with
plenty of provisions and recruited their starving condition, so that,
stocked with this sort of ammunition, they began to think of something
worthier their aim, for these robberies that only supplied what was in
constant expenditure by no means answered their intentions, and
accordingly they proceeded again for the coast of Guinea, where they
thought to buy gold dust very cheap. In their passage thither they
took numbers of ships of all nations, some of which they burnt or
sunk, as the carriage or characters of the masters displeased them.
Notwithstanding the successful adventures of this crew, yet it was
with great difficulty they could be kept together under any kind of
regulation, for, being almost always mad or drunk, their behaviour
produced infinite disorders, every man being in his own imagination a
captain, a prince, or a king. When Roberts saw there was no managing
of such a company of wild, ungovernable brutes by gentle means, nor to
keep them from drinking to excess, the cause of all their
disturbances, he put on a rougher deportment and a more magisterial
carriage towards them, correcting whom he thought fit, and if any
seemed to resent his usage he told them “they might go ashore and take
satisfaction of him, it they thought fit, at sword and pistol, for he
neither valued or feared any of them.”
About four hundred leagues from the coast of Africa, the brigantine,
who had hitherto lived with them in all amicable correspondence,
thought fit to take the opportunity of a dark night and leave the
commodore, which leads me back to the relation of an accident that
happened at one of the islands of the West Indies, where they watered
before they undertook this voyage, which had like to have thrown their
government (such as it was) off the hinges, and was partly the
occasion of the separation. The story is as follows:--
Captain Roberts having been insulted by one of the drunken crew (whose
name I have forgot), he, in the heat of his passion, killed the fellow
on the spot, which was resented by a great many others, but
particularly one Jones, a brisk, active young man, who died lately in
the Marshalsea, and was his messmate. This Jones was at that time
ashore a-watering the ship, but as soon as he came on board was told
that Captain Roberts had killed his comrade, upon which he cursed
Roberts, and said he ought to be served so himself. Roberts hearing
Jones’s invective, ran to him with a sword, and ran him into the body,
who, notwithstanding his wound, seized the captain, threw him over a
gun, and beat him handsomely. This adventure put the whole company in
an uproar, and some taking part with the captain and others against
him, there had like to have ensued a general battle with one another,
like my Lord Thomont’s cocks. However, the tumult was at length
appeased by the mediation of the quartermaster, and as the majority of
the company were of opinion that the dignity of the captain ought to
be supported on board, that it was a post of honour, and therefore the
person whom they thought fit to confer it on, should not be violated
by any single member; wherefore they sentenced Jones to undergo two
lashes from every one of the company for his misdemeanour, which was
executed upon him as soon as he was well of his wound.
This severe punishment did not at all convince Jones that he was in
the wrong, but rather animated him to some sort of a revenge, but not
being able to do it upon Roberts’s person on board the ship, he and
several of his comrades correspond with Anstis, captain of the
brigantine, and conspire with him and some of the principal pirates on
board that vessel to go off from the company. What made Anstis a
malecontent was the inferiority he stood in with respect to Roberts,
who carried himself with a haughty and magisterial air to him and his
crew, he regarding the brigantine only as a tender, and, as such, left
them no more than the refuse of their plunder. In short, Jones and his
consort go on board of Captain Anstis on pretence of a visit, and
there, consulting with their brethren, they find a majority for
leaving of Roberts, and so came to a resolution to bid a soft
farewell, as they call it, that night, and to throw overboard
whosoever should stick out; but they proved to be unanimous, and
effected their design as above mentioned.
I shall have no more to say of Captain Anstis till the story of
Roberts is concluded, therefore I return to him in the pursuit of his
voyage to Guinea. The loss of the brigantine was a sensible shock to
the crew, she being an excellent sailor and had seventy hands aboard;
however, Roberts, who was the occasion of it, put on a face of
unconcern at this his ill conduct and mismanagement, and resolved not
to alter his purposes upon that account.
Roberts fell in to windward nigh the Senegal, a river of great trade
for gum on this part of the coast, monopolized by the French, who
constantly keep cruisers to hinder the interloping trade. At this time
they had two small ships on that service, one of 10 guns and 65 men,
and the other of 16 guns and 75 men, who having got a sight of Mr.
Roberts, and supposing him to be one of these prohibited traders,
chased with all the sail they could make to come up with him; but
their hopes which had brought them very nigh, too late deceived them,
for on the hoisting of Jolly Roger (the name they give their black
flag) their French hearts failed, and they both surrendered without
any, or at least very little, resistance. With these prizes they went
into Sierra Leone, and made one of them their consort by the name of
the _Ranger_, and the other a storeship, to clean by.
Sierra Leone river disgorges with a large mouth, the starboard side of
which draughts into little bays, safe and convenient for cleaning and
watering; what still made it preferable to the pirates is that the
traders settled here are naturally their friends. There are about
thirty Englishmen in all, men who in some part of their lives have
been either privateering, buccaneering, or pirating, and still retain
and love the riots and humours common to that sort of life. They live
very friendly with the natives, and have many of them of both sexes to
be their gromettas, or servants. The men are faithful and the women so
obedient that they are very ready to prostitute themselves to
whomsoever their masters shall command them. The Royal African Company
has a fort on a small island called Bence Island, but it is of little
use, besides keeping their slaves, the distance making it incapable of
giving any molestation to their starboard shore. Here lives at this
place an old fellow who goes by the name of Crackers, who was formerly
a noted buccaneer, and while he followed the calling robbed and
plundered many a man; he keeps the best house in the place, has two or
three guns before his door, with which he salutes his friends, the
pirates, when they put in, and lives a jovial life with them all the
while they are there.
Here follows a list of the rest of those lawless merchants and their
servants who carry on a private trade with the interlopers, to the
great prejudice of the Royal African Company, who, with extraordinary
industry and expense, have made and maintain settlements without any
consideration from those who, without such settlements and forts,
would soon be under an incapacity of pursuing any such private trade.
Wherefore it is to be hoped proper means will be taken to root out a
pernicious set of people who have all their lives supported themselves
by the labours of other men.
Two of these fellows entered with Roberts’s crew, and continued with
them till the destruction of the company.
A LIST OF THE WHITE MEN NOW LIVING ON THE HIGH LAND OF
SIERRA LEONE, AND THE CRAFT THEY OCCUPY:--
John Leadstone, three boats and a periagoe; his man, Tom; his man,
John Brown. Alexander Middleton, one long-boat; his man, Charles
Hawkins. John Pierce, William Mead, partners, one long-boat; their
man, John Vernon. David Chatmers, one long-boat. John Chatmers, one
long-boat. Richard Richardson, one long-boat. Norton, Richard Warren,
Robert Glynn, partners, two long-boats and two small boats; his man,
John Franks. William Waits, and one young man. John Bonnerman. John
England, one long-boat. Robert Samples, one long-boat. William
Presgrove, Harry Presgrove, Davis Presgrove, Mitchel Presgrove,
Richard Lamb, one sloop, two long-boats, a small boat, and periagoe.
With Roquis Rodrigus, a Portuguese. George Bishop. Peter Brown. John
Jones, one long-boat; his Irish young man. At Rio Pungo, Benjamin Gun.
At Kidham, George Yeats. At Gallyneas, Richard Lemmons.
The harbour is so convenient for wooding and watering that it
occasions many of our trading ships, especially those of Bristol, to
call in there with large cargoes of beer, cider, and strong liquors,
which they exchange with these private traders for slaves and teeth,
purchased by them at the Rio Nune’s and other places to the northward,
so that here was what they call good living.
Hither Roberts came the end of June, 1721, and had intelligence that
the _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_, two men-of-war, of fifty guns each, had
left that river about a month before and designed to return about
Christmas; so that the pirates could indulge themselves with all the
satisfaction in the world, in that they knew they were not only secure
whilst there, but that in going down the coast after the men-of-war
they should always be able to get such intelligence of their
rendezvous as would serve to make their expedition safe. So after six
weeks’ stay, the ships being cleaned and fitted, and the men weary of
whoring and drinking, they bethought themselves of business, and went
to sea the beginning of August, taking their progress down the whole
coast as low as Jaquin, plundering every ship they met of what was
valuable in her, and sometimes to be more mischievously wicked, would
throw what they did not want overboard, accumulating cruelty to theft.
In this range they exchanged their old French ship for a fine
frigate-built ship called the _Onslow_, belonging to the Royal African
Company, Captain Gee, commander, which happened to lie at Sestos, to
get water and necessaries for the company. A great many of Captain
Gee’s men were ashore when Roberts’s bore down, and so the ship
consequently surprised into his hands, though had they been all on
board it was not likely the case would have been otherwise, the
sailors, most of them, voluntarily joining the pirates, and
encouraging the same disposition in the soldiers (who were going
passengers with them to Cape Corso Castle), whose ears being
constantly tickled with the feats and gallantry of those fellows, made
them fancy that to go was only being bound on a voyage of knight
errantry (to relieve the distressed and gather up fame) and so they
likewise offered themselves. But here the pirates were at a stand;
they entertained so contemptible a notion of landmen that they put
them off with refusals for some time, till at length, being wearied
with solicitations and pitying a parcel of stout fellows, which they
said were going to starve upon a little canky and plantane, they
accepted of them, and allowed them a quarter share, as it was then
termed, out of charity.
There was a clergyman on board the _Onslow_, sent from England to be
chaplain of Cape Corso Castle. Some of the pirates were for keeping
him, alleging merrily that their ship wanted a chaplain. Accordingly
they offered him a share to take on with them, promising he should do
nothing for his money but make punch and say prayers; yet, however
brutish they might be in other things, they bore so great a respect to
his order that they resolved not to force him against his
inclinations; and the parson, having no relish for this sort of life,
excused himself from accepting the honour they designed him; they were
satisfied, and generous enough to deliver him back everything he owned
to be his. The parson laid hold of this favourable disposition of the
pirates, and laid claim to several things belonging to others, which
were also given up, to his great satisfaction; in fine, they kept
nothing which belonged to the Church except three Prayer-books and a
bottle-screw.
The pirates kept the _Onslow_ for their own use, and gave Captain Gee
the French ship, and then fell to making such alterations as might fit
her for a sea-rover, pulling down her bulkheads and making her flush,
so that she became, in all respects, as complete a ship for their
purpose as any they could have found; they continued to her the name
of the _Royal Fortune_ and mounted her with forty guns.
She and the _Ranger_ proceeded (as I said before) to Jaquin, and from
thence to Old Calabar, where they arrived about October, in order to
clean their ships--a place the most suitable along the whole coast,
for there is a bar with not above fifteen foot water upon it, and the
channel intricate, so that had the men-of-war been sure of their being
harboured here, they might still have bid defiance to their strength,
for the depth of water at the bar, as well as the want of a pilot, was
a sufficient security to the rovers and invincible impediments to
them. Here, therefore, they sat easy and divided the fruits of their
dishonest industry, and drank and drove care away. The pilot who
brought them into this harbour was Captain L----e, who for this and
other services was extremely well paid, according to the journal of
their own accounts, which do not run in the ordinary and common way of
debtor _contra_ creditor, but much more concise, lumping it to their
friends, and so carrying the debt in their heads against the next
honest trader they meet.
They took at Calabar, Captain Loane and two or three Bristol ships,
the particulars of which would be an unnecessary prolixity, therefore
I come now to give an account of the usage they received from the
natives of this place. The Calabar negroes did not prove so civil as
they expected, for they refused to have any commerce or trade with
them when they understood they were pirates. An indication that these
poor creatures, in the narrow circumstances they were in, and without
the light of the Gospel or the advantage of an education, have,
notwithstanding, such a moral innate honesty as would upbraid and
shame the most knowing Christian. But this did but exasperate these
lawless fellows, and so a party of forty men were detached to force a
correspondence or drive the negroes to extremities, and they
accordingly landed under the fire of their own cannon. The negroes
drew up in a body of two thousand men, as if they intended to dispute
the matter with them, and stayed till the pirates advanced within
pistol-shot; but finding the loss of two or three made no impression
on the rest, the negroes thought fit to retreat, which they did with
some loss. The pirates set fire to the town and then returned to their
ships. This terrified the natives and put an entire stop to all the
intercourse between them, so that they could get no supplies, which
obliged them, as soon as they had finished the cleaning and trimming
of their ships, to lose no time, but went for Cape Lopez and watered,
and at Anna Bona took aboard a stock of fresh provisions, and then
sailed for the coast again.
