islands with his friend Governor Arandía) the post of provincial in
the name of the British government with a salary of 5,000 pesos per
year, together with the perquisites of the office and the aid that he
would need. But he refused it, and left Manila with twenty Cagayans,
who accompanied him, and although pursued by mounted Sepoys, was
not overtaken. Joining Anda, he became the real military arm of the
opposition. At an estate held by the Jesuits in Mariquina, and where
he was aided by the Jesuits, he urged the natives to resist British
rule, being followed by the majority of them, whereupon he was able
to attack and punish some of the ladrones of the region. He obtained
many advantages by fighting in guerrila fashion. When Anda finally
entered Manila as the British were about to evacuate the city, Busto
accompanied him. See Sitio y conquista, pp. 85-89. et seq.
[145] The British exiled the superior of the Augustinians from Manila,
and forbade him to live in any of the four neighboring provinces; and
confiscated all the property of that order (Sitio y conquista, p. 83).
[146] Anda's force, says Le Gentil (ii, p. 262) consisted of about
9,000 men, of whom 2,000 were armed with muskets, and about 300
Europeans, most of whom were French deserters from the British. To such
an extent did the desertion of the French occur that the British sent
those left them (about 150) back to India. Anda refused the offer of
a French sergeant to endeavor to cause the desertion of the Sepoys,
on the ground that they were Mahometans. Anda's force, before he
surrendered the command to Francisco de la Torre, is specified by
Ayerbe (Sitio y conquista, pp. 132, 133), as follows: 12 infantry
companies, consisting of 1,370 men, of whom 223 were deserters from
the British; 2 cavalry companies, consisting of 293 men, of whom 100
were Spaniards, and the rest Cagayans, and 50 of whom had muskets,
50 blunderbusses, and the rest spears; 100 cavalry dragoons; 281
artillerymen, some of them deserters, most armed with sabers, and a
few with muskets; 100 Indians commanded by the native colonel, Santos
de los Angeles. 60 being infantry with muskets, and 40 cavalry with
short firearms and spears; 300 native and mestizo commissary troops
armed with muskets and bows and arrows, whose duty it was to prevent
the entrance of food into Manila; 3 Boholans, armed with lance and
shield, who acted as Anda's bodyguard; 400 Visayans, armed with bows
and arrows; 2,000 Indians, enlisted in the villages near Polo, as
a reserve; in addition to the natives used in other employments. Le
Gentil (ii, pp. 266-268) accuses Anda of inaction, although he had an
army of more than 10,000 men. But he adds that Anda could not count
on his native troops, and had no large guns.
[147] The British troops under Thomas Backhouse, who invaded the
provinces November 8, 1762, easily forced an entrance into the
village of Pasig, driving the natives who opposed them like a herd
of frightened sheep (Mas, i, pp. 162, 163).
[148] Anda's agents scoured the environs of Manila for contributions,
and it is said that they committed many exactions. See Le Gentil,
ii, p. 269.
[149] The letter written by the archbishop on October 29, to the
provincials of the religious orders. His own sins he fears have been
the cause of the loss of Manila and other places. But God has been
merciful in much, and liberty, trade, and religion are preserved for
the inhabitants. An attempt is being made to collect the one million
of the ransom money demanded, and the rest will be taken from the
"Filipino" and bills of credit on the Spanish monarch. It is necessary
to cede the islands because of the force of the enemy in order to
avoid greater misfortune. This cession is merely a temporary deposit
made to the British sovereign. The aid of the religious is asked in
preserving order and the statu quo, by not opposing the British.
