CHAPTER XVI. ISOLATION OF ROME.

There is, I think, no city in the world where Pilate's question, "What is

truth?" would be so hard to answer as in Rome. In addition to the

ordinary difficulties which everywhere beset the path of the foreigner in

search of knowledge, there are a number of obstacles peculiar and special

to Rome alone.

The whole policy of the government is directed towards maintaining the

country in a state of isolation, towards drawing, in fact, a moral

_cordon sanitaire_ round the Papal dominions. Indeed, if one lived long

in Rome, one would get to doubt the reality of anything. When I last

came to Rome straight from Tuscany, seething in the turmoil of its new-

bought liberties, I could hardly believe that only six months ago there

had been war in Italy within two hundred miles from the Papal city, that

the fate of Italy still hung trembling in the balance, and that the chief

province of the country was still in open revolt against its rulers.

There was no sign, no trace, scarce a symptom even of what had passed or

was passing in the world without. We all seemed spellbound in a dull,

dead, dreary circle. There were no advertisements in the streets, except

of devotional works for the coming season of Lent; no pamphlets or books

placed in the booksellers' windows, which by their titles even implied

the existence of the war and the revolution; no prints for sale of the

scenes of the campaign, or the popular heroes of the day. This was the

normal state of Rome, such as I had seen it in former years. Later on,

indeed, either the force of events, or a change in the counsels of the

Vatican, induced the Papacy to drop the defensive passive attitude which

constituted its real strength, and to adopt an active offensive policy,

which served rather to show the greatness of the dreaded danger than to

avert its occurrence. Still the increased animation, though perceptible

enough to a Roman, appeared to a stranger but a step above absolute

stagnation. I never could get over my astonishment at our utter

ignorance of what went on around and amongst us. About the state of

affairs in our two neighbouring countries, whether in free Tuscany or in

despotic Naples, we were entirely in the dark. What little news we got

was derived from chance reports of stray travellers, or from the French

and English newspapers. The _Giornale di Roma_ gave us now and then a

damnatory paragraph about the Tuscan Government, from which, out of a

mass of vituperation, we could pick up an odd fact or so; but during the

first four months of this year, throughout which period I perused the

_Giornale_ pretty carefully, I do not remember to have seen a single

allusion, good, bad or indifferent, to the kingdom of Naples. The Tuscan

papers were naturally enough forbidden, as are almost all the journals of

the free Italian states, and could only be obtained by private hands. The

Neapolitan Gazette, the _Monitore del Regno delle Due Sicilie_, was never

seen by any chance, though I cannot suppose its circulation was directly

interdicted. The communication between Rome and Naples was, and is,

scanty in the extreme. During the last ten years, about ten miles of the

Pio-Centrale Railroad, the Neapolitan line, have been opened. At present

beyond Albano the works are entirely at a stand-still, and there are

still some thirty miles of line, between Rome and the frontier, of which

hardly a sod has been turned. The Civita Vecchia line has only been

completed in consequence of the pressure of the French authorities, and

the Ancona-Florence line is still in _statu quo_. Three times a week

there are diligences between Rome and Naples. The local steam-boats,

which used to run along the coast from Porto d'Anzio to the Neapolitan

capital have been given up, and in fact there is no ready means of

transit, save by the foreign steamers, which touch at Civita Vecchia.

Whether purposely or not, everything has been done to check free

communication between the Papal and Neapolitan States, and in this

respect the Government has been eminently successful. The two countries

are totally distinct. A Neapolitan is a _forestiere_ in Rome, and _vice

versa_. The _divide et impera_ has been the motto of all the petty

Italian despots and of the Papacy in particular, and hitherto has proved

successful. Even now, as far as I could see and learn, the desire for

Italian unity does not penetrate very low down. It is the desire, I

freely grant, of all the best and wisest Italians, but scarcely, I

suspect, the wish of the Italian people. In truth, Italy at this moment

is very much what Great Britain would be, if Scotland, Ireland, Wales and

the States of the Saxon Heptarchy had remained to this day separate petty

kingdoms, ruled by governments who fostered and developed every local and

sectional jealousy. The broad fact, that for some weeks at Rome we were

in utter ignorance whether there had been a revolution or not in the

capital of the frontier kingdom, not thirty miles away, and should have

been quite surprised if we had learnt anything about the matter, is a

sufficient commentary on our state of isolation.

This artificial isolation too is increased by a sort of general apathy

and almost universal ignorance, which are characteristic of all classes

in Rome. How far this intellectual apathy is caused by, or causes, the

material isolation of the city, would be a curious question to determine.

The existence, however, of this fact, which none acquainted with Rome

will question, constitutes one of the chief difficulties in ascertaining

accurate information about facts. The most intelligent and the most

liberal amongst the Romans (the two terms are there synonymous) never

seem to know the value of positive facts, and even in matters susceptible

of proof prefer general statements. Then, too, the absence of social

meetings, or means of intercourse, is one of the most striking features

about Roman society. There is no public life, no current literature,

little even of free conversation. Of course, among the English and

foreign residents there are plenty of parties and gaieties of every kind.