This was their last and fatal expedition, which we shall be more
particular in, because it cannot be imagined that they could have had
assurance to have undertaken it, but upon a presumption that the
men-of-war (whom they knew were upon the coast) were unable to attack
them, or else pursuant to the rumour that had indiscretionally
obtained at Sierra Leone, were gone thither again.
It is impossible at this time to think they could know of the weak and
sickly condition they were in, and therefore founded the success of
this second attempt upon the coast on the latter presumption, and this
seems to be confirmed by their falling in with the coast as low as
Cape Lahou (and even that was higher than they designed), in the
beginning of January, and took the ship called the _King Solomon_,
with twenty men in their boat, and a trading vessel, both belonging to
the Company. The pirate ship happened to fall about a league to
leeward of the _King Solomon_, at Cape Appollonia, and the current and
wind opposing their working up with the ship, they agreed to send the
long-boat with sufficient men to take her. The pirates are all
volunteers on these occasions, the word being always given, Who will
go? And presently the staunch and firm men offer themselves, because,
by such readiness, they recommend their courage, and have an allowance
also of a shift of clothes, from head to foot, out of the prize.
They rowed towards the _King Solomon_ with a great deal of alacrity,
and being hailed by the commander of her, answered defiance. Captain
Trahern, before this, observing a great number of men in the boat,
began not to like his visitors, and prepared to receive them, firing a
musket as they come under his stern, which they returned with a
volley, and made greater speed to get on board. Upon this he applied
to his men, and asked them whether they would stand by him to defend
the ship, it being a shame they should be taken by half their number
without any repulse? But his boatswain, Philips, took upon him to be
the mouth of the people, and put an end to the dispute; he said
plainly, he would not, laid down his arms in the King’s name, as he
was pleased to term it, and called out to the boat for quarters, so
that the rest, by his example, were misled to the losing of the ship.
When they came on board, they brought her under sail by an expeditious
method of cutting the cable; Walden, one of the pirates, telling the
master this hope of heaving up the anchor was a needless trouble when
they designed to burn the ship. They brought her under Commodore
Roberts’s stern, and not only rifled her of what sails, cordage, &c.,
they wanted for themselves, but wantonly threw the goods of the
Company overboard, like spendthrifts, that neither expected or
designed any account.
On the same day also they took the _Flushing_, a Dutch ship, robbed
her of her masts, yards, and stores, and then cut down her foremast;
but what sat as heavily as anything with the skipper was, their taking
some fine sausages he had on board, of his wife’s making, and
stringing them in a ludicrous manner round their necks, till they had
sufficiently showed their contempt of them, and then threw them into
the sea. Others chopped the heads of his fowls off, to be dressed for
their supper, and courteously invited the landlord, provided he would
find liquor. It was a melancholy request to the man, but it must be
complied with, and he was obliged, as they grew drunk, to sit quietly
and hear them sing French and Spanish songs out of his Dutch
prayer-books, with other profaneness, that he, though a Dutchman,
stood amazed at.
In chasing too near in they alarmed the coast, and expresses were sent
to the English and Dutch factories, giving an account of it. They were
sensible of this error immediately, and, because they would make the
best of a bad market, resolved to keep out of sight of land, and lose
the prizes they might expect between that and Whydah, to make the more
sure of that port, where commonly is the best booty, all nations
trading thither, especially Portuguese, who purchase chiefly with
gold, the idol their hearts were bent upon. And notwithstanding this
unlikely course, they met and took several ships between Axim and that
place; the circumstantial stories of which, and the panic terrors they
struck into his Majesty’s subjects, being tedious and unnecessary to
relate, I shall pass by, and come to their arrival in that road.
They came to Whydah with a St. George’s ensign, a black silk flag
flying at their mizzen-peak, and a jack and pendant of the same. The
flag had a death’s-head on it, with an hour-glass in one hand and
cross-bones in the other, a dart by it, and underneath a heart
dropping three drops of blood. The jack had a man portrayed on it with
a flaming sword in his hand, and standing on two skulls, subscribed A.
B. H. and A. M. H. _i.e._, a Barbadian’s and a Martinican’s head, as
has been before taken notice of. Here they found eleven sail in the
road, English, French, and Portuguese; the French were three stout
ships of thirty guns, and upwards of one hundred men each, yet, when
Roberts came to fire, they, with the other ships, immediately struck
their colours and surrendered to his mercy. One reason, it must be
confessed, of his early victory, was, the commanders and a good part
of the men being ashore, according to the custom of the place, to
receive the cargoes, and return the slaves, they being obliged to
watch the seasons for it, which otherwise, in so dangerous a sea as
here, would be impracticable. These all, except the _Porcupine_,
ransomed with him for eight pounds of gold dust, a ship, not without
the trouble of some letters passing and repassing from the shore
before they could settle it; and, notwithstanding the agreement and
payment, they took away one of the French ships, though with a promise
to return her if they found she did not sail well, taking with them
several of her men for that end.
Some of the foreigners, who never had dealing this way before,
desired, for satisfaction to their owners, that they might have
receipts for their money, which were accordingly given, a copy of one
of them I have here subjoined, viz.:--
“This is to certify whom it may or doth concern, that
we GENTLEMEN OF FORTUNE have received eight pounds of
gold-dust for the ransom of the _Hardy_, Captain Dittwitt
Commander, so that we discharge the said ship.
“Witness our hands, _Jan. 13, 1721-2_,
“BATT. ROBERTS.
“HARRY GLASBY.”
Others were given to the Portuguese captains which were in the same
form, but being signed by two waggish fellows, viz., Sutton and
Simpson, they subscribed by the names of--
AARON WHIFFLINGPIN.
SIM. TUGMUTTON.
But there was something so singularly cruel and barbarous done here to
the _Porcupine_, Captain Fletcher, as must not be passed over without
special remark.
This ship lay in the road, almost slaved, when the pirates came in,
and the commander, being on shore settling his accounts, was sent to
for the ransom, but he excused it, as having no orders from the
owners; though the true reason might be that he thought it
dishonourable to treat with robbers, and that the ship, separate from
the slaves, towards whom he could mistrust no cruelty, was not worth
the sum demanded; hereupon Roberts sends the boat to transport the
negroes, in order to set her on fire, but, being in haste, and finding
that unshackling them cost much time and labour, they actually set her
on fire, with eighty of those poor wretches on board chained two and
two together, under the miserable choice of perishing by fire or
water. Those who jumped overboard from the flames were seized by
sharks, a voracious fish, in plenty in this road, and, in their sight,
tore limb from limb alive: a cruelty unparalleled, and for which had
every individual been hanged, few, I imagine, would think that Justice
had been rigorous.
The pirates, indeed, were obliged to dispatch their business here in
haste, because they had intercepted a letter from General Phips to Mr.
Baldwin, the Royal African Company’s agents at Whydah, giving an
account that Roberts had been seen to windward of Cape Three Points,
that he might the better guard against the damages to the Company’s
ships, if he should arrive at that road before the _Swallow_,
man-of-war, which he assured him, at the time of that letter, was
pursuing them to that place. Roberts called up his company, and
desired they would hear Phips’s speech, for so he was pleased to call
the letter, and, notwithstanding their vapouring, persuaded them of
the necessity of moving; for, says he, “such brave fellows cannot be
supposed to be frightened at this news, yet that it were better to
avoid dry blows, which is the best that can be expected if overtaken.”
This advice weighed with them and they got under sail, having stayed
only from Thursday to Saturday night; and at sea voted for the island
of Anna Bona, but the wind hanging out of the way, crossed their
purpose, and brought them to Cape Lopez, where I shall leave them for
their approaching fate, and relate some further particulars of his
Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, viz., where it was she had spent her
time during the mischief that was done, and by what means unable to
prevent it; what also was the intelligence she received, and the
measures thereon formed, that at last brought two such strangers as
Mr. Roberts and Captain Ogle to meet in so remote a corner of the
world.
The _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ left Sierra Leone, May 28, where, I have
already taken notice, Roberts arrived a month after, and doubtless
learned the intent of their voyage, and cleaning on the coast, which
made him set down with more security to his diversion, and furnish him
with such intimations as made his first range down the coast in August
following more prosperous; the _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ being then at
the port of Princes a-cleaning.
Their stay at Princes was from July 28 to September 20, 1721 where, by
a fatality, common to the irregularities of seamen, who cannot in such
cases be kept under due restraint, they buried one hundred men in
three weeks’ time, and reduced the remainder of the ships’ companies
into so sickly a state, that it was with difficulty they brought them
to sail; and this misfortune was probably the ruin of Roberts, for it
prevented the men-of-war’s going back to Sierra Leone as it was
intended, there being a necessity of leaving his Majesty’s ship
_Weymouth_--in much the worse condition of the two--under the guns of
Cape Corso, to impress men, being unable at this time, either to hand
the sails or weigh her anchor; and Roberts, being ignorant of the
occasion or alteration of the first design, fell into the mouth of
danger when he thought himself the farthest from it; for the
men-of-war, not endeavouring to attain further to windward, when they
came from Princes, then to secure Cape Corso road under their lee,
they luckily hovered in the track he had took.
The _Swallow_ and _Weymouth_ fell in with the continent at Cape
Appollonia, October 20th, and there received the ungrateful news from
one Captain Bird--a notice that awakened and put them on their guard;
but they were far from expecting any temerity should ever bring him a
second time on the coast while they were there. Therefore the
_Swallow_ having seen the _Weymouth_ into Cape Corso road, November
10th, she plied to windward as far as Bassam, rather as an airing to
recover a sickly ship’s company and show herself to the trade, which
was found everywhere undisturbed, and were, for that reason, returning
to her consort, when accidentally meeting a Portuguese ship, she told
her that the day before she saw two ships chase into Junk an English
vessel, which she believed must have fallen into their hands. On this
story the _Swallow_ clung her wind and endeavoured to gain that place,
but receiving soon after (October 14th) a contrary report from Captain
Plummer, an intelligent man, in the _Jason_, of Bristol, who had come
further to windward and neither saw or heard anything of this, she
turned her head down the second time, anchored at Cape Appollonia the
23rd, at Cape Tres Puntas the 27th, and in Corso road, January 7,
1721-2.
They learned that their consort, the _Weymouth_, was, by the
assistance of some soldiers from the castle, gone to windward to
demand restitution of some goods or men belonging to the African
Company that were illegally detained by the Dutch at Des Minas; and
while they were regretting so long a separation, an express came to
General Phips from Axim, the 9th, and followed by another from Dixcove
(an English factory) with information that three ships had chased and
taken a galley nigh Axim Castle, and a trading boat belonging to the
Company. No doubt was made concerning what they were, it being taken
for granted they were pirates, and supposed to be the same that had
the August before infested the coast. The natural result, therefore,
from these two advices, was to hasten for Whydah, for it was concluded
the prizes they had taken had informed them how nigh the _Swallow_
was, and withal how much better in health than she had been for some
months past; so that unless they were very mad indeed they would,
after being discovered, make the best of their way for Whydah and
secure the booty there, without which their time and industry had been
entirely lost; most of the gold lying in that corner.
The _Swallow_ weighed from Cape Corso, January 10th, but was retarded
by waiting some hours on the _Margaret_, a Company’s ship, at Accra,
again on the _Portugal_, and a whole day at Apong on a person they
used to style Miss Betty: a conduct that Mr. Phips blamed when he
heard the pirates were missed at Whydah, although he had given it as
his opinion they could not be passed by, and intimated that to stay a
few hours would prove no prejudice.