[150] A copy of the letter written by the archbishop to Draper under
date of October 29, 1762, and translated from the Latin, in which
it was couched, into Spanish, is contained in a MS. owned by Edward
E. Ayer. The archbishop servilely addresses Draper as "Prudent and
most clement conqueror," and "most humane sir." The inhabitants are
doing their best to gather the million demanded at once, and the
archbishop has given all the silver of his church (except what is
absolutely necessary for the sacrifice of the mass) and even his
pectorals. He bewails the fate that makes it necessary for him to
cede the islands to the English. Draper's letter on the twenty-seventh
(twenty-eighth, English calendar) of October follows this, although it
should properly precede it. It dwells on the humanity of the English,
and the fact that by the cession of a few places, the archbishop has
avoided much ruin, for the English arms would easily have reduced
them; and the inhabitants have been left freedom of worship, trade,
their possessions, churches, and convents. Those who persuade the
archbishop through a false sense of honor not to cede the islands will
be responsible for the consequences. The auditors are to immediately
sign the cession. The cession signed on the thirtieth (English date)
is as follows: "Sir: All the islands subordinate to that of Luzon,
of which Manila is the capital (in the manner and form at present
under the dominion of his Catholic Majesty) are to be ceded to his
Britannic Majesty. The latter is to be the recognized sovereign until
the peace between both kings decides their fate. Their religion, goods,
privileges, possessions, and trade are to be conserved to the subjects
of España who inhabit these islands, in the same manner that they
have been conserved for the inhabitants of Manila and on the island of
Luzon. All the alcaldes, governors, and military men shall enjoy the
honors of war if they give their word of honor not to serve or bear
arms against his Britannic Majesty during this war. The archbishop
and auditors shall sign this agreement. [Signed] Guillermo Draper." It
is to be noted that the archbishop's synopses of the various letters
mentioned in the text correspond with the letters themselves.
[151] When Draper left Manila, he took what he wished from the
archbishop's palace in which he lived. See Sitio y conquista,
pp. 76, 77.
[152] A reference to Matthew xvi, 26, the Latin of the Vulgate being:
Quid enim prodest homini si mundum universum lucretur, animæ vero suæ
detrimentum patiatur? Aut quam dabit homo commutationem pro anima
sua? This reads as follows in the Douay version: "For what doth it
profit a man, if he gain the whole world, and suffer the loss of his
own soul? Or what exchange shall a man give for his soul?"
[153] Various disorders were committed in Laguna province by the
Indians. Dissatisfied with their alcalde-mayor because he favored
the archbishop, the captain of Pagsanban issued a circular against
the alcalde-mayor, treating him as a traitor. In return he was
arrested and publicly lashed. The Indians, infuriated, ill-treated
the alcalde-mayor's family, killing his brother-in-law, and later
the alcalde himself. For this they were pardoned by Anda, who saw
himself powerless to pursue any other course just then. See Mas, i,
pp. 159, 160.
[154] Anda wrote Bishop Ustariz asking his coöperation in the
maintenance of quiet in the provinces, in view of the British invasion,
and the danger that threatened the Catholic faith. This letter the
bishop sent to the Augustinian provincial with one of his own, asking
him to conserve Spanish interests as much as possible, and to enrol
the aid of the natives. An order promulgated by Anda, October 6, 1762,
enjoins watchfulness on the part of the alcaldes-mayor. They are to
forbid all passage to Manila, both of persons and supplies; are to deny
all aid to the British and all strangers in their jurisdiction; and
are to arrest or kill all suspects. See Vivar's Relación, pp. 294-296.
[155] Villacorta, whom Le Gentil terms a "just and impartial man,"
asserted that Anda was unjust toward Rojo, who was very sincere in his
devotion to the Spanish sovereignty (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271). Villacorta
had however himself conspired against Anda.
[156] See the British figures regarding the ransom money, post.
[157] The admiralty archives in England may have various data
regarding this.
[158] With Cornish also went Auditor Pedro Calderon and his daughter,
who went to Spain, and some missionaries, officers, and soldiers
(Sitio y conquista, p. 77).
[159] More than four hundred houses were ruined in the barrios of Santa
Cruz and Binondo by the British after the assault (Sitio y conquista,
pp. 72, 73).
[160] The British found some copper on the "Filipino," and before
setting fire to the vessel, spiked the cannon (Sitio y conquista,
p. 72).
[161] In order to secure the release of Villacorta, it was alleged
that he was insane; but his release was only accomplished after a
money payment (Sitio y conquista, p. 75).
[162] In the province of Panay, the alcalde was corrupted by the
English, but was prevented from surrendering the province, as he was
seized and imprisoned by the Augustinians there, an act approved by
Anda. In Cebú, quiet was restored after the alcalde was hanged with
the aid of the loyal Augustinians. See Mas, i, pp. 161, 162.
[163] See synopses and excerpts of these letters, ante, pp. 153-160.
[164] The provinces of Pampanga and Bulacan remained faithful during
the English invasion and were the only resource for the Spaniards
(Mas, i, p. 160).
[165] The Indians and Chinese revolted in San Pablo de los Montes,
killing their priest, Francisco Fierro, O.S.A. The people of Tanavan
also killed their priest, Andres Enriquez, O.S.A. Other priests
of other orders were killed, but members of the Society of Jesus
escaped. For they showed themselves two-faced, since on one side,
they were for the English, while on the other side, they declared
for Anda, who, however, greatly mistrusted them. See Mas, i, pp. 160,
161 (citation from the MS. of Jesus de Santa Maria).
