CHAPTER LXI.

BATTLE OF THE COWPENS.--BATTLE OF GUILFORD COURT-HOUSE.

The stress of war, as Washington apprehended, was at present shifted

to the South. In a former chapter we left General Greene, in the

latter part of December, posted with one division of his army on the

east side of the Pedee River in North Carolina, having detached

General Morgan with the other division, one thousand strong, to take

post near the confluence of the Pacolet and Broad Rivers in South

Carolina.

Cornwallis lay encamped about seventy miles to the southwest of

Greene, at Winnsborough, in Fairfield district. General Leslie had

recently arrived at Charleston from Virginia, and was advancing to

reinforce him with fifteen hundred men. This would give Cornwallis

such a superiority of force, that he prepared for a second invasion of

North Carolina. His plan was to leave Lord Rawdon at the central post

of Camden with a considerable body of troops to keep all quiet, while

his lordship by rapid marches would throw himself between Greene and

Virginia, cut him off from all reinforcements in that quarter, and

oblige him either to make battle with his present force, or retreat

precipitately from North Carolina. By recent information, he learnt

that Morgan had passed both the Catawba and Broad Rivers, and was

about seventy miles to the northwest of him, on his way to the

district of Ninety-Six. As he might prove extremely formidable if left

in his rear, Tarleton was sent in quest of him, with about three

hundred and fifty of his famous cavalry, a corps of legion and light

infantry, and a number of the royal artillery with two field-pieces;

about eleven hundred choice troops in all.

Cornwallis moved with his main force on the 12th of December, in a

northwest direction between the Broad River and the Catawba, leading

toward the back country. This was for the purpose of crossing the

great rivers at their fords near their sources; for they are fed by

innumerable petty streams which drain the mountains, and are apt in

the winter time, when storms of rain prevail, to swell and become

impassable below their forks. He took this route also, to cut off

Morgan's retreat, or prevent his junction with Greene, should

Tarleton's expedition fail of its object.

Tarleton, after several days' hard marching, came upon the traces of

Morgan, who was posted on the north bank of the Pacolet, to guard the

passes of that river. He sent word to Cornwallis of his intention to

force a passage across the river, and compel Morgan either to fight or

retreat, and suggested that his lordship should proceed up the eastern

bank of Broad River, so as to be at hand to co-operate. His lordship,

in consequence, took up a position at Turkey Creek, on Broad River.

Morgan had been recruited by North Carolina and Georgia militia, so

that his force was nearly equal in number to that of Tarleton, but, in

point of cavalry and discipline, vastly inferior. Cornwallis, too, was

on his left, and might get in his rear; checking his impulse,

therefore, to dispute the passage of the Pacolet, he crossed that

stream and retreated towards the upper fords of Broad River. Tarleton

reached the Pacolet on the evening of the 15th, and pressed on in

pursuit. At ten o'clock at night he reached an encampment which Morgan

had abandoned a few hours previously, apparently in great haste, for

the camp fires were still smoking, and provisions had been left behind

half-cooked. Eager to come upon his enemy while in the confusion of a

hurried flight, Tarleton allowed his exhausted troops but a brief

repose, and, leaving his baggage under a guard, resumed his dogged

march about two o'clock in the night. A little before daylight of the

17th, he captured two videttes, from whom he learnt, to his surprise,

that Morgan, instead of a headlong retreat, had taken a night's

repose, and was actually preparing to give him battle.

Morgan, in fact, had been urged by his officers to retreat across

Broad River, which was near by, and make for the mountainous country;

but, closely pressed as he was, he feared to be overtaken while

fording the river, and while his troops were fatigued and in

confusion; beside, being now nearly equal in number to the enemy,

military pride would not suffer him to avoid a combat. The place where

he came to halt was known in the early grants by the name of Hannah's

Cowpens, being part of a grazing establishment of a man named Hannah.

It was in an open wood, favorable to the action of cavalry. There were

two eminences of unequal height, and separated from each other by an

interval about eighty yards wide. To the first eminence, which was the

highest, there was an easy ascent of about three hundred yards. On

these heights Morgan had posted himself.