This, however, hindered the _Swallow’s_ catching them at Whydah, for
the pirates came into that road with a fresh gale of wind the same day
the _Swallow_ was at Apong, and sailed the 13th of January from
thence, that she arrived the 17th. She gained notice of them by a
French shallop from Grand Papa, the 14th, at night, and from Little
Papa next morning by a Dutch ship; so that the man-of-war was on all
sides, as she thought, sure of her purchase, particularly when she
made the ships, and discovered three of them to get under sail
immediately at sight of her, making signals to one another as though
they designed a defence; but they were found to be three French ships,
and those at anchor Portuguese and English, all honest traders, who
had been ransacked and ransomed.
This disappointment chagrined the ship’s company, who were very intent
upon their market, which was reported to be an arm-chest full of gold,
and kept with three keys; though in all likelihood, had they met with
them in that open road, one or both would have made their escapes, or
if they had thought fit to have fought, an emulation in their defence
would probably have made it desperate.
While they were contemplating on the matter, a letter was received
from Mr. Baldwin (governor here for the Company) signifying that the
pirates were at Jaquin, seven leagues lower. The _Swallow_ weighed at
two next morning, January 16th, and got to Jaquin by daylight, but to
no other end than frightening the crews of two Portuguese ships on
shore, who took her for the pirate that had struck such terror at
Whydah. She returned therefore that night, and having been
strengthened with thirty volunteers, English and French, the discarded
crews of the _Porcupine_ and the French ship they had carried from
hence, she put to sea again January 19th, conjecturing that either
Calabar, Princes, the river Gabone, Cape Lopez, or Anna Bona, must be
touched at for water and refreshment, though they should resolve to
leave the coast. As to the former of those places, I have before
observed it was hazardous to think of, or rather impracticable;
Princes had been a sour grape to them, but, being the first in the
way, she came before the harbour the 29th, where, learning no news,
without losing time, steered for the river Gabone, and anchored at the
mouth of it February 1st.
This river is navigable by two channels, and has an island about five
leagues up, called Popaguays, or Parrots, where the Dutch cruisers for
this coast generally clean, and where sometimes pirates come in to
look for prey, or to refit, it being very convenient by reason of a
soft mud about it that admits a ship’s lying on shore with all her
guns and stores in without damage. Hither Captain Ogle sent his boat
and a lieutenant, who spoke with a Dutch ship above the island, from
whom he had this account, viz.: That he had been four days from Cape
Lopez and had left no ship there. However, they beat up for the Cape,
without regard to this story, and on the 5th, at dawning, was
surprised with the noise of a gun, which, as the day brightened, they
found was from Cape Lopez Bay, where they discovered three ships at
anchor, the largest with the king’s colours and pendant flying, which
was soon after concluded to be Mr. Roberts and his consorts; but the
_Swallow_ being to windward and unexpectedly deep in the bay, was
obliged to steer off for avoiding a sand called the Frenchman’s Bank,
which the pirates observed for some time, and rashly interpreting it
to be fear in her, righted the French _Ranger_, which was then on the
heel, and ordered her to chase out in all haste, bending several of
their sails in the pursuit. The man-of-war, finding they had foolishly
mistaken her design, humoured the deceit and kept off to sea, as if
she had been really afraid, and managed her steerage so, under the
direction of Lieutenant Sun, an experienced officer, as to let the
_Ranger_ come up with her when they thought they had got so far as not
to have their guns heard by her consort at the Cape. The pirates had
such an opinion of their own courage that they could never dream
anybody would use a stratagem to speak with them, and so was the more
easily drawn into the snare.
The pirates now drew nigh enough to fire their chase guns; they
hoisted the black flag that was worn in Whydah road, and got their
spritsail yard alongships with intent to board, no one having ever
asked all this while what country ship they took the chase to be; they
would have her to be a Portuguese (sugar being then a commodity
wanting among them), and were swearing every minute at the wind or
sail to expedite so sweet a chase; but, alas! all turned sour in an
instant. It was with the utmost consternation they saw her suddenly
bring-to and haul up her lower ports, now within pistol-shot, and
struck their black flag upon it directly. After the first surprise was
over they kept firing at a distance, hoisted it again, and vapoured
with their cutlasses on the poop, though wisely endeavouring at the
same time to get away. Being now at their wits’ end, boarding was
proposed by the heads of them, and so to make one desperate push; but
the motion not being well seconded, and their maintop-mast coming down
by a shot, after two hours’ firing, it was declined. They grew sick,
struck their colours, and called out for quarter, having had 10 men
killed outright, and 20 wounded, without the loss or hurt of one of
the king’s men. She had 32 guns, manned with 16 Frenchmen, 20 negroes,
and 77 English. The colours were thrown overboard that they might not
rise in judgment nor be displayed in triumph over them.
While the _Swallow_ was sending their boat to fetch the prisoners, a
blast and smoke was seen to pour out of the great cabin, and they
thought they were blowing up; but upon inquiry afterwards found that
half a dozen of the most desperate, when they saw all hopes fled, had
drawn themselves round what powder they had left in the steerage and
fired a pistol into it, but it was too small a quantity to effect
anything more than burning them in a frightful manner.
The ship was commanded by one Skyrme, a Welshman, who, though he had
lost his leg in the action, would not suffer himself to be dressed or
carried off the deck, but, like Widrington, fought upon his stump. The
rest appeared gay and brisk, most of them with white shirts, watches,
and a deal of silk vests, but the gold-dust belonging to them was most
of it left in the _Little Ranger_ in the bay (this company’s proper
ship) with the _Royal Fortune_.
I cannot but take notice of two among the crowd of those disfigured
from the blast of powder just before mentioned, viz., William Main and
Roger Ball. An officer of the ship seeing a silver call hang at the
waist of the former, said to him, “I presume you are boatswain of this
ship.” “Then you presume wrong,” answered he, “for I am boatswain of
the _Royal Fortune_, Captain Roberts, commander.” “Then, Mr.
Boatswain, you will be hanged, I believe,” replies the officer. “That
is as your honour pleases,” answered he again, and was for turning
away; but the officer desired to know of him how the powder which had
made them in that condition came to take fire. “By G----,” says he,
“they are all mad and bewitched, for I have lost a good hat by
it”--the hat and he being both blown out of the cabin gallery into the
sea. “But what signifies a hat, friend?” says the officer. “Not much,”
answered he; the men being busy in stripping him of his shoes and
stockings. The officer then inquired of him whether Roberts’s company
were as likely fellows as these. “There are 120 of them,” answered he,
“as clever fellows as ever trod shoe-leather. Would I were with them!”
“No doubt of it,” says the officer. “By G----, it is naked truth,”
answered he, looking down and seeing himself by this time quite
stripped.
The officer then approached Roger Ball, who was seated in a private
corner, with a look as sullen as winter, and asked him, how he came
blown up in that frightful manner. “Why,” says he, “John Morris fired
a pistol into the powder, and if he had not done it I would” (bearing
his pain without the least complaint). The officer gave him to
understand he was surgeon, and if he desired it, he would dress him;
but he swore it should not be done, and that if anything was applied
to him he would tear it off. Nevertheless the surgeon had good nature
enough to dress him, though with much trouble. At night he was in a
kind of delirium, and raved on the bravery of Roberts, saying he
should shortly be released, as soon as they should meet him, which
procured him a lashing down upon the forecastle, which he resisting
with all his force, caused him to be used with the more violence, so
that he was tied down with so much severity that, his flesh being sore
and tender with the blowing up, he died next day of a mortification.
They secured the prisoners with pinions and shackles, but the ship was
so much disabled in the engagement that they had once thoughts to set
her on fire; but this would have given them the trouble of taking the
pirate’s wounded men on board themselves, and that they were certain
the _Royal Fortune_ would wait for their consort’s return, they lay by
her two days, repairing her rigging and other damages, and sent her
into Princes with the Frenchmen and four of their own hands.
On the 9th, in the evening, the _Swallow_ gained the Cape again, and
saw the _Royal Fortune_ standing into the bay with the _Neptune_,
Captain Hill, of London--a good presage of the next day’s success, for
they did not doubt but the temptation of liquor and plunder they might
find in this their new prize would make the pirates very confused; and
so it happened.
On the 10th, in the morning, the man-of-war bore away to round the
Cape. Roberts’s crew discerning their masts over the land, went down
into the cabin to acquaint him of it, he being then at breakfast with
his new guest, Captain Hill, on a savoury dish of solomongundy, and
some of his own beer. He took no notice of it, and his men almost as
little, some saying she was a Portuguese ship, others a French slave
ship, but the major part swore it was the French _Ranger_ returning,
and were merrily debating for some time on the manner of reception,
whether they should salute or not; but as the _Swallow_ approached
nigher things appeared plainer, and though they were stigmatized with
the name of cowards who showed any apprehension of danger, yet some of
them, now undeceived, declared it to Roberts, especially one
Armstrong, who had deserted from that ship and knew her well. Those
Roberts swore at as cowards, who meant to dishearten the men, asking
them if it were so, whether they were afraid to fight, or no? and
hardly restrained from blows. What his own apprehensions were till she
hauled up her ports and hoisted their proper colours is uncertain; but
then being perfectly convinced, he slipped his cable, got under sail,
and ordered his men to arms without any show of timidity, dropping a
first-rate oath, “that it was a bite,” but at the same time resolved,
like a gallant rogue, to get clear or die.
There was one Armstrong, as I just mentioned, a deserter from the
_Swallow_, whom they inquired of concerning the trim and sailing of
that ship; he told them she sailed best upon a wind, and therefore, if
they designed to leave her, they should go before it.
The danger was imminent, and time very short to consult of means to
extricate himself. His resolution in this strait was as follows: To
pass close to the _Swallow_, with all their sails and, receive her
broadside, before they returned a shot; if disabled by this, or that
they could not depend on sailing, then to run on shore at the point
(which is steep to) and every one to shift for himself among the
negroes; or failing in these, to board, and blow up together, for he
saw that the greatest part of his men were drunk, passively
courageous, unfit for service.
Roberts himself made a gallant figure at the time of the engagement,
being dressed in a rich crimson damask waistcoat and breeches, a red
feather in his hat, a gold chain round his neck, with a diamond cross
hanging to it, a sword in his hand, and two pair of pistols hanging at
the end of a silk sling, flung over his shoulders (according to the
fashion of the pirates), and is said to have given his orders with
boldness and spirit; coming, according to what he had purposed, close
to the man-of-war, received her fire, and then hoisted his black flag,
and returned it, shooting away from her with all the sail he could
pack; and had he took Armstrong’s advice, to have gone before the
wind, he had probably escaped; but keeping his tacks down, either by
the winds shifting, or ill steerage, or both, he was taken a-back with
his sails, and the _Swallow_ came a second time very nigh to him. He
had now perhaps finished the fight very desperately, if Death, who
took a swift passage in a grape-shot, had not interposed, and struck
him directly on the throat. He settled himself on the tackles of a
gun, which one Stephenson, from the helm, observing, ran to his
assistance, and not perceiving him wounded, swore at him and bid him
stand up and fight like a man; but when he found his mistake, and that
his captain was certainly dead, he gushed into tears and wished the
next shot might be his lot. They presently threw him overboard, with
his arms and ornaments on, according to the repeated requests he made
in his lifetime.
Roberts was a tall black man, near forty years of age, born at
Newey-bagh, nigh Haverford-West, in Pembrokeshire, of good natural
parts and personal bravery, though he applied them to such wicked
purposes as to make them of no commendation, frequently drinking
“D----n to him who ever lived to wear a halter.” He was forced himself
at first among this company out of the _Prince_, Captain Plumb, at
Anamaboe, about three years before, where he served as second mate,
and shed, as he used to tell the fresh men, as many crocodile tears
then as they did now, but time and good company had wore it off. He
could not plead want of employment, nor incapacity of getting his
bread in an honest way, to favour so vile a change, nor was he so much
a coward as to pretend it, but frankly owned it was to get rid of the
disagreeable superiority of some masters he was acquainted with, and
the love of novelty and change maritime peregrinations had accustomed
him to. “In an honest service,” says he, “there is thin commons, low
wages, and hard labour; in this, plenty and satiety, pleasure and
ease, liberty and power; and who would not balance creditor on this
side when all the hazard that is run for it, at worst, is only a
fore-look or two at choking. No, ‘a merry life and a short one’ shall
be my motto.” Thus he preached himself into an approbation of what he
at first abhorred, and being daily regaled with music, drinking, and
the gaiety and diversions of his companions, these depraved
propensities were quickly edged and strengthened, to the extinguishing
of fear and conscience. Yet among all the vile and ignominious acts he
had perpetrated he is said to have had an aversion towards forcing men
into that service, and had procured some their discharge,
notwithstanding so many had made force their plea.
