I confess to being the least and most useless of your vassals, but

in fidelity, zeal, and disinterestedness to your Majesty's service,

I do not yield to the highest. Consequently, so far as it concerns

me, I would have kept quiet about the ugly stigma of traitor, simply

in order not to reveal the omissions of a prelate, recognizing its

nullity because of the defects of jurisdiction in this one and in the

English; and that I cannot be a rebel to your Majesty when defending

your states, nor to the English since I am not nor have any desire of

being an English vassal. Hence said sentence well understood becomes

a new proof of my nobility and loyalty. It is a shame to the truth

of the nation that it has had a vassal of so extraordinary thought,

and that he could take example from the very enemy. For although it

is true that these followed the rules, because of their utility and

convenience in this matter, of the reverend archbishop, notwithstanding

that they gave me the title of general and commander-in-chief of the

troops of your Majesty in the provinces, and finally recognized me as

your Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. However, the reverend

archbishop, although your vassal, and so honored, passed to the other

life, without doing it. It is a fact that the English declared me a

rebel and traitor; confiscated and sold my property as such; declared

your troops in public edicts to be canaille and robbers; and your

artillery captured in the foundry of Bulacan for more contempt, was

placed under the gallows of this city. Barbarous and unheard of are

these acts of disrespect against the supreme honor of your Majesty,

to whom it alone belongs to ask for the fitting satisfaction, and

to me to report it. But surely the English would not have incurred

them, had the reverend archbishop borne himself as he ought to have

done as a prisoner and had he not treated me as an insurgent. But

since the reverend archbishop and his partisans and many traitors of

both estates whom your Majesty has had, forced the title of rebel

and insurgent against me; and although I was unworthy, I was the

only one in whom your royal name was conserved which since it was

becoming utterly despised in these islands, it appeared absolutely

necessary to me, because of the vassalage which I owe to your Majesty,

to defend your name, although opposed by so many dangers to my life,

surrounded by traitors and assassins, who came from Manila to attack

my person, which without a soldier or the slightest war equipment,

during the first six months it was conserved, I believe, by divine

Providence alone for defending a cause so just as the side of your

Majesty. [180] On the day when they captured the fort, the enemy had

more friends in it than your Majesty, but much of it was in imitation

of a prelate who had just been governor, whose persuasions and threats

were alone directed to surrendering everything to the English.

Even if I had understood the law badly, and I had no right by it to be

the governing Audiencia, it was sufficient to have hoisted your royal

standard, so that every loyal vassal might follow it, and with greater

reason, those of character, distinguished and honored by your Majesty.

I received a letter from the governor of Zamboanga, Don Ygnacio

Andrade, which an English captain left him for the reverend archbishop,

written in the port of San Jorge, June 7, 1762, and signed by Jorge

Pigot, Governor of Madrast. By its expressions one can see the close

and previous correspondence which the reverend archbishop had with

the English. It must be noted that the said captain, Darrimple [i.e.,

Dalrymple] whom it cites later as having sounded all these islands,

of which repeated advices were given to the reverend archbishop,

came to cast anchor in this bay, in the year 61, without allowing

aboard his vessel the guard which the fort sent to him. And instead

of securing him, he showed him many courtesies. That captain dined

at the palace, examined all the walls, its strength, the beach, even

the powder factory, sounded the entire bay, and information having

been given to the fort of this innovation, by a sentinel, yet he was

allowed to go out freely when he pleased. For those special favors,

the said governor of Madrás gives him [i.e., the archbishop] many

thanks, and although it is not expressed in the letters, the head of

the staff which he sends him. The said governor of Zamboanga sent it

as a gift from the English to the reverend archbishop, who did not

care to have his name mixed up in a matter so delicate.

Lastly, I add for the more complete conviction of your reverend

archbishop, the fact that he refused to send the seal to this your

royal Audiencia, which existed as long as it cared in the barrio of

Santa Cruz; and that rice growers lived outside the walls of this

city, where trade and commerce with the provinces was both free and

continuous, and whence I got the one hundred thousand pesos of said

effects, and most of the war supplies which were the greatest danger,

but not the royal seal.