At these parties you meet a few Anglicised Italians, who have picked up a

little of our English language and a good deal of our English dress. The

nobility of Rome who come into contact with the higher class of English

travellers give a good number of formal receptions, but amongst the

middle and professional classes there is very little society at all. The

summer is the season for what society there is, but even then there is

but little. There are no saloons in the Roman theatres, and the

miserable refreshment-rooms, with their bars even more shabby and worse

provided than our English ones, are, as you may suppose, not places of

meeting. Even at the Opera there seemed to be little visiting in the

boxes. With the exception of the strangers' rooms, there are no reading-

rooms or clubs in Rome, if I may exclude from this category a miserable

_Gabinetto di Lettura_, chiefly frequented by priests, and whose current

_lettura_ consisted of the _Tablet_, the _Univers_, the _Armonia_, and

the _Courier des Alpes_. The only real places of meeting, or focuses of

news, are the cafes. At best, however, they are _triste_, uncomfortable

places. There is no cafe in all Rome equal to a second-rate one in an

ordinary French provincial town. There are few newspapers, little domino

playing, and not much conversation. The spy system is carried to such an

extent here, that even in private circles the speakers are on their guard

as to what they say, and still more as to what they repeat. As an

instance of this, I may mention a case that happened to me personally. On

the morning before the demonstrations at the Porta Pia a Roman gentleman,

with whom I was well acquainted, wished to give me information of the

proposed meeting, of which, it happened, I was well aware; but though we

were alone in a room together, the nearest approach on which my friend

ventured to a direct information, which might be considered of a

seditious character, was to tell me that I should find the Porta Pia road

a pleasant walk on an afternoon.

In fact, paradoxical as the assertion may appear, you learn more about

Rome from foreigners than from natives. Unfortunately, such information

as you may acquire in this way is almost always of a suspicious

character. Almost every one in Rome judges of what he sees or hears

according, in German phrase, to some stand-point of his own, either

political or artistic or theological, as the case may be. As to the

foreign converts, it is only natural that, as in most cases they have

sacrificed everything for the Papal faith, they should therefore look at

everything from the Papal point of view. If, however, they abuse and

despise the Romans on every occasion, it is some satisfaction to reflect

that the Romans lose no opportunity of despising or abusing them in turn.

English Liberals who see a good deal of Roman society, see it, I think,

under too favourable circumstances, and also attach undue importance to

the wonderful habit all Italians have of saying as their own opinion

whatever they think will be pleasing to their listener. On the other

hand, the persons who are best qualified to judge of Rome, the ordinary

residents of long standing, who care little about Italy and less about

the Pope, are, I fancy, unduly influenced by the advantages of their

exceptional position. There are few places in the world where a

stranger, especially an English stranger, is better off than in Rome. As

a rule, he has perfect liberty to do and say and write what he likes, and

almost inevitably he gets to think that a government which is so lenient

a one for him cannot be a very bad one for its own subjects. The cause,

however, of this exceptional lenity is not hard to discover. Much as we

laugh at home about the _Civis Romanus_ doctrine, abroad it is a very

powerful reality. Whether rightly or wrongly, foreign governments are

afraid of meddling with English subjects, and act accordingly. Then,

too, Englishmen as a body care very little about foreign politics, and

are known to live almost entirely among themselves abroad, and seldom to

interfere in the concerns of foreigners; and lastly, I am afraid that the

moral influence of England, of which our papers are so fond of boasting,

is very small indeed on the continent generally, and especially in Italy.

All the articles the _Times_ ever wrote on Italian affairs did not

produce half the effect of About's pamphlet or Cavour's speeches. I am

convinced that the influence of English newspapers in Italy is most

limited. The very scanty knowledge of the English language, and the

utter want of comprehension of our English modes of thought and feeling,

render an English journal even more uninteresting to the bulk of Italians

than an Italian one is to an Englishman; and the Roman rulers are well

aware of this important fact. Hard words break no bones, and the Vatican

cares little for what English papers say of it, and looks upon the

introduction of English Anti-Papal journals as part of the necessary

price to be paid for the residence of the wealthy heretics who refuse to

stop anywhere where they cannot have clubs and churches and papers of

their own. The expulsion of M. Gallenga, the _Times_ correspondent, was

in reality no exception to this policy. It was not as the correspondent

of an English newspaper, but as an ex-Mazzinian revolutionist and the

author of _Fra Dolcino_, that this gentleman was obnoxious to the Papal

authorities. Though a naturalized English subject, he had not ceased to

be an Italian, and his personal influence amongst Roman society might

have been considerable, though the effect of his English correspondence,

however able, would have been next to nothing.

From all these causes it is very hard to learn anything at Rome, and

harder yet to learn anything with accuracy. It is only by a process of

elimination you ever arrive at the truth. Out of a dozen stories and

reports you have to take one, or rather part of one, and to reject the

eleven and odd remaining. It has been my object, therefore, in the

following descriptions of the scenes which marked the period of my

residence in Rome, to give as much as possible of what I have known and

seen myself, and as little of what I heard and learnt from others. What

my narrative may lose in vividness, it will, I trust, gain in accuracy.

Rome in 1860 · 第 12 / 14 章