When Roberts was gone, as though he had been the life and soul of the
gang, their spirits sunk; many deserted their quarters, and all
stupidly neglected any means for defence or escape; and their
main-mast soon after being shot by the board, they had no way left but
to surrender and call for quarter. The _Swallow_ kept aloof, while her
boat passed and repassed for the prisoners, because they understood
they were under an oath to blow up; and some of the desperadoes showed
a willingness that way, matches being lighted, and scuffles happening
between those who would and those who opposed it. But I cannot easily
account for this humour, which can be termed no more than a false
courage, since any of them had power to destroy his own life, either
by pistol or drowning, without involving others in the same fate who
are in no temper of mind for it. And at best, it had been only dying
for fear of death.
She had 40 guns, and 157 men, 45 whereof were negroes; three only were
killed in the action, without any loss to the _Swallow_. There was
found upwards of £2,000 in gold-dust in her. The flag could not be got
easily from under the fallen mast, and was therefore recovered by the
_Swallow_; it had the figure of a skeleton in it, and a man portrayed
with a flaming sword in his hand, intimating a defiance of death
itself.
The _Swallow_ returned back into Cape Lopez Bay, and found the little
_Ranger_, whom the pirates had deserted in haste, for the better
defence of the ship. She had been plundered, according to what I could
learn, of £2,000 in gold-dust (the shares of those pirates who
belonged to her), and Captain Hill, in the _Neptune_, not unjustly
suspected, for he would not wait the man-of-war’s returning into the
bay again, but sailed away immediately, making no scruple afterwards
to own the seizure of other goods out of her, and surrendered, as a
confirmation of all, fifty ounces at Barbadoes, for which, see the
article at the end of this book: “All persons who after the 29th of
September, 1690,” &c.
To sum up the whole, if it be considered, first, that the sickly state
of the men-of-war when they sailed from Princes was the misfortune
that hindered their being as far as Sierra Leone, and consequently out
of the track the pirates then took; that those pirates, directly
contrary to their design, in the second expedition, should get above
Cape Corso, and that nigh Axim a chase should offer that inevitably
must discover them and be soon communicated to the men-of-war; that
the satiating their evil and malicious tempers at Whydah in burning
the _Porcupine_ and running off with the French ship had strengthened
the _Swallow_ with thirty men; that the _Swallow_ should miss them in
that road, where probably she had not, or at least so effectually,
obtained her end; that they should be so far infatuated at Cape Lopez
as to divide their strength which, when collected, might have been so
formidable; and lastly, that the conquest should be without
bloodshed--I say, considering all these circumstances, it shows that
the hand of Providence was concerned in their destruction.
As to their behaviour after they were taken, it was found that they
had great inclinations to rebel if they could have laid hold of any
opportunity, for they were very uneasy under restraint, having been
lately all commanders themselves, nor could they brook their diet or
quarters without cursing and swearing and upbraiding each other with
the folly that had brought them to it.
So that, to secure themselves against any mad, desperate undertaking
of theirs, the _Swallow_ strongly barricaded the gun-room, and made
another prison before it, an officer with pistols and cutlasses doing
duty night and day, and the prisoners within manacled and shackled.
They would yet in these circumstances be impudently merry, saying,
when they viewed their nakedness, “That they had not left them a
halfpenny, to give old Charon, to ferry them over Styx;” and at their
thin commons they would observe that they fell away so fast that they
should not have weight left to hang them. Sutton used to be very
profane, he happening to be in the same irons with another prisoner
who was more serious than ordinary and read and prayed often, as
became his condition; this man Sutton used to swear at and ask him,
“what he proposed by so much noise and devotion?” “Heaven,” says the
other, “I hope.” “Heaven, you fool,” says Sutton, “did you ever hear
of any pirates going thither? Give me h--ll, it’s a merrier place;
I’ll give Roberts a salute of thirteen guns at entrance.” And when he
found such ludicrous expressions had no effect on him he made a formal
complaint, and requested that the officer would either remove this man
or take his Prayer Book away, as a common disturber.
A combination and conspiracy was formed betwixt Moody, Ashplant,
Magnes, Mare, and others, to rise and kill the officers and run away
with the ship. This they had carried on by means of a mulatto boy, who
was allowed to attend them, and proved very trusty in his messages
between the principals, but the evening of that night they were to
have made the struggle, two of the prisoners that sat next Ashplant
heard the boy whisper them upon the project and naming to him the hour
they should be ready, presently gave notice of it to the captain,
which put the ship in an alarm for a little time; and on examination
several of them had made shift to break off or lose their shackles, no
doubt for such purpose; but it tended only to procure to themselves
worse usage and confinement.
In the same passage to Cape Corso, the prize, _Royal Fortune_, was in
the same danger. She was left at the Island of St. Thomas’s in the
possession of an officer and a few men to take in some fresh
provisions (which were scarce at Cape Corso), with orders to follow
the ship. There were only some of the pirate’s negroes, three or four
wounded prisoners, and Scudamore, their surgeon, from whom they seemed
to be under no apprehension especially from the last, who might have
hoped for favour on account of his employ, and had stood so much
indebted for his liberty, eating and drinking constantly with the
officers; yet this fellow, regardless of the favour, and lost to all
sense of reformation, endeavoured to bring over the negroes to his
design of murdering the people and running away with the ship. He
easily prevailed with the negroes to come into the design, but when he
came to communicate it to his fellow-prisoners, and would have drawn
them into the same measures, by telling them he understood navigation,
that the negroes were stout fellows, and by a smattering he had in the
Angolan language he had found willing to undertake such an enterprise,
and that it was better venturing to do this, run down the coast and
raise a new company, than to proceed to Cape Corso and be hanged like
dogs and sun-dried. One of them abhorring the cruelty, or fearing the
success, discovered it to the officer, who made him immediately a
prisoner and brought the ship safe.
When they came to be lodged in Cape Corso Castle, their hopes of this
kind all cut off, and that they were assured they must there soon
receive a final sentence, the note was changed among most of them, and
from vain insolent jesting they became serious and devout, begging for
good books; and joining in public prayers, and singing of psalms,
twice at least every day.
As to their trials, if we should give them at length it may appear
tedious to the reader, for which reason I have, for the avoiding
tautology and repetition, put as many of them together as were tried
for the same fact, reserving the circumstances which are most
material, with observations on the dying behaviour of such of them as
came to my knowledge.
And first, it may be observed from the list that a great part of these
pirate ships’ crews were men entered on the coast of Africa not many
months before they were taken; from whence, it may be concluded, that
the pretended constraint of Roberts on them was very often a
complotment between parties equally willing. And this Roberts several
times openly declared, particularly to the _Onslow’s_ people, whom he
called aft, and asked of them “who was willing to go, for he would
force nobody?” As was deposed of some of his best hands, after
acquittal; nor is it reasonable to think he should reject Irish
volunteers, only from a pique against Kennedy, and force others, that
might hazard, and, in time destroy, his government. But their
behaviour soon put him out of this fear and convinced him that the
plea of force was only the best artifice they had to shelter
themselves under in case they should be taken, and that they were less
rogues than others only in point of time.
It may likewise be taken notice of that the country wherein they
happened to be tried is, among other happinesses, exempted from
lawyers and law-books, so that the office of registrar of necessity
fell on one not versed in those affairs, which might justify the court
in want of form, more essentially supplied with integrity and
impartiality.
But perhaps if there was less law there might be more justice than in
some other courts; for if the civil law be a law of universal reason,
judging of the rectitude, or obliquity of men’s actions, every man of
common sense is endued with a portion of it, at least sufficient to
make him distinguish right from wrong, or what the civilians call
_malum in se_.
Therefore, here, if two persons were equally guilty of the same fact,
there was no convicting one and bringing the other off by any quirk or
turn of law; for they formed their judgments upon the constraint, or
willingness, the aim and intention of the parties, and all other
circumstances, which make a material difference. Besides, in crimes of
this nature men bred up to the sea must be more knowing and much abler
than others more learned in the law; for before a man can have a right
idea of a thing he must know the terms standing for that thing. The
sea-terms being a language by itself, which no lawyer can be supposed
to understand, he must of consequence want that discriminating faculty
which should direct him to judge right of the facts meant by those
terms.
The court well knew it was not possible to get the evidence of every
sufferer by this crew, and therefore first of all considered how that
deficiency should be supplied; whether or no they could pardon one Jo.
Dennis, who had early offered himself as King’s evidence, and was the
best read in their lives and conversations; here indeed they were at a
loss for law, and concluded in the negative because it looked like
compounding with a man to swear falsely, losing by it those great
helps he could have afforded.
Another great difficulty in their proceedings was how to understand
those words in the Act of Parliament of “particularly specifying in
the charge the circumstances of time, place,” &c., _i.e._, so to
understand them as to be able to hold a court; for if they had been
indicted on particular robberies the evidence had happened mostly from
the Royal African Company’s ships, on which these gentlemen of Cape
Corso Castle were not qualified to sit, their oath running “That they
have no interest, directly or indirectly, in the ship or goods, for
the robbery of which the party stands accused.” And this they thought
they had, commissions being paid them on such goods; and on the other
side, if they were incapacitated, no court could be formed, the
commission absolutely required three of them by name.
To reconcile all things, therefore, the court resolved to bottom the
whole of their proceedings on the _Swallow’s_ depositions, which were
clear and plain and had the circumstances of time when, place where,
manner how, and the like, particularly specified according to the
statute in that case made and provided. But this admitted only a
general intimation of robbery in the indictment; therefore, “to
approve their clemency,” it looking arbitrary on the lives of men to
lump them to the gallows in such a summary way as must have been done
had they solely adhered to the _Swallow’s_ charge, they resolved to
come to particular trials.
Secondly, “that the prisoners might not be ignorant whereon to
answer,” and so have all fair advantages to excuse and defend
themselves, the court farther agreed with justice and equanimity to
hear any evidence that could be brought to weaken or corroborate the
three circumstances that complete a pirate: first, being a volunteer
amongst them at the beginning; secondly, being a volunteer at the
taking or robbing of any ship; or, lastly, voluntarily accepting a
share in the booty of those that did; for by a parity of reason where
these actions were of their own disposing, and yet committed by them,
it must be believed their hearts and hands joined together in what
they acted against his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_.
THE TRIALS OF THE PIRATES.
_Taken by his Majesty’s ship the_ Swallow, _begun at Cape
Corso Castle, on the coast of Africa, March 28th, 1722._
The Commission empowered any three named therein to call to their
assistance such a number of qualified persons as might make the court
always consist of seven; and accordingly summonses were signed to
Lieut. Jo. Barnsley, Lieut. Ch. Fanshaw, Capt. Samuel Hartsease, and
Capt. William Menzies viz.:--
“By virtue of a Power and Authority, to us given, by a
Commission from the King under the Seal of Admiralty, you
are hereby required to attend and make one of the Court for
the trying and adjudging of the Pirates lately taken on
this coast by his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_.
“Given under our hands this 28th of March, 1722, at Cape
Corso Castle.
“MUNGO HEARDMAN,
JAMES PHIPS,
HENRY DODSON,
FRANCIS BOY,
EDWARD HIDE.”
The commissioners being met in the hall of the castle, the Commission
was first read; after which the president, and then the other members,
took the oath prescribed in the Act of Parliament, and having directed
the form of that for witnesses, as follows, the court was opened:--
“I, _A. B._, solemnly promise and swear on the Holy
Evangelists to bear true and faithful witness between the
King and prisoner, or prisoners, in relation to the fact or
facts of piracy and robbery, he or they do now stand accused
of. So help me God.”