[166] Ferrando (iv, p. 638, note) has the following from a contemporary
MS.: "But the most celebrated and comical, was the disappearance
of one hundred and thirty-five American soldiers, who by means of a
rare stratagem deceived the vigilance of an English company which was
guarding them in the castle of San Fernando or the alcaicería of the
Chinese. In order that they might succeed in their projected attempt,
they mined a bit of land as far as the outlet of the guardhouse, and
then asked for permission to enact a farce. Their request was granted
without any difficulty, and on the day assigned for the representation,
the one who took the part of the comedian began to make his conclusion
while the others were going out of the mine. Finally the comedian
concluded by saying that he was going to call his companions, and
went away to where they had escaped. When the sentinels saw that they
delayed in coming, suspecting what had really happened, they searched
the place where the actors ought to have been. But the latter were
already outside of Tondo, and immediately joined a company which Anda,
previously notified of the project, had sent them. On account of this
jest the English were greatly ashamed, and although they were angry
at the occurrence, yet they praised the ingenious stratagem."
[167] This order was given at Apalit, January 27, 1763, and the four
churches mentioned were those of Malate, Ermita, Santiago, and San
Juan de Bagumbaya. The alcaldes and other officials were ordered to
fire any public buildings, churches, or convents, which might serve
as fortification to the enemy, immediately, if the village were
attacked. See Malo de Luque, v, pp. 281-284; alto Montero y Vidal,
ii, appendix, pp. 591-593, where it is published entire.
[168] Biñang, in Laguna.
[169] i.e., Drake, Smith, and Brook, the representatives of the East
India Company, who were left in charge after Draper and Cornish left.
[170] This is the "Manifesto juridico defensorio en respuesto de los
reparos hechos por el Padre Fray Antonio de las Huertas, de el Orden de
Predicadores, a un Memorial que en Real Consejo de las Indias presentó
el Padre Luis A. de Morales de la Compañia de Jesus, Procurador de
su Religion, por las Provincias de Filipinas. Escrivele el Padre
Pedro de Espinar de la Compañia de Jesus, Provincial General de su
Religion, por las Provincias de Indias [Madrid, ca., 1680]." Pedro
de Espinar died at Madrid, August 31, 1795. Luis de Morales was born
at Tordesillas, September 29, 1641, and entered the Society August
28, 1658. After going to Manila he acted as missionary at various
places, and in 1685 went to Europe as procurator. He was appointed
visitor of Mexico, and then provincial of the Philippine missions,
and finally rector of the Manila college, where he died, June 14,
1716. See Sommervogel's Bibliothèque.
[171] This last paragraph is evidently a note by Ventura del Arco.
[172] The British forces were greatly diminished through intemperance,
sexual excesses, the heat, and carelessness of diet. They asked aid
from Madras, which was about to be sent when the news of the peace
came. At that time the forces at Manila were reduced to eight hundred
men, and were already resolving on means of defense, and if need be,
capitulation. See Le Gentil, ii, pp. 265, 266.
[173] Le Gentil (ii, pp. 272, 273) records that Anda was made a
counsellor of Castile by the king as a recompense for his services. In
addition he also asked money from the friars for the service which
he had rendered them, but they refused to give him any, employing to
convey their refusal a lawyer of Manila, named Dr. Aranas.
[174] Fayette was offered the command of the government at Zamboanga
for the English; as was also a Spaniard named Luis Sandoval: but it
was refused by both (Mas, i, p. 137).
[175] The English took charge of Rojo's obsequies since the Spaniards
were too poor to do so, according him military honors on a magnificent
scale (Le Gentil, ii, p. 271).
[176] See synopsis of this letter, ante, pp. 142-143.
[177] See ante, pp. 136-137, note 80.
[178] Le Gentil (ii, p. 268, et seq.), who was influenced by his
friendship with Rojo's nephew, jests at Anda's pretensions to the
office of governor and captain-general and underrates his ability.