May God preserve the Catholic royal person of your Majesty for the

protection of these fields of Christendom. Manila, July 23, 764. [181]

Don Simon de Anda y Salazar

LETTER FROM VELA TO GONZALEZ

My brother, Antonio Gonzalez:

The letter which you wrote from Madrid arrived together with that

of this place, but no other has arrived. By the same boat also came

[news of] the peace, whereupon the English again delivered the place

to our governor. [182] It was almost bare of cannon, as the English

had taken them. For eighteen months were we under the rule of the

heretic, with sufferings greater than can be imagined there. They

acted toward us worse than do the victorious Turks toward those whom

they conquer. However, Manila well deserved it, not indeed, because of

its total lack of all Christian procedure, but singularly because of

its cursed neglect of politics, as if the whole world had to respect

and fear us because of our boasting that we are Spaniards.

Manila is a place, which, by its fortification, by its swampy site,

by its location surrounded by a river larger than the Tajo at Toledo,

and by a low sea, and because the only time at which it can be attacked

is at the time of the fierce winds and heavy and almost continuous

rains--it is, I say--for all these reasons, almost invincible, with

less than a medium defense of true militia. For no power can place

here fifteen or twenty thousand well drilled men. All that would be

necessary, in order to oppose a moderate defense by one thousand or

one thousand five hundred well-drilled men, established in Manila,

and aided by the inhabitants and volunteer Indians. But on the

present occasion, when the sole sinews of the English were about one

thousand five hundred Europeans, and the rest [of their men] about five

thousand, whom they said were ragamuffins from Asia, with the carriages

and horses of Manila driven along its beach, the English could not

have effected a landing. But our archiepiscopal government, counseled

by worthless hearts and by traitors, allowed the English to disembark

without opposition. The fifteen ships cannonaded to no purpose; and

because a cannon caused the greatest ship to retire, order was given

not to fire from the fort without orders, and that it was to be used

for the attack by land. Some commanded, others countermanded, because

they asserted that they would anger the English more. A reënforcement

of drilled Indians came, but they were not allowed to make a sally,

for the archbishop-governor said that it was better to seize the enemy

without grievously vexing him. In a sally, the Indians reached quite

to the artillery abandoned by the English. The enemy rallied, and the

Indians not having any disciplined reënforcement, fell back. Four days

of heavy rains, and boisterous winds, which God sent, and by which

one ship was driven ashore, and the others endeavored only to look

out for themselves, gained nothing for the obstruction of the English,

neither toward the sea, nor toward [land]. Their powder was used up,

and they dead with hunger and with cold, could not resist. It was

thus that the traitors arranged it with the worthy archbishop, who

would listen to no one but to those who had the boldness to introduce

English officers who had been invited to dine, into Manila. There

it was agreed that the assault was to be made October 5, and that

all would be defenseless and open. So it happened. At seven or eight

o'clock, it was ordered that the garrison of the attacked bastion and

of its lateral, should retire to breakfast. Some loyal men refused,

as they were fearful of the outcome. Thereupon, the English attacked

the bastion, which did not even have any breach, but some holes

which [occur] in the soft stone of this region. And climbing from

hole to hole, and those from below aiding those who were climbing,

they mounted the bastion. The lateral, although it did not have more

than three men, fired a cannon contrary to orders, and others also

captured the highest officer of the attack. It was enough to make all

the rest of the English retire; but encouraged by seeing their men

in the attacked bastion, and that the lateral was now firing no more,

for the three alone could not manage their cannons, the crowd mounted

the bastion, and then a traitor guided them. There was no reserve in

the fort for such a blow. They reached the square of the palace, where

only the Indians resisted them. But they yielded to the instances of

some Spaniards who saw that resistance was already dangerous. The

archbishop-governor left the citadel where he could have defended

himself very easily: and he could even have easily recovered the

fort and chapter house; but neither one nor the others did that. The

citadel was to be surrendered, as well as Cavite, but our ship which

was coming was to be left alone, if they had not already captured it

before the fifth of October. A few days after, all the islands were

likewise to be delivered up, and four millions [of pesos].