In arranging his troops for action, he drew out his infantry in two

lines. The first was composed of the North and South Carolina militia,

under Colonel Pickens, having an advanced corps of North Carolina and

Georgia volunteer riflemen. This line, on which he had the least

dependence, was charged to wait until the enemy were within dead shot;

then to take good aim, fire two volleys and fall back. The second

line, drawn up a moderate distance in the rear of the first, and near

the brow of the main eminence, was composed of Colonel Howard's light

infantry and the Virginia riflemen; all Continental troops. They were

informed of the orders which had been given to the first line, lest

they should mistake their falling back for a retreat. Colonel Howard

had the command of this line, on which the greatest reliance was

placed. About a hundred and fifty yards in the rear of the second

line, and on the slope of the lesser eminence, was Colonel

Washington's troop of cavalry, about eighty strong; with about fifty

mounted Carolinian volunteers, under Major McCall, armed with sabres

and pistols.

It was about eight o'clock in the morning (Jan. 17th), when Tarleton

came up. The position of the Americans seemed to him to give great

advantage to his cavalry, and he made hasty preparation for immediate

attack, anticipating an easy victory. Part of his infantry he formed

into a line, with dragoons on each flank. The rest of the infantry and

cavalry were to be a reserve, and to wait for orders. Impetuous at all

times, he did not even wait until the reserve could be placed, but led

on his first line, which rushed shouting to the attack. The North

Carolina and Georgia riflemen in the advance, delivered their fire

with effect, and fell back to the flanks of Picken's militia. These,

as they had been instructed, waited until the enemy were within fifty

yards, and then made a destructive volley, but soon gave way before

the push of the bayonet. The British infantry pressed up to the second

line, while forty of their cavalry attacked it on the right, seeking

to turn its flank. Colonel Howard seeing himself in danger of being

outflanked, endeavored to change his front to the right. His orders

were misunderstood, and his troops were falling into confusion, when

Morgan rode up and ordered them to retreat over the hill, where

Colonel Washington's cavalry were hurried forward for their

protection.

The British, seeing the troops retiring over the hill, rushed forward

irregularly in pursuit of what they deemed a routed foe. To their

astonishment they were met by Colonel Washington's dragoons, who

spurred on them impetuously, while Howard's infantry, facing about,

gave them an effective volley of musketry, and then charged with the

bayonet. The enemy now fell into complete confusion. Some few

artillerymen attempted to defend their guns, but were cut down or

taken prisoners, and the cannon and colors captured. A panic seized

upon the British troops. Tarleton endeavored to bring his legion

cavalry into action to retrieve the day. They had stood aloof as a

reserve, and now, infected by the panic, turned their backs upon their

commander, and galloped off through the woods, riding over the flying

infantry. Fourteen of his officers, however, and forty of his

dragoons, remained true to him; with these he attempted to withstand

the attack of Washington's cavalry, and a fierce melée took place; but

on the approach of Howard's infantry, Tarleton gave up all for lost,

and spurred off with his few but faithful adherents, trusting to the

speed of their horses for safety.

The loss of the British in this action was ten officers and above one

hundred men killed, two hundred wounded, and between five and six

hundred rank and file made prisoners; while the Americans had but

twelve men killed and sixty wounded. The spoils taken by Morgan,

according to his own account, were two field-pieces, two standards,

eight hundred muskets, one traveling forge, thirty-five wagons,

seventy negroes, upwards of one hundred dragoon-horses, and all the

music. The enemy, however, had destroyed most of their baggage, which

was immense.

Morgan did not linger on the field of battle. Leaving Colonel Pickens

with a body of militia under the protection of a flag, to bury the

dead and provide for the wounded of both armies, he set out the same

day about noon with his prisoners and spoils. Lord Cornwallis, with

his main force, was at Turkey Creek, only twenty-five miles distant,

and must soon hear of the late battle. His object was to get to the

Catawba before he could be intercepted by his lordship, who lay nearer

than he did to the fords of that river. Before nightfall he crossed

Broad river at the Cherokee ford, and halted for a few hours on its

northern bank. Before daylight of the 18th he was again on the march.

Colonel Washington, who had been in pursuit of the enemy, rejoined him

in the course of the day, as also did Colonel Pickens, who had left

such of the wounded as could not be moved, under the protection of the

flag of truce.