The court consisted of Captain Mungo Heardman, President; James
Phipps, Esq., General of the Coast; Mr. H. Dodson, Mr. F. Boye,
Merchants; Mr. Edward Hyde, Secretary to the Company; Lieut. John
Barnsley; Lieut. Ch. Fanshaw. The following prisoners, out of the
pirate ship _Ranger_, having been commanded before them, the charge,
or indictment, was exhibited:--
PRISONERS TAKEN IN THE “RANGER.”
MEN’S NAMES. SHIPS FROM. TIME WHEN.
*James Skyrm _Greyhound_ sloop Oct., 1720
*Rich. Hardy Pirate with Davis 1718
*Wm. Main Brigantine, Capt. Peet June, 1720
*Henry Dennis ⎫ 1718
*Val. Ashplant ⎬ Pirates with Capt. Davis 1719
*Rob. Birdson ⎭ 1719
*Rich. Harris ⎫ _Phœnix_ of Bristol, Capt. ⎫
*D. Littlejohn ⎭ Richards ⎬ June, 1720
*Thomas How at Newfoundland ⎭
+Her. Hunkins _Success_ sloop
*Hugh Harris _Willing Mind_ ⎫
*W. Mackintosh ⎪
Thomas Willis _Richard_ of Bideford ⎬ July, 1720
+John Wilden _Mary_ and _Martha_ ⎪
*Ja. Greenham _Little York_, Phillips, Mr. ⎪
*John Jaynson _Love_ of Lancaster ⎭
+Chri. Lang _Thomas_ brigantine Sept., 1720
*John Mitchel ⎫ _Norman_ galley Oct., 1720
T. Withstandenot ⎭
Peter la Fever ⎫ _Jeremiah_ and _Anne_ Ap., 1720
*Wm. Shurin ⎭
*Wm. Wats ⎫ _Sirraleon_ ⎫ of Mr. Glin of ⎫ July, 1721
*Wm. Davis ⎭ ⎭ Seig. Joffeé ⎭
+James Barrow ⎫ _Martha_ snow, Capt. Lady
*Joshua Lee ⎭
Rob. Hartley (1) ⎫ _Robinson_ of Liverpool, Aug., 1721
+James Crane ⎭ Capt. Kanning
George Smithson ⎫ _Stanwich_ galley, Captain ⎫
Roger Pye ⎬ Tarlton ⎬ Aug., 1721
+Rob. Fletcher ⎪ ⎪
*Ro. Hartley (2) ⎭ ⎭
+Andrew Rance A Dutch ship
*Cuthbert Goss ⎫ _Mercy_ galley of Bristol, ⎫
*Tho. Giles ⎬ at Callibar ⎬ Oct., 1721
*Israel Hynde ⎭ ⎭
William Church _Gertruycht_ of Holland ⎫
⎪
Philip Haak _Flushingham_ of ditto ⎪
⎪
William Smith ⎫ _Elizabeth_, Capt. Sharp ⎪
Adam Comry ⎭ ⎪
⎪
William Graves ⎫ ⎪
*Peter de Vine ⎬ _King Solomon_, Capt. Trehern, ⎪
John Johnson ⎪ off Cape Appollonia ⎪
John Stodgill ⎭ ⎪
⎪
Henry Dawson ⎫ _Whydah_ sloop, at Jaquix ⎬ Jan., 1721-2
William Glass ⎭ ⎪
⎪
Josiah Robinson ⎫ ⎪
John Arnaught ⎪ ⎪
John Davis ⎪ ⎪
+Henry Graves ⎬ _Tarton_, Capt. Tho. Tarlton ⎪
Tho. Howard ⎪ ⎪
+John Rimer ⎪ ⎪
Thomas Clephen ⎭ ⎪
⎪
Wm. Guineys _Porcupine_, Capt. Fletcher ⎪
+James Cosins ⎭
Tho. Stretton ⎫ ⎫
*William Petty ⎪ ⎪
Mic. Lemmon ⎬ _Onslow_, Capt. Gee, at ⎪
*Wm. Wood ⎪ Cestos ⎬ Jan., 1721-2
*Ed. Watts ⎪ ⎪
*John Horn ⎭ ⎭
Pierre Ravon _Peter Grossey_ ⎫
John Dugan _Rence Frogier_ ⎪
James Ardeon _Lewis Arnaus_ ⎪ From the
Etrion Gilliot _Rence Thoby_ ⎪ French ship
Ren. Marraud _Meth Roulac_ ⎬ in Whydah
John Gittin _John Gumar_ ⎪ road, Feb.,
Jo. Richardeau _John Paquete_ ⎪ 1721-2.
John Lavogue _Allan Pigan_ ⎪
John Duplaissey _Pierce Shillot_ ⎭
“You, James Skyrm, Michael Lemmon, Robert Hartley, &c.
“Ye, and every one of you, are, in the name and by the
authority of our dread sovereign lord, George, King of Great
Britain, indicted as follows:--
“Forasmuch as, in an open contempt of the laws of your
country, ye have all of you been wickedly united and
articled together for the annoyance and disturbance of his
Majesty’s trading subjects at sea; and have, in conformity
to the most evil and mischievous intentions, been twice down
the coast of Africa with two ships--once in the beginning of
August, and a second time in January last--sinking, burning,
or robbing such ships and vessels as then happened in your
way.
“Particularly ye stand charged at the instance and
information of Captain Chaloner Ogle, as traitors and
pirates, for the unlawful opposition ye made to his
Majesty’s ship, the _Swallow_, under his command.
“For that on the 5th of February last past, upon sight of
the aforesaid King’s ship, ye did immediately weigh anchor
from under Cape Lopez, on the southern coast of Africa, in a
French-built ship of thirty-two guns called the _Ranger_,
and did pursue and chase the aforesaid King’s ship with such
dispatch and precipitancy as declared ye common robbers and
pirates.
“That about ten o’clock of the same morning, drawing within
gunshot of his Majesty’s aforesaid ship, the _Swallow_, ye
hoisted a piratical black flag, and fired several
chase-guns, to deter, as much as you were able, his
Majesty’s servants from their duty.
“That an hour after this, being very nigh to the aforesaid
King’s ship, you did audaciously continue in a hostile
defence and assault for about two hours more, in open
violation of the laws and in defiance to the King’s colours
and Commission.
“And lastly, that in the acting and compassing of all this,
you were all, and every one of you, in a wicked combination,
voluntarily to exert, and actually did, in your several
stations, use your utmost endeavours to distress the said
King’s ship, and murder his Majesty’s good subjects.”
To which they severally pleaded “Not Guilty.”
Then the court called for the officers of the _Swallow_, Mr. Isaac
Sun, lieutenant, Ralph Baldrick, boatswain, Daniel Maclaughlin, mate,
desiring them to view the prisoners, whether they knew them, and to
give an account in what manner they had attacked and fought the King’s
ship; and they agreed as follows:--
That they had viewed all the prisoners as they stood now before the
court, and were assured they were the same taken out of one or other
of the pirate ships, _Royal Fortune_ or _Ranger_; but verily believe
them to be taken out of the _Ranger_.
That they did, in the King’s ship, at break of day, on Monday, the 5th
of February, 1721-2, discover three ships at anchor, under Cape Lopez,
on the southern coast of Africa, the Cape bearing then W.S.W. about
three leagues, and perceiving one of them to have a pendant flying,
and having heard their morning-gun before, they immediately suspected
them to be Roberts the pirate, his consort, and a French ship they
knew had been lately carried out of Whydah road.
The King’s ship was obliged to haul off N.W. and W.N.W. to avoid a
sand called the French Man’s Bank, the wind then at S.S.E. and found,
in half an hour’s time, one of the three had got under sail from the
careen, and was bending her sails in a chase towards them. To
encourage this rashness and precipitancy, they kept away before the
wind, as though afraid, but with their tacks on board, their main-yard
braced, and making, at the same time, very bad steerage.
About half an hour after ten in the morning, the pirate ship came
within gunshot, and fired four chase-guns, hoisted a black flag at the
mizen-peak and got their spritsail yard under their bowsprit for
boarding. In half an hour more, approaching still nigher, they
starboarded their helm and gave her a broadside, the pirate
bringing-to and returning the same.
After this, the deponents say, their fire grew slack for some time,
because the pirate was shot so far ahead on the weather-bow, that few
of their guns could point to her; yet in this interval their black
flag was either shot away or hauled down a little space and hoisted
again.
At length, by their ill-steerage and favour of the wind, they came
near a second time; and about two in the afternoon shot away their
maintopmast.
The colours they fought under, besides a black flag, were a red
English ensign, a King’s jack, and a Dutch pendant, which they struck
at, or about, three in the afternoon, and called for quarter; it
proving to be a French-built ship of 32 guns, called the _Ranger_.
ISAAC SUN.
RALPH BALDRICK.
DANIEL MACLAUGLIN.
When the evidence had been heard the prisoners were called upon to
answer how they came on board this pirate ship, and their reason for
so audacious a resistance as had been made against the King’s ship.
To this each, in his reply, owned himself to be one of those taken out
of the _Ranger_; that he had signed their piratical articles, and
shared in their plunder, some few only excepted who had been there too
short a time, but that neither in this signing or sharing, nor in the
resistance that had been made against his Majesty’s ship, had they
been volunteers, but had acted in these several parts from a terror of
death, which, by a law amongst them, was to be the portion of those
who refused. The court then asked, Who made those laws? How those guns
came to be fired? Or why they had not deserted their stations and
mutinied when so fair a prospect of redemption offered? They replied
still with the same answers, and could extenuate their crimes with no
other plea than being forced men. Wherefore the court were of opinion
that the indictment, as it charged them with unlawful attack and
resistance of the King’s ship, was sufficiently proved; but then it
being undeniably evident that many of these prisoners had been forced,
and some of them of very short standing, they did, on mature
deliberation, come to this merciful resolution:--
That they would hear further evidence for or against each person
singly, in relation to those parts of the indictment which declared
them volunteers or charged them with aiding and assisting at the
burning, sinking, or robbing of other ships; for if they acted, or
assisted, in any robberies or devastations it would be a conviction
they were volunteers; here such evidence, though it might want the
form, still carried the reason of the law with it.
* * * * *
The charge was exhibited also against the following pirates taken out
of the _Royal Fortune_:--
MEN’S NAMES. SHIPS FROM. TIME WHEN.
*Mich. Mare in the _Rover_ 5 years ago
*Chris. Moody under Davis 1718
*Mar. Johnson a Dutch ship 1718
*James Philips the _Revenge_, pirate sloop 1717
*David Symson ⎫ Pirates with Davis
*Tho. Sutton ⎭
*Hag. Jacobson a Dutch ship 1719
*W. Williams (1) ⎫
*Wm. Fernon ⎬ _Sudbury_, Captain Thomas, ⎫
*W. Williams (2) ⎪ Newfoundland ⎭ June, 1720
*Roger Scot ⎭
*Tho. Owen ⎫ ⎫
*Wm. Taylor ⎭ _York_ of Bristol ⎬ May, 1720
*Joseph Nositer _Expedition_ of Topsham ⎭
*John Parker _Willing Mind_ of Pool ⎫
*Robert Crow _Happy Return_ sloop ⎪
*George Smith _Mary_ and _Martha_ ⎬ July, 1720
*Ja. Clements _Success_ sloop ⎪
*John Walden _Blessing_ of Lymington ⎭
*Jo. Mansfield from Martinico
+James Harris _Richard_ Pink
*John Philips a fishing boat
Harry Glasby ⎫
Hugh Menzies ⎭ _Samuel_, Capt. Cary July, 1720
*Wm. Magnus
*Joseph Moor _May Flower_ sloop Feb., 1720
+John du Frock ⎫
Wm. Champnies ⎪
George Danson ⎬ _Lloyd_ galley, Captain ⎫
+Isaac Russel ⎭ Hyngston ⎭ May, 1721
Robert Lilbourn ⎫
*Robert Johnson ⎬ _Jeremiah_ and _Ann_, Capt. ⎫ April, 1721
Wm. Darling ⎪ Turner ⎭
+Wm. Mead ⎭
Thomas Diggles _Christopher_ snow ⎫
*Ben. Jeffreys _Norman_ galley ⎪
John Francia a sloop at St. Nicholas ⎪
*D. Harding a Dutch ship ⎬ April, 1721
*John Coleman _Adventure_ sloop ⎪
*Charles Bunce a Dutch galley ⎪
*R. Armstrong ditto run from the _Swallow_ ⎭
*Abra. Harper ⎫
*Peter Lesly ⎪
*John Jessup (1) ⎪
Tho. Watkins ⎪
*Philip Bill ⎬ _Onslow_, Capt. Gee at Sestos May, 1721
*Jo. Stephenson ⎪
*James Cromby ⎪
Thomas Garrat ⎪
+George Ogle ⎭
Roger Gorsuch ⎫
John Watson ⎭ _Martha_ snow Aug., 1721
William Child ⎫
*John Griffin ⎬ _Mercy_ galley at Callabar Oct., 1721
*Pet. Scudamore ⎭
Christ. Granger ⎫
Nicho. Brattle ⎪
James White ⎪
Tho. Davis ⎬ _Cornwall_ galley at Callabar Oct., 1721
Tho. Sever ⎪
*Rob. Bevins ⎪
*T. Oughterlaney ⎪
*David Rice ⎭
*Rob. Haws _Joceline_, Capt. Loane ditto.