Auditor Anda departed one day before with authority from the governor

and Audiencia, to maintain royal jurisdiction in the islands. He did

so as by a miracle, having retired to Pampanga. The English wished

to first conquer Pasig, which was guarded by Indians. They attained

their end after a short bombardment, and opened a passage to the

provisions of Laguna. They thought it best also to go to Pampanga

to destroy Señor Anda, but having been attacked about one legua or

so from Manila by Señor Anda's men, they were completely routed,

and left many slain. The survivors fled to Manila as best they could,

notwithstanding that a third part of our men, deceived by the traitors

of Manila, did not attack, contrary to the order of Señor Anda. The

English and their allies, our traitors, seeing that it was difficult

by force, devoted their energies to trickery. First, they tried to

induce the Chinese to kill Señor Anda, as he was now cried by heralds

as a traitor to the king and a reward of two or four thousand pesos

promised to whomever should kill and deliver him up. The Chinese had

agreed upon the fitting night to kill him and all the Spaniards of his

faction. A few days before, having some suspicion, he seized a letter

from a Chinese written in Chinese characters to another Chinese of

Manila. He summoned a Chinese mestizo to interpret it. But either for

malice or through ignorance, the latter said whatever came into his

head. Thereupon, he made use of a Dominican Chinese, who declared the

treason of the letter. Days before the arrival of this declaration,

everything was already known, because a Chinese fired a blunderbuss at

Señor Anda which only damaged his coat. Thereupon, he seized as many

Chinese as he could with his small troop of Spaniards and Indians, and

after taking their depositions had them hanged. There were more than

two hundred [of them]. Many others who escaped informed the English

and Chinese of Manila, and the latter petitioned the English to kill

all the Spaniards of Manila, while they would do the same with those

outside, without excepting the ecclesiastics. The English would not

consent, but determined to attack Pampanga, encouraged more by the

treason of the Indians of Laguna who treacherously killed their alcalde

and other Spaniards, and set another ambush for those who escaped on

the following day, though the latter also escaped that. The cause for

this attempt was that the alcalde punished the captain of a village

because he had invited all the province to welcome the English with

a hundred maidens so that they might have their aid in killing all

the Spaniards. The hardships that the Spaniards, who fled from the

English, suffered in all the villages of Laguna, are unspeakable.

With these results the English were emboldened to besiege Bulacan, in

order to open a road to Pampanga. Aided by the Sangleys, and much more

by the Spanish traitors of Manila, who gave them the method of being

able to attain it, and secretly perverted many chiefs of the village,

the English set out on the roads shown them by the traitors. Although

it cost them many people, they seized the church, for the Spaniards

ran short of powder, as the Indians, induced by the Spaniards of

Manila, had hidden it. But the loyal Spaniards of Bulacan, by means

of stratagem and trickery, held the English besieged in the same

church. Three times did the latter receive reënforcements of supplies

and men from Manila, but they were never able to pass. Finally, those

who were left returned to Manila with great loss. And not even one

would have returned had it not been that continually, because of the

treachery of the Indians, they found the few Spaniards without powder.

The English tried, finally, to drive out the rest, so that they could

seize the silver of our ship, and attacked our advance troop with

great secrecy. They reached the troop at dawn. The fire was heavy, and

caused the English to retire completely routed; and had we not lacked

carriages to our cannons, not a single Englishman would have returned

to Manila, where they arrived scattered, and with many of the chief

officers wounded. Our killed did not reach the number of ten, while

theirs, counting the Chinese, exceeded one thousand. Next night they

endeavored to prevent our troops from taking the bells of Quiapo for

cannons, and without succeeding against only fifteen Spaniards, they

lost more than fifty English and more than two hundred Chinese. They

attempted to enter Pampanga by sea with one ship and small boats,

but they left many dead on the beach and some of their boats, while

the ship and those who could get back to it fled to Cavite. In fine,

we have found them cowardly; and had they not been aided by traitors

and Chinese they would not have captured Manila, nor after capturing

it could they have retained it two months. The losses which have been

incurred because of them exceed four millions. Father Joaquin Mezquida

and Father Patricio del Barrio are going [to Spain] as procurators,

and they can tell much, although not all.

Father Mezquida is taking one hundred pesos so that my brother,

your uncle, Manuel, may divide them equally among your mother, my

sister Ana, my brother Lucas, and my sister Juana; the children also

of my brother Joseph sharing equally--not each one a part, but one

part among them all. I do not know whether this will reach the ship,

and I am making the greatest efforts in writing, for I am secretary

to the provincial Pazuengos whom you knew there.