[179] During the sickness of the archbishop, the question arose
as to his successor in the government (an office really held by
Anda). Villacorta, who had joined Anda, and who had been left
in Bacolor by the latter who had gone to attend to camp matters,
claimed the office as senior auditor. Anda, hearing of the matter,
immediately returned to Bacolor. Villacorta passed the matter off as
mere conversation. But Anda investigating further, found that Galbán
and Viana claimed that Bishop Ustáriz should be governor, in accordance
with royal orders. Anda sought advice from various ecclesiastics, but
they all refused any direct answer except the Jesuit, Franciscan, and
Recollect provincials, who declared in Anda's favor. The discussion
was finally ended by the arrival of the new governor ad interim,
Francisco de la Torre. See Mas, i, pp. 188-191.
[180] On arriving at Bacolor, Anda speedily improvised a powder
factory and foundry, and assumed the offensive immediately. The powder
factory was directed by fathers Eugenio Garrido, parish priest of San
Miguel de Mayumo, and Agustín María Castro, O.S.A.; and the foundry,
by Father Facundo Acosta. See Montero y Vidal, ii, p. 39 and note.
[181] The original of this letter exists in Academia de la Historia,
Madrid, "Colección Mata Linares, tomo 97" (Montero y Vidal, ii,
p. 50, note).
[182] Shortly before leaving Manila the British lost a ship which
was burned at Cavite, forty-three men perishing (Sitio y conquista,
p. 130).
[183] This is probably the Mercure de France, which was founded by
Visé, in 1672, under the name of Mercure galant, and is the second
oldest paper of France. The name Mercure de France was adopted
by Lefevre in 1714. In 1788 a political part was added under the
title "Historical and political news." The publication of the sheet
was abandoned in 1799, resumed again for the years 1814-1823, and
definitely abandoned in 1825. A number of papers have adopted the name
Mercure in imitation of it. See Grand Dictionnaire (Paris), vol. xi.
[184] When Manila was surrendered, in order to receive the Augustinian
convent, it was necessary for the provincial to make a contract to pay
10,000 pesos, in case that the confiscation of its effects should be
considered as proper in the courts of Madrid and London. The British
court approved the operations of the English council, and by virtue
of their sentence, an Englishman went to Madrid to collect the 10,000
pesos. See Mas, i, p. 195, note.
[185] Upon the outbreak of the first insurrection in Pangasinan,
Anda wrote to the religious for aid in quelling it; and in order to
quiet the insurgents, promised them full pardon (Mas, i, pp. 148, 149).
[186] A communication from Drake to Silán, May 9, grants him the titles
of governor, alcalde, and sargento-mayor, of Ilocos. Montero y Vidal,
ii, p. 100.
[187] The title-page of this pamphlet (which is without date of
publication, or author) reads as follows: "A plain narrative of the
reduction of Manila and the Philippine Islands." This is listed in
the bibliography issued by the Library of Congress, Books of the
Philippine Islands (p. 124), under the joint authorship of Sir Samuel
Cornish and Sir William Draper, because the signatures of both are
appended to the several "Conditions" and "Proposals" inserted at the
end (which we publish elsewhere). It is probable, however, that the
latter alone is the author of the Plain narrative, as is evident
if it be read in conjunction with the following pamphlet, Colonel
Draper's answer, which is signed by the latter. From the internal
evidence furnished also by the latter pamphlet, we are inclined to
believe that the Plain narrative was published at London in 1764,
and prior to Colonel Draper's answer.
[188] The following items from various British magazines contemporary
with the siege show the considerable place taken in English politics
by the question of the ransom:
The Gentleman's Magazine for 1764 (vol. xxxiv, p. 544) says, under
date of November 15: "A categorical answer came over from the courts
of France and Spain, relative to the payment of the subsistance money
due for the prisoners of the former, and the ransom of the Manillas,
both which, according to this report, have been absolutely refused
by the said powers."
The London Chronicle for February 28-March 2, 1765 (vol. xvii,
no. 1279) says: "We hear the Spaniards want to deduct 1,230,000
piasters, or pieces of eight, out of the ransom of the Manillas,
for the damages and losses the inhabitants sustained on the 6th of
October 1762, when it was taken by storm by the English forces."
"London, Jan. 25. By letters from Madrid we are assured that Lord
Rochfort had, in consequence of orders from England, demanded the
final sentiments of the Catholic ministry, respecting the payment of
the Manilla ransom, in order to be transmitted home for the inspection
of the grand council of the nation; and it was current there, that
this long protracted affair would soon be amicably adjusted." (Scots
Magazine, 1766, p. 48.)
"London, May 20. They write from Madrid, that some dispatches,
just received from Manilla, in the East Indies, which the court had
impatiently expected, would possibly hasten the final payment of
the ransom-bills; and that Lord Rochfort appeared to be on very good
terms with the Catholic ministry." (Ut supra, p. 270.)