Hugh Riddle ⎫ _Diligence_ boat Jan., 1721
Stephen Thomas ⎭
*John Lane ⎫
*Sam. Fletcher ⎪
*Wm. Philips ⎬ _King Solomon_ ditto.
Jacob Johnson ⎪
*John King ⎭
Benjamin Par _Robinson_, Capt. Kanning ditto.
William May ⎫ _Elizabeth_, Capt. Sharp ⎫
Ed. Thornden ⎭ ⎪
⎬ ditto.
*George Wilson ⎫ ⎪
Edward Tarlton ⎬ _Tarlton_ of Liverpool at ⎪
*Robert Hays ⎭ Cape La Hou ⎭
Thomas Roberts ⎫
John Richards ⎬ _Charlton_, Capt. Allwright Feb., 1721
John Cane ⎭
Richard Wood
Richard Scot ⎫
Wm. Davison ⎬ _Porcupine_, Capt. Fletcher ⎫ Feb., 1721
Sam. Morwell ⎪ Whydah road ⎭
Edward Evans ⎭
*John Jessup (2) surrendered up at Princes
“You, Harry Glasby, William Davison, William Champnies.
Samuel Morwell, &c.
“Ye, and every one of you, are, in the name and by the
authority of our most dread sovereign lord, George, King of
Great Britain, indicted as follows:--
“Forasmuch as, in open contempt and violation of the laws of
your country, to which ye ought to have been subject, ye
have all of you been wickedly united and articled together
for the annoyance and destruction of his Majesty’s trading
subjects by sea; and, in conformity to so wicked an
agreement and association, ye have been twice lately down
this coast of Africa--once in August, and a second time in
January last--spoiling and destroying many goods and vessels
of his Majesty’s subjects, and other trading nations.
“Particularly ye stand indicted at the information and
instance of Captain Chaloner Ogle, as traitors, robbers,
pirates, and common enemies to mankind.
“For that on the 10th of February last, in a ship ye were
possessed of, called the _Royal Fortune_, of forty guns, ye
did maintain a hostile defence and resistance for some hours
against his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, nigh Cape Lopez
Bay, on the southern coast of Africa.
“That this fight and insolent resistance against the King’s
ship was made not only without any pretence of authority,
more than that of your own private depraved will, but was
done also under a black flag, flagrantly by that donoting
yourselves common robbers and traitors, opposers and
violaters of the laws.
“And lastly, that in this resistance, ye were all of you
volunteers, and did, as such, contribute your utmost
efforts, and disabling and distressing the aforesaid King’s
ship, and deterring his Majesty’s servants therein from
their duty.”
To which they severally pleaded, Not Guilty.
Whereupon the officers of his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_, were
called again and testified as follows:--
That they had seen all the prisoners now before the court, and knew
them to be the same which were taken out of one or other of the pirate
ships, _Royal Fortune_ or _Ranger_, and verily believe them to be
those taken out of the _Royal Fortune_.
That the prisoners were possessed of a ship of forty guns, called the
_Royal Fortune_, and were at anchor under Cape Lopez, on the coast of
Africa, with two others, when his Majesty’s ship the _Swallow_ (to
which the deponents belonged, and were officers), stood in for the
place on Saturday, the 10th of February, 1721-2. The largest had a
jack ensign and pendant flying (being this _Royal Fortune_), who, on
sight of them, had their boats passing and repassing from the other
two, which they supposed to be with men. The wind not favouring the
aforesaid King’s ship she was obliged to make two trips to gain nigh
enough the wind to fetch in with the pirates; and being at length
little more than cannon-shot from them, they found she slipped her
cable and got under sail.
At eleven, the pirate was within pistol-shot, abreast of them, with a
black flag and pendant hoisted at their main-topmast head. The
deponents say they then struck the French ensign that had continued
hoisted at their staff all the morning till then, and displayed the
King’s colours, giving her at the same time their broadside, which was
immediately returned.
The pirate’s mizen-topmast fell and some of her rigging was torn, yet
she still outsailed the man-of-war, and slid half gun-shot from them,
while they continued to fire without intermission, and the other to
return such guns as could be brought to bear, till, by favour of the
winds, they were advanced very nigh again; and after exchanging a few
more shot, about half an hour past one, his main-mast came down,
having received a shot below the parrel.
At two, she struck her colours, and called for quarter, proving to be
a ship, formerly called the _Onflow_, but by them the _Royal Fortune_;
and the prisoners from her assured them, that the smallest ship of the
two, then remaining in the road, belonged to them, by the name of the
_Little Ranger_, which they had deserted on this occasion.
ISAAC SUN,
RALPH BALDRICK,
DANIEL MACLAUGHLIN.
The prisoners were asked by the court, to the same purpose the others
had been in the morning--What exception they had to make against what
had been sworn, and what they had to say in their defence? And their
replies were much the same with the other prisoners: that they were
forced men, had not fired a gun in this resistance against the
_Swallow_, and that what little assistance they did give on this
occasion was to the sails and rigging, to comply with the arbitrary
commands of Roberts, who had threatened, and, they were persuaded
would, have shot them on refusal.
The court, to dispense equal justice, mercifully resolved for these,
as they had done for the other pirate crew--that further evidence
should be heard against each man singly, to the two points, of being a
volunteer at first, and to their particular acts of piracy and robbery
since; that so men, who had been lately received amongst them, and as
yet had not been at the taking or plundering of any ship, might have
the opportunity and benefit of clearing their innocence and not fall
promiscuously with the guilty.
By order of the court,
JOHN ATKINS, Registrar.
_Wm. Magnes, Tho. Oughterlauney, Wm. Main, Wm. Mackintosh,
Val. Ashplant, John Walden, Israel Hind, Marcus Johnson,
Wm. Petty, Wm. Fernon, Abraham Harvey, Wm. Wood, Tho. How,
John Stephenson, Ch. Bunce, and John Griffin._
Against these it was deposed by Captain Joseph Trahern, and George
Fenn, his mate, that they were all of them, either at the attacking
and taking of the ship _King Solomon_, or afterwards at the robbing
and plundering of her, and in this manner:--
That on the 6th of January last, their ship riding at anchor near Cape
Appollonia, in Africa, discovered a boat rowing towards them, against
wind and stream, from a ship that lay about three miles to leeward.
They judged from the number of men in her, as she nearer advanced, to
be a pirate, and made some preparation for receiving her, believing,
on a nigher view, they would think fit to withdraw from an attack that
must be on their side with great disadvantage in an open boat, and
against double the number of men; yet by the rashness and
pusillanimity of his own people, who laid down their arms and
immediately called for quarter, the ship was taken, and afterwards
robbed by them.
President: Can you charge your memory with any particulars in the
seizure and robbery?
Evidence: We know that Magnes, quartermaster of the pirate ship,
commanded the men in this boat that took us, and assumed the authority
of ordering her provisions and stores out, which, being of different
kinds, we soon found were seized and sent away under more particular
directions; for Main, as boatswain of the pirate ship, carried away
two cables and several coils of rope, as what belonged to his
province, beating some of our own men for not being brisk enough at
working in the robbery. Petty, as sail maker, saw to the sails and
canvas; Harper, as cooper, to the cask and tools; Griffin, to the
carpenter’s stores, and Oughterlauney, as pilot, having shifted
himself with a suit of my clothes, a new tye wig, and called for a
bottle of wine, ordered the ship, very arrogantly, to be steered under
Commodore Roberts’s stern (I suppose to know what orders there were
concerning her). So far particularly. In the general, sir, they were
very outrageous and emulous in mischief.
President: Mr. Castel, acquaint the court of what you know in relation
to this robbery of the _King Solomon_; after what manner the pirate
boat was dispatched for this attempt.
Tho. Castel: I was a prisoner, sir, with the pirates when their boat
was ordered upon that service, and found, upon a resolution of going,
word was passed through the company, Who would go? And I saw all that
did, did it voluntarily; no compulsion, but rather pressing who should
be foremost. The prisoners yielded to what had been sworn about the
attack and robbery, but denied the latter evidence, saying Roberts
hectored and upbraided them of cowardice on this very occasion, and
told some they were very ready to step on board of a prize when within
command of the ship, but now there seemed to be a trial of their
valour, backward and fearful.
President: So that Roberts forced ye upon this attack.
Prisoners: Roberts commanded us into the boat, and the quartermaster
to rob the ship, neither of whose commands we dared to have refused.
President: And granting it so, those are still your own acts, since
done by orders from officers of your own election. Why would men,
honestly disposed, give their votes for such a captain and such a
quartermaster as were every day commanding them on distasteful
services?
Here succeeded a silence among the prisoners, but at length Fernon
very honestly owned that he did not give his vote to Magnes, but to
David Sympson (the old quartermaster), “for in truth,” says he, “I
took Magnes for too honest a man, and unfit for the business.”
The evidence was plain and home, and the court, without any
hesitation, brought them in “Guilty.”
_William Church, Phil. Haak, James White, Nich. Brattle, Hugh
Riddle, William Thomas, Tho. Roberts, Jo. Richards, Jo.
Cane, R. Wood, R. Scot, Wm. Davison, Sam. Morwell, Edward
Evans, Wm. Guineys, and eighteen Frenchmen._
The four first of these prisoners, it was evident to the court, served
as music on board the pirate, were forced lately from the several
merchant ships they belonged to; and that they had, during this
confinement, an uneasy life of it, having sometimes their fiddles, and
often their heads broke, only for excusing themselves, or saying they
were tired when any fellow took it in his head to demand a tune.
The other English had been a very few days on board the pirate, only
from Whydah to Cape Lopez, and no capture or robbery done by them in
that time. And the Frenchmen were brought with a design to reconduct
their own ship (or the _Little Ranger_ in exchange) to Whydah road
again, and were used like prisoners; neither quartered nor suffered to
carry arms. So that the court immediately acquiesced in acquitting
them.
_Tho. Sutton, David Simpson, Christopher Moody, Phil. Bill, R.
Hardy, Hen. Dennis, David Rice, Wm. Williams, R. Harris,
George Smith, Ed. Watts, Jo. Mitchell, and James Barrow._
The evidence against these prisoners were Grata de Haen, master of the
_Flushingham_, taken nigh Axim, the beginning of January last.
Benj. Kreft, master, and James Groet, mate of the _Gertruycht_, taken
nigh Gabone in December last, and Mr. Castel, Wingfield, and others
that had been prisoners with the pirates.