My brother will tell my brother Manuel that I wrote him quite at length

by the ship captured by the English, thanking him for the aid which

he extended to Ana's two children; and that in regard to the other

matter between him and his wife, it is better for him to do it alone,

and it will be better for his nephews, and that he should forget

the wrongs that come to his mind. Tell him also to send me by Father

Patricio two pairs of gray worsted stockings because my legs get cold,

some pairs of scissors of good temper, and some boxwood combs. I tell

you this in case I can not write it to him. And since my [brother]

lives in Madrid, let him get from the fathers the Mercurios [183]

and interesting papers that are published and send them to me. Little

by little, my brother can get many of them, for after some months,

people do not care for them, and do not object to giving them.

Tell your mother, when you see her, to pray God for me often, and that

I hope that my desires of seeing her in heaven soon will be answered,

for now my health is not what it was before. Manila, July 24, 1764. My

brother's humble servant,

Baltasar Vela (rubric)

[Addressed: "To Brother Antonio Gonzalez, of the Society of Jesus,

and if he be dead, to his superior. Madrid."]

SYNOPSIS OF COMMUNICATIONS BY ANDA TO CARLOS III

Substantial extract of the result and purpose of forty-six

representations made to his Majesty by Don Simon de Anda Salazar,

informing him of what he has done as Audiencia, governor, and

captain-general of Filipinas during all the time that the English

occupied the city of Manila and its port of Cavite, under terms of

the capitulation which was made between the English general and the

reverend archbishop who was governing those islands at that time.

All the representations are dated June and July, of last year

1764. Among them some relate that the archbishop-governor and the

other auditors of that Audiencia having been made prisoners of war

in Manila, Don Simon not having been included among them because of

being in the village of Bulacan at that time, attending to the general

inspection of all the provinces of the district of that Audiencia,

in accordance with the order and prescription of law clxxx of título

xv, book ii of the laws of the Yndias, by which it is ordered that if

the auditors of the Audiencia are absent and only one of them remain,

the Audiencia is to be conserved and continued in him as said governor

and captain-general, in accordance with other determining laws.

Under this character, he proceeded immediately to enact measures

according as his spirit dictated to him, both for the military,

and in order to restrict the English to the vicinity of Manila,

causing himself to be obeyed, assembling troops, furnishing arms,

getting ammunition, and doing in this line whatever he could, the most

experienced and practical general making sallies, holding functions,

remaining glorious in his expeditions, and the enemy conquered and

intimidated.

In regard to what concerns the representation of the Audiencia, he

exercised all the jurisdiction which belonged to it, administering

justice to the parties at law, punishing criminals, and fulminating

causes against those under suspicion of disloyalty.

As governor he attended to all economic matters. In order that

provisions might not fail, or be sold at a dearer price than they

had before the siege of Manila in those provinces, for that purpose

he made regulations, published edicts, imposing severe penalties

on those who transgressed them. By this method he obtained the end

which he desired. He also succeeded in getting the royal official

treasurer who had removed the treasury from Manila as soon as the

squadron of the enemy entered that bay, to transfer it from the

province of Laguna to that of Bulacan, where the above-mentioned

Don Simon was stationed in order that he might have some means to

meet the needs that might arise. He forbade anyone to dare to go

to the city of Manila, or under any pretext, to carry food, or arms

[thither]. Neither was permission given to give entrance, lodging,

aid, or help to the English. Those vassals obeyed that as well as the

calced religious of St. Augustine, who had the province of Bulacan

in charge. The Augustinians attended the several meetings which he

called, all of them showing love and zeal for the service of their

king and sovereign, and a blind obedience to Don Simon de Anda, whom

they recognized as Audiencia, governor, and captain-general. They

succeeded in preventing the blotting out of the name of his Majesty

from those provinces, and observed a steadfast obedience to him. [184]

There result also the various measures which he enacted in order to

assure the patache "Filipino" and its wealth, which came from Acapulco

and had arrived at the province of Leite, and which was thought to be

exposed to surprise and capture by the enemy. Those attempts succeeded

so happily that they were landed and taken overland to the province

of Pampanga.