"London, Aug. 29. According to letters from Madrid, one reason alledged
for the non-payment of the Manilla ransom is the delay of the expected
flotas from New Spain, which has rendered the treasury very bare of
money." (Ut supra, p. 441.)
"Paragraph of a letter from Madrid. Our politicians are at a loss
to know what will be the result of the demand made by the English
ambassador, for the payment of the Manilla ransom. If the English
court are really in earnest, it is generally thought by those who
pretend to be conversant in court-affairs, that the Spanish court
would rather pay it, than venture another war with G. Britain. All I
can say in the matter is, that it should be immediately insisted on,
as, in all probability, this court will prevent the further progress
of trade between Manilla and the South seas, as they seem to think the
whole riches of the mines will be centered in China, with which this
court has no trade. This seems probable enough since the expulsion of
the Jesuits, as it was through their interests that trade has so long
subsisted; and what confirms it the more is, that the court will not
pay for the additional fortifications of that place (Manilla) since
it has been given up by the English. But if one may add his thoughts,
I believe two or three ships, properly authorised, to back the above
demand, would be more powerful intercessors." (Ut supra, 1767, p. 549.)
"London, Nov. 19. A letter from Madrid has this passage: 'Sir James
Gray, the British Minister, has already entered upon his negotiation,
of which the Manilla affair and the West-India commerce are the first
objects.'" (Ut supra, p. 605.)
[189] If this Ship was not admitted in the Capitulation by any
Accident of Non Compliance with the Terms of the Vice Roy's Letter
in that Case, we agreed to take his Bills on the King of Spain,
he assuring us they would be duly paid. (Note by Draper.)
[190] The damage sustained by the Inhabitants before the plundering
could be stopped, was estimated and deducted from the Ransom. (Note
by Draper.)
[191] A Spanish Galleon sailing from the Havannah a Month before
the Arrival of Sir George Pocock and Lord Albemarle to attack that
Place, and taken in her Passage to Cadiz by two English Cruizers
off the Canary or Western Islands, might with the same Degree of
Equity be claimed by the Spaniards under their Capitulation for the
Havannah. (Note by Draper.)
[192] See ante, pp. 71, 72, note 28.
[193] This is reprinted in vol. ii of The Field of Mars (London,
1781). See Bibliography of Philippines (Washington, 1903), p. 124.
[194] The full title of this book is as follows: "Colonel Draper's
answer to the Spanish arguments, claiming the galeon, and refusing
payment of the ransom bills, for preserving Manila from Pillage
and destruction: in a letter addressed to the earl of Halifax,
his Majesty's principal secretary of state for the southern
department. London: printed for J. Dodsley, in Pall-mall. MDCCLXIV."
Scots Magazine for 1764, pp. 455, 456, comments as follows on the
money received by the English from the conquest of Manila:
Three distributions have been made of the money hitherto received
on account of the capture of Manila. The first consisted of 526,306
Spanish dollars collected in specie, jewels, gold and silver plate,
and merchandise, received in part of the four millions of dollars to
be paid agreeable to the capitulation, including the plunder taken
from the seamen and soldiers after the conquest, amounting to 496,000
dollars. The second arose from the balance of the first account,
and the amount of sundry naval, victualling and ordnance stores,
confiscated and secreted effects, amounting to 92,561 dollars and a
fraction. The third arose from the sale of vessels, merchandise, naval
and victualling stores, and confiscated effects, sold at Manila and
Fort St. George, amounting to 43,280 pagodas and a fraction. Of each of
these the East-India company received one third. Distribution has also
been made of the effects saved out of the Spanish galley attacked and
destroyed by three of the boats of the squadron in the bay of Manila,
amounting to 13,319 dollars and a fraction. The total distribution
to each class, being cast into Sterling money, comes out thus:
Between the Admiral, General, and
Commodore, 1/8th £.14120 12 9
To the Captains of the navy, and Field-officers
of the army, 2/8th, each 1539 0 8 1/2
To the Lieutenants and Masters of the navy, and
Captains of the army, 1/8th, each 165 4 8
To the warrant-officers of the navy, and
subalterns of the army, 1/8th, each 80 0 5 1/2
To the petty officers of the navy, and non-comm.
officers of the army, 1/8th, each 30 0 1
To the seamen and soldiers, 2/8ths, each 6 0 3
[195] i.e., The renown of the deed is enough for me.