The former deposed that all these prisoners (excepting Hardy) were on
board at the robbery and plunder of their ships, behaving in a vile,
outrageous manner, putting them in bodily fears, sometimes for the
ship, and sometimes for themselves; and in particular Kreft charged it
on Sutton that he had ordered all their gunner’s stores out; on which
that prisoner presently interrupted and said he was perjured--“That he
had not taken half.” A reply, I believe, not designed as any saucy way
of jesting, but to give their behaviour an appearance of more humanity
than the Dutch would allow.
From Mr. Castel, Wingfield, and others, they were proved to be
distinguished men--men who were consulted as chiefs in all
enterprizes; belonged most of them to the House of Lords (as they
called it), and could carry an authority over others. The former said,
particularly of Hardy (quartermaster of the _Ranger_), that when the
_Diligence_ sloop was taken (whereto he belonged) none was busier in
the plunder, and was the very man who scuttled and sunk that vessel.
From some of the prisoners acquitted it was farther demanded whether
the acceptance or refusal of any office was not in their own option?
And it was declared that every officer was chosen by a majority of
votes, and might refuse, if he pleased, since others gladly embraced
what brought with it an additional share of prize. Guilty.
* * * * *
The court on the 31st of March remanded the following six before them
for sentence, viz., _Dav. Simpson_, _Wm. Magnes_, _R. Hardy_, _Thomas
Sutton_, _Christopher Moody_, and _Valentine Ashplant_.
To whom the President spoke to the following purpose: “The crime of
piracy, of which all of ye have been justly convicted, is of all other
robberies the most aggravating and inhumane, in that being removed
from the fears of surprise in remote and distant parts, ye do in
wantonness of power often add cruelty to theft.
“Pirates, unmoved at distress or poverty, not only spoil and rob, but
do it from men needy, and who are purchasing their livelihoods through
hazards and difficulties, which ought rather to move compassion; and
what is still worse, do often, by persuasion or force, engage the
inconsiderate part of them, to their own and families’ ruin, removing
them from their wives and children, and by that, from the means that
should support them from misery and want.
“To a trading nation nothing can be so destructive as piracy, or call
for more exemplary punishment; besides the national reflection it
infers, it cuts off the returns of industry, and those plentiful
importations that alone can make an island flourishing; and it is your
aggravation, that ye have been the chiefs and rulers in these
licentious and lawless practices.
“However, contrary to the measures ye have dealt, ye have been heard
with patience, and though little has, or possibly could, have been
said in excuse or extenuation of your crimes, yet charity make us hope
that a true and sincere repentance (which we heartily recommend) may
entitle ye to mercy and forgiveness after the sentence of the law has
taken place, which now remains upon me to pronounce:--
“You, _Dav. Simpson_, _William Magnes_, R. _Hardy_, _Tho. Sutton_,
_Christopher Moody_, and _Val. Ashplant_.
“Ye, and each of you, are adjudged and sentenced to be carried back to
the place from whence ye came, from thence to the place of execution,
without the gates of this castle, and there, within the flood-marks,
to be hanged by the neck till ye are dead.
“After this ye, and each of you, shall be taken down, and your bodies
hanged in chains.”
WARRANT FOR EXECUTION.
“Pursuant to the sentence given on Saturday by the Court of
Admiralty at Cape Corso Castle, against Dav. Simpson, Wm.
Magnes, R. Hardy, Tho. Sutton, Christopher Moody, and
Valentine Ashplant.
“You are hereby directed to carry the aforesaid malefactors
to the place of execution, without the gates of this castle,
to-morrow morning at nine of the clock, and there, within
the flood-marks, cause them to be hanged by the neck till
they are dead, for which this shall be your warrant. Given
under my hand, this 2nd day of April, 1722.
“MUNGO HEARDMAN.
“To Joseph Gordyn, provost-marshal.
“The bodies remove in chains to the gibbets already erected
on the adjacent hillocks.--M. H.”
_William Phillips._
It appeared by the evidence of Captain Jo. Trahern and George Fenn,
mate of the _King Solomon_, that this prisoner was boatswain of the
same ship, when she was attacked and taken off Cape Appollonia, the
6th of January last, by the pirate’s boat.
When the boat drew nigh (they say) it was judged from the number of
men in her that they were pirates, and being hailed, answered,
“Defiance”; at which the commander snatched a musket from one of his
men and fired, asking them at the same time whether they would stand
by him to defend the ship? But the pirates returning a volley, and
crying out they would give no quarter if any resistance was made, this
prisoner took upon him to call out for quarter without the master’s
consent, and mislead the rest to the laying down their arms, and
giving up the ship to half the number of men, and in an open boat. It
was further evident he became after this a volunteer amongst them.
First, because he was presently very forward and brisk in robbing the
ship _King Solomon_ of her provisions and stores; secondly, because he
endeavoured to have his captain ill-used; and lastly, because he had
confessed to Fenn that he had been obliged to sign their Articles that
night (a pistol being laid on the table to signify he must do it or be
shot), when the whole appeared to be an untruth from other evidence,
who also asserted his being armed in the action against the _Swallow_.
In answer to this he first observed upon the unhappiness of being
friendless in this part of the world, which, elsewhere, by witnessing
to the honesty of his former life, would, he believed, in a great
measure have invalidated the wrong evidence had been given of his
being a volunteer with the pirates. He owns, indeed, he made no
application to his captain to intercede for a discharge, but excuses
it with saying he had a dislike to him, and therefore was sure that
such application would have availed him nothing.
The court observed the pretences of this and other of the pirates, of
a pistol and their Articles being served up in a dish together, or of
their being misused and forced from an honest service, was often a
complotment of the parties to render them less suspected of those they
came from, and was to answer the end of being put in a newspaper or
affidavit. And the pirates were so generous as not to refuse a
compliment to a brother that cost them nothing, and at the same time
secured them the best hands; the best I call them, because such a
dependence made them act more boldly. Guilty.
_Harry Glasby_, master.
There appearing several persons in court, who had been taken by
Roberts’s ship, whereof the prisoner was master, their evidence was
accepted as follows:--
Jo. Trahern, commander of the _King Solomon_, deposed, the prisoner,
indeed, to act as master of the pirate ship (while he was under
restraint there), but was observed like no master, every one obeying
at discretion, of which he had taken notice, and complained to him how
hard a condition it was to be a chief among brutes; and that he was
weary of his life, and such other expressions (now out of his memory),
as showed in him a great disinclination to that course of living.
Jo. Wingfield, a prisoner with them at Calabar, says the same as to
the quality he acted in, but that he was civil beyond any of them, and
verily believes that when the brigantine he served on board of, as a
factor for the African Company, was voted to be burnt, this man was
the instrument of preventing it, expressing himself with a great deal
of sorrow for this and the like malicious rogueries of the company he
was in, that to him showed he had acted with reluctancy, as one who
could not avoid what he did. He adds further, that when one Hamilton,
a surgeon, was taken by them, and the Articles about to be imposed on
him, he opposed and prevented it; and that Hunter, another surgeon
among them, was cleared at the prisoner’s instance and persuasion,
from which last this deponent had it assured to him that Glasby had
once been under sentence of death on board of them, with two more, for
endeavouring an escape in the West Indies, and that the other two were
really shot for it.
Elizabeth Trengrove, who was taken a passenger in the African
Company’s ship _Onslow_, strengthened the evidence of the last
witness; for having heard a good character of this Glasby, she
inquired of the quartermaster, who was then on board a-robbing,
whether or no she could see him? and he told her “No”; they never
ventured him from the ship, for he had once endeavoured his escape,
and they had ever since continued jealous of him.
Edward Crisp, Captain Trengrove, and Captain Sharp, who had all been
taken in their turns, acknowledge for themselves and others, who had
unluckily fallen into those pirates’ hands, that the good usage they
had met with was chiefly through the prisoner’s means, who often
interposed for leaving sufficient stores and instruments on board the
ships they had robbed, alleging they were superfluous and unnecessary
there.
James White, whose business was music, and was on the poop of the
pirate ship in time of action with the _Swallow_, deposed that during
the engagement and defence she made he never saw the prisoner busied
about the guns, or giving orders, either to the loading or firing of
them; but that he wholly attended to the setting, or trimming, of the
sails as Roberts commanded; and that in the conclusion he verily
believed him to be the man who prevented the ship’s being blown up by
setting trusty sentinels below and opposing himself against such
hot-headed fellows as had procured lighted matches and were going down
for that purpose.
Isaac Sun, lieutenant of the man-of-war, deposed, that when he came to
take possession of the prize in the King’s boat he found the pirates
in a very distracted and divided condition, some being for blowing up,
and others (who perhaps supposed themselves least culpable) opposing
it. That in this confusion he inquired for the prisoner, of whom he
had before heard a good character, and thinks he rendered all the
service in his power for preventing it; in particular, he understood
by all hands that he had seized and taken from one James Philips a
lighted match, at the instant he was going down to the magazine,
swearing that he should send them all to h--l together. He had heard
also that after Roberts was killed the prisoner ordered the colours to
be struck, and had since shown how opposite his practice and
principles had been, by discovering who were the greatest rogues among
them.
The prisoner in his own defence says when he had the misfortune of
falling into the pirates’ hands he was chief mate of the _Samuel_, of
London, Captain Cary; and when he had hid himself to prevent the
design of carrying him away, they found him and beat and threw him
overboard. Seven days afterwards, upon his objecting against, and
refusing to sign, their Articles, he was cut and abused again; that
though after this he ingratiated himself by a more humble carriage it
was only to make life easy; the shares they had given him having been
from time to time returned again to such prisoners as fell in his way,
till of late, indeed, he had made a small reservation, and had desired
Captain Loan to take two or three moidores from him to carry to his
wife. He was once taken, he says, at making his escape in the West
Indies, and, with two more, sentenced to be shot for it by a drunken
jury; the latter actually suffered, and he was preserved only by one
of the chief pirates taking a sudden liking to him and bullying the
others. A second time he ran away at Hispaniola, carrying a pocket
compass for conducting him through the woods; but that being a most
desolate and wild part of the island he fell upon, and he ignorant how
to direct his course, was obliged, after two or three days’ wandering,
to return towards the ship again, denying with egregious oaths the
design he was charged with for fear they should shoot him. From this
time he hopes it will be some extenuation of his fault, that most of
the acquitted prisoners can witness, they entertained jealousies of
him, and Roberts would not admit him into his secrets; and withal that
Captain Cary (and four other passengers with him) had made affidavit
of his having been forced from his employ, which though he could not
produce, yet he humbly hoped the court would think highly probable
from the circumstances offered.
On the whole the court was of opinion artists had the best pretension
to the plea of force, from the necessity pirates are sometimes under
of engaging such, and that many parts of his own defence had been
confirmed by the evidence, who had asserted he acted with reluctance,
and had expressed a concern and trouble for the little hopes remained
to him of extricating himself. That he had used all prisoners (as they
were called) well, at the hazard of ill usage to himself; that he had
not in any military capacity assisted their robberies; that he had
twice endeavoured his escape with the utmost danger. Acquitted him.
Captain _James Skyrm_.
It appeared from the evidence of several prisoners acquitted that this
Skyrm commanded the _Ranger_ in that defence she made against the
King’s ship; that he ordered the men to their quarters, and the guns
to be loaded and fired, having a sword in his hand to enforce those
commands, and beat such to their duty whom he espied any way negligent
or backward. That although he had lost a leg in the action his temper
was so warm as to refuse going off the deck till he found all was
lost.
In his defence he says he was forced from a mate’s employ on board a
sloop called the _Greyhound_, of St. Christopher’s, October, 1720. The
pirate having drubbed him and broke his head only for offering to go
away when that sloop was dismissed. Custom and success had since
indeed blunted, and in some measure worn out, the sense of shame, but
that he had really for several months passed been sick and
disqualified for any duty; and though Roberts had forced him on this
expedition, much against his will, yet the evidence must be sensible
the title of captain gave him no pre-eminence, for he could not be
obeyed, though he had often called to them to leave off their fire
when he perceived it to be the King’s ship.
The sickness, he alleged, but more especially the circumstance of
losing his leg, were aggravations of his fault, showing him more alert
on such occasions than he was now willing to be thought. As to the
name of captain, if it were allowed to give him no precedence out of
battle, yet here it was proved a title of authority, such an authority
as could direct an engagement against the King’s colours, and
therefore he was in the highest degree guilty.