The treasure carried by said patache belonging to his Majesty, the

ecclesiastical estate, and the trade of those islands, reached the sum

of two million two hundred and fifty-three thousand one hundred and

eleven pesos. To that sum was added fifty-six thousand pesos which

were collected from various private persons, in obedience to the

order despatched for that purpose. And with previous proof that they,

the interested persons, were faithful vassals, and by virtue of the

reports of two arbitrators of the commerce, he delivered them some sums

so that they could support themselves. He also caused the wine casks,

chests, and other articles of volume, which the said patache carried to

be kept until he placed all in safety with the exception of the cargo

of a champan which was lost in the province of Batangas. Among those

effects was the stamped [i.e., official] paper. As soon as Manila

was surrendered and the English dislodged, Don Simon placed in the

hands of his successor, Don Francisco de la Torre, the testimony of

the acts which he had drawn up in this particular for its convoy,

and asserts that from the saving of the wealth of said patache has

resulted the conservation of the islands, and that the English did

not leave them completely desolate, since without this aid, the

subsistence of the state would have been impossible.

He also gives information that the English declared him a rebel

and offered a reward for his head, having made two embassies to him

through Father Bernardo Pazuengos, provincial of the Society of Jesus,

and Fray Pedro Luis de Sierra, of the Order of Preachers. The first

one having gone without any credentials or authorization, but only

as referring to the British governor, and having refused to make a

deposition before a notary who might attest it, saying that he was

to treat alone and in secret with Don Simon in regard to the matter

for which he went, therefore audience was refused him, and he was

despatched with a warning.

At the second embassy, inasmuch as letters were taken from the

archbishop and from the auditor Don Francisco Enrriquez de Villacorta

and from the above-mentioned father provincial in which they intimated

to him that they would admit means of peace, in order to free the said

auditor from the sentence of death, passed upon him by the council of

war of the British nation, because some letters which he had written

had been intercepted, he would not consent to it, and despatched

the religious and ordered edicts to be published in opposition to

theirs, offering ten thousand pesos to whomever would deliver alive

or dead each one who had signed the edict [against him]. Finally,

there was a suspension of hostilities until the evacuation of the

fort. During this interim, the province of Ylocos revolted and

rendered homage to the king of Gran Bretaña. At its head was Diego

Silan, a Pangasinan Indian, a plebeian, who, according to public

report, had been a coachman in Manila. He succeeded in getting the

English to appoint him alcalde-mayor for life of that jurisdiction,

and he accomplished many atrocities and acts of sacrilege. They

seized the alcalde-mayor and his family; took possession of the arms

and effects belonging to his Majesty; and the recognition of paying

him tribute and of assisting with the polos and personal services;

obliged the reverend bishop, Don Fray Bernardo Ustariz, to retire and

take to flight, because he tried to reduce them to reason; committed

many thefts and extortions in the estates; and burned many houses,

proceeding with inhuman cruelty. An expedition was made against them,

in which they were almost defeated, but since the loyal people of

Ylocos were cowardly, and as they were not accustomed to fight, the

tyrant was allowed to reform his forces and to continue with greater

violence to further his prowess and to increase his troops.

Having been informed of such fatal occurrences, and treating for

the common relief, he gave commission to said bishop and to the

vicar-provincial of that province to pacify it. He communicated to them

all his own powers, and wrote various letters to the villages which

remained loyal, exhorting them to continue so. But not having been

able to obtain any results by this method, he drew up a cause, and

gave it in review to the fiscal. The latter petitioned that the most

severe punishments be meted out to Diego Silang and the insurgents. As

a result he ordered that a peremptory order of imprisonment and an

edict of citation be issued, entrusting the measure of its publication

to Fray Francisco Antonio Maldonado, an Augustinian religious,

and promising a reward to whomever would communicate it to Diego

Silang, and a greater one if he should obtain his reply. Don Diego

Aldais, a Spanish mestizo, moved by his good zeal, determined to do

this. He passing through the village of Santa Lucia, was seized by the

partisans of the traitor and his letters intercepted. They deprived

the religious ministers of the right to communicate [with one another]

and imprisoned their diocesan prelate. By various letters which he

received, he discovered the alliance which the Ilocans had made with

the Pangasinans, [185] Sangleys, and the English enemy, to whom the

province had been delivered, the go-between in so execrable an outrage

being Don Santiago Orendain, as was proved also by a rough draft

of another letter which he made and sent to Diego Silang, which was

intercepted in his state by Don Manuel Alvarez and presented to him

[i.e., to Anda].

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898; Volume 49 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 15 / 23 段