_John Walden._
Captain John Trahern and George Fenn deposed the prisoner to be one of
the number who, in an open boat, piratically assailed and took their
ship, and was remarkably busy at mischief, having a pole-axe in his
hand, which served him instead of a key to all the locked doors and
boxes he came nigh. Also in particular he cut the cable of our ship,
when the other pirates were willing and busied at heaving up the
anchor, saying, “Captain, what signifies this trouble of hope and
straining in hot weather; there are more anchors at London, and
besides, your ship is to be burnt.”
William Smith (a prisoner acquitted), says Walden was known amongst
the pirates mostly by the nick-name of Miss Nanny (ironically it is
presumed from the hardness of his temper). That he was one of the
twenty who voluntarily came on board the _Ranger_ in the chase she
made out after the _Swallow_, and by a shot from that ship lost his
leg, his behaviour in the fight till then being bold and daring.
The President called for Harry Glasby, and bid him relate a character
of the prisoner, and what custom was among them in relation to these
voluntary expeditions out of their proper ship, and this of going on
board the _Ranger_ in particular.
And he gave in for evidence that the prisoner was looked on as a brisk
hand (_i.e._, as he farther explained it, a stanch pirate, a great
rogue); that when the _Swallow_ first appeared in sight every one was
willing to believe her a Portuguese, because sugar was very much in
demand, and had made some jarring and dissention between the two
companies (the _Fortune’s_ people drinking punch when the _Ranger’s_
could not); that Roberts, on sight of the _Swallow_, hailed the new
_Ranger_ and bid him right-ship and get under sail. “There is,” says
he, “sugar in the offing, bring it in that we may have no more
mumbling;” ordering, at the same time, the word to be passed among the
crew, Who would go to their assistance? and immediately the boat was
full of men, to transport themselves.
President: Then every one that goes on board of any prize does it
voluntarily? Or were there here any other reasons for it?
H. Glasby: Every man is commonly called by list, and insists on his
turn to go on board of a prize, because they then are allowed a shift
of clothes (the best they can find) over and above the dividend from
the robbery; and this they are so far from being compelled to that it
often becomes the occasion of contest and quarrel amongst them. But in
the present or such like cases, where there appears a prospect of
trouble, the lazy and the timorous are often willing to decline this
turn and yield to their betters, who thereby establish a greater
reputation. The prisoner, and those men who went from the _Fortune_ on
board the _Ranger_ to assist in this expedition were volunteers, and
the trustiest men among us.
President: Were there no jealousies of the _Ranger’s_ leaving you in
this chase, or at any other time, in order to surrender?
H. Glasby: Most of the _Ranger’s_ crew were fresh men, men who had
been entered only since their being on the coast of Guinea, and
therefore had not so liberal a share in fresh provisions or wine as
the _Fortune’s_ people, who thought they had borne the burthen and
heat of the day, which had given occasion indeed to some grumblings
and whispers, as though they would take an opportunity to leave us,
but we never supposed, if they did, it would be with any other design
then setting up for themselves, they having, many of them, behaved
with greater severity than the old standers.
The prisoner appeared undaunted, and rather solicitous about resting
his stump than giving any answer to the court, or making any defence
for himself till called upon; then he related in a careless, or rather
hopeless, manner, the circumstances of his first entrance, being
forced, he said, out of the _Blessing_, of Lemmington, at
Newfoundland, about twelve months past; this, he is sure, most of the
old pirates knew, and that he was for some time as sick of the change
as any man, but custom and ill company had altered him, owning very
frankly that he was at the attack and taking of the _King Solomon_,
that he did cut her cable, and that none were forced on those
occasions.
As to the last expedition in the _Ranger_, he confesses he went on
board of her, but that it was by Roberts’s order, and in the chase
loaded one gun to bring her to, but when he saw it was a bite he
declared to his comrades that it was not worth while to resist,
forebore firing, and assisted to reeve the braces in order, if they
could, to get away, in which sort of service he was busied when a shot
from the man-of-war took off his leg. And being asked that supposing
the chase had proved a Portuguese? “Why then,” says he, “I don’t know
what I might have done,” intimating withal that everybody then would
have been ready enough at plundering. Guilty.
_Peter Scudamore._
Harry Glasby, Jo. Wingfield, and Nicholas Brattle, depose thus much as
to his being a volunteer with the pirates from Captain Rolls at
Calabar. First, that he quarrelled with Moody (one of the heads of the
gang), and fought with him because he opposed his going, asking Rolls
in a leering manner whether he would not be so kind as to put him into
the _Gazette_ when he came home. And, at another time, when he was
going from the pirate ship in his boat a tornado arose. “I wish,” says
he, “the rascal may be drowned, for he is a great rogue, and has
endeavoured to do me all the ill offices he could among these
gentlemen” (_i.e._, pirates).
And secondly, that he had signed the pirates’ Articles with a great
deal of alacrity, and gloried in having been the first surgeon that
had done so (for before this it was their custom to change their
surgeons when they desired it, after having served a time, and never
obliged them to sign, but he was resolved to break through this for
the good of those who were to follow), swearing immediately upon it,
he was now, he hoped, as great a rogue as any of them.
Captain Jo. Trahern and George Fenn, his mate, deposed the prisoner to
have taken out of the _King Solomon_ their surgeon’s capital
instruments, some medicines, and a backgammon table, which latter
became the means of a quarrel between one Wincon, and he, whose
property they should be, and were yielded to the prisoner.
Jo. Sharp, master of the _Elizabeth_, heard the prisoner ask Roberts’
leave to force Comry, his surgeon, from him, which was accordingly
done, and with him carried also some of the ship’s medicines; but what
gave a fuller proof of the dishonesty of his principles was the
treacherous design he had formed of running away with the prize in her
passage to Cape Corso, though he had been treated with all humanity
and very unlike a prisoner on account of his employ and better
education, which had rendered him less to be suspected.
Mr. Child (acquitted) deposed that in their passage from the Island of
St. Thomas in the _Fortune_ prize, this prisoner was several times
tempting him into measures of rising with the negroes, and killing the
_Swallow’s_ people, showing him how easily the white men might be
demolished, and a new company raised at Angola, and that part of the
coast. “For,” says he, “I understand how to navigate a ship, and can
soon teach you to steer; and is it not better to do this than to go
back to Cape Corso and be hanged and sun-dried?” To which the deponent
replying he was not afraid of being hanged, Scudamore bid him be
still, and no harm should come to him; but before the next day
evening, which was the designed time of executing this project, this
deponent discovered it to the officer, and assured him Scudamore had
been talking all the preceding night to the negroes in Angolan
language.
Isaac Burnet heard the prisoner ask James Harris, a pirate (left with
the wounded in the prize), whether he was willing to come into the
project of running away with the ship, and endeavour the raising of a
new company, but turned the discourse to horse-racing as the deponent
crept nigher; he acquainted the officer with what he had heard, who
kept the people under arms all night, their apprehensions of the
negroes not being groundless; for many of them having lived a long
time in this piratical way, were, by the thin commons they were now
reduced to, as ripe for mischief as any.
The prisoner in his defence said he was a forced man from Captain
Rolls in October last, and if he had not shown such a concern as
became him at the alteration he must remark the occasion to be the
disagreement and enmity between them; but that both Roberts and Val.
Ashplant threatened him into signing their Articles, and that he did
it in terror.
The _King Solomon_ and _Elizabeth_ medicine-chests he owns he
plundered by order of Hunter, the then chief surgeon, who, by the
pirates’ laws, always directs in this province, and Mr. Child (though
acquitted) had, by the same orders, taken out a whole French
medicine-chest, which he must be sensible for me as well as for
himself we neither of us dared to have denied; it was their being the
proper judges made so ungrateful an office imposed. If after this he
was elected chief surgeon himself both Comry and Wilson were set up
also, and it might have been their chance to have carried it, and as
much out of their power to have refused.
As to the attempt of rising and running away with the prize, he denies
it altogether as untrue; a few foolish words, but only by way of
supposition, that if the negroes should take it in their heads
(considering the weakness and ill look-out that was kept), it would
have been an easy matter in his opinion for them to have done it; but
that he encouraged such a thing was false; his talking to them in the
Angolan language was only a way of spending his time, and trying his
skill to tell twenty, he being incapable of further talk. As to his
understanding navigation, he had frequently acknowledged it to the
deponent Child, and wonders he should now so circumstantiate this
skill against him. Guilty.
_Robert Johnson._
It appeared to the court that the prisoner was one of the twenty men
in that boat of the pirates which afterwards robbed the _King Solomon_
at an anchor near Cape Appollonia. That all pirates on this and the
like service were volunteers, and he, in particular, had contested his
going on board a second time, though out of his turn.
The prisoner in his defence called for Harry Glasby, who witnessed to
his being so very drunk when he first came among their crew that they
were forced to hoist him out of one ship into the other with a tackle,
and, therefore, without his consent, but had since been a trusty man,
and was placed to the helm in that running battle they made with the
_Swallow_.
He insisted for himself likewise, on Captain Turner’s affidavit of his
being forced, on which others (his shipmates) had been cleared.
The court considering the partiality that might be objected in
acquitting one and condemning another of the same standing, thought
fit to remark it as a clear testimony of their integrity, that their
care and indulgence to each man in allowing his particular defence,
was to exempt from the rigour of the law such who, it must be allowed,
would have stood too promiscuously condemned if they had not been
heard upon any other fact than that of the _Swallow_, and herein what
could better direct them than a character and behaviour from their own
associates; for though a voluntary entry with the pirates may be
doubtful, yet his consequent actions are not, and it is not so
material how a man comes among pirates as how he acts when he is
there. Guilty.
_George Wilson._
John Sharp, master of the _Elizabeth_, in which ship the prisoner was
passenger, and fell a second time into the pirates’ hands, deposes
that he took the said Wilson off from Sestos, on this coast, paying to
the negroes for his ransom the value of three pound five shillings in
goods, for which he had taken a note, that he thought he had done a
charitable act in this, till, meeting with one Captain Canning, he was
asked why he would release such a rogue as Wilson was? for that he had
been a volunteer with the pirates out of John Tarlton. And when the
deponent came to be a prisoner himself he found Thomas, the brother of
this John Tarlton, a prisoner with the pirates also, who was
immediately, on Wilson’s instigation, in a most sad manner misused and
beat, and had been shot, through the fury and rage of some of those
fellows, if the town-side (_i.e._, Liverpool) men had not hid him in a
staysail under the bowsprit, for Moody and Harper with their pistols
cocked searched every corner of the ship to find him, and came to the
deponent’s hammock, whom they had like fatally to have mistaken for
Tarlton, but on his calling out they found their error, and left him
with this comfortable anodyne, that “he was the honest fellow who
brought the doctor.” At coming away the prisoner asked about his note,
whether the pirates had it or no? Who not being able readily to tell,
he replied, “It’s no matter, Mr. Sharp, I believe I shall hardly ever
come to England to pay it.”
Adam Comry, surgeon of the _Elizabeth_, says, that although the
prisoner had, on account of his indisposition and want, received many
civilities from him before meeting with the pirates, he yet understood
it was through his and Scudamore’s means that he had been compelled
among them. The prisoner was very alert and cheerful, he says, at
meeting with Roberts, hailed him, told him he was glad to see him, and
would come on board presently, borrowing of the deponent a clean shirt
and drawers, for his better appearance and reception; he signed their
Articles willingly, and used arguments with him to do the same,
saying, they should make their voyage in eight months to Brazil, share
six or seven hundred pounds a man, and then break up. Again, when the
crew came to an election of a chief surgeon, and this deponent was set
up with the others, Wilson told him he hoped he would carry it from
Scudamore, for that a quarter share (which they had more than others)
would be worth looking after; but the deponent missed the preferment,
by the good will of the _Ranger’s_ people, who, in general, voted for
Scudamore, to get rid of him, the chief surgeon being always to remain
with the commodore.