Cornwallis, on the eventful day of the 17th, was at his camp on Turkey

Creek, confidently waiting for tidings from Tarleton of a new triumph,

when, towards evening, some of his routed dragoons came straggling

into camp, haggard and forlorn, to tell the tale of his defeat. It was

a thunder-stroke. Tarleton defeated! and by the rude soldier he had

been so sure of entrapping! It seemed incredible. It was confirmed,

however, the next morning, by the arrival of Tarleton himself,

discomfited and crest-fallen. In his account of the recent battle, he

represented the force under Morgan to be two thousand. This

exaggerated estimate, together with the idea that the militia would

now be out in great force, rendered his lordship cautious. He remained

a day or two at Turkey Creek to collect the scattered remains of

Tarleton's forces, and to await the arrival of General Leslie.

On the 19th, having been rejoined by Leslie, his lordship moved

towards King's Creek, and thence in the direction of King's Mountain,

until informed of Morgan's retreat toward the Catawba. Cornwallis now

altered his course in that direction, and, trusting that Morgan,

encumbered, as he supposed him to be, by prisoners and spoils, might

be overtaken before he could cross that river, detached a part of his

force, without baggage, in pursuit of him, while he followed on with

the remainder.

Nothing, say the British chroniclers, could exceed the exertions of

the detachment; but Morgan succeeded in reaching the Catawba and

crossing it in the evening, just two hours before those in pursuit of

him arrived on its banks. A heavy rain came on and fell all night, and

by daybreak the river was so swollen as to be impassable. It continued

for several days, and gave Morgan time to send off his prisoners who

had crossed several miles above, and to call out the militia of

Mecklenburg and Rowan Counties to guard the fords of the river.

Lord Cornwallis had moved slowly with his main body. He was encumbered

by an immense train of baggage; the roads were through deep red clay,

and the country was cut up by streams and morasses. It was not until

the 25th that he assembled his whole force at Ramsour's Mills, on the

Little Catawba, as the south fork of that river is called, and learnt

that Morgan had crossed the main stream. Now he felt the loss he had

sustained in the late defeat of Tarleton, of a great part of his light

troops. In this crippled condition, he determined to relieve his army

of everything that could impede rapid movement in his future

operations. Two days, therefore, were spent by him at Ramsour's Mills,

in destroying all such baggage and stores as could possibly be spared.

General Greene was gladdened by a letter from Morgan, written shortly

after his defeat of Tarleton, and transmitted the news to Washington

with his own generous comments. He had recently received intelligence

of the landing of troops at Wilmington, from a British squadron,

supposed to be a force under Arnold, destined to push up Cape Fear

River, and co-operate with Cornwallis; he had to prepare, therefore,

not only to succor Morgan, but to prevent this co-operation. He

accordingly detached General Stevens with his Virginia militia (whose

term of service was nearly expired) to take charge of Morgan's

prisoners, and conduct them to Charlottesville in Virginia. At the

same time he wrote to the governors of North Carolina and Virginia for

all the aid they could furnish; to Steuben to hasten forward his

recruits, and to Shelby, Campbell and others to take arms once more

and rival their achievements at King's Mountain.

This done, he left General Huger in command of the division on the

Pedee, with orders to hasten on by forced marches to Salisbury, to

join the other division; in the meantime he set off on horseback for

Morgan's camp, attended merely by a guide, an aide-de-camp, and a

sergeant's guard of dragoons. His object was to aid Morgan in

assembling militia and checking the enemy until the junction of his

forces could be effected. It was a hard ride of upwards of a hundred

miles through a rough country. On the last day of January he reached

Morgan's camp at Sherrard's ford on the east side of the Catawba. The

British army lay on the opposite side of the river, but a few miles

distant from it, and appeared to be making preparations to force a

passage across, as it was subsiding, and would soon be fordable.

Greene supposed Cornwallis had in view a junction with Arnold at Cape

Fear; he wrote, therefore, to General Huger to hurry on, so that with

their united forces they could give his lordship a defeat before he

could effect the junction.

More correct information relieved him from the apprehension of a

co-operation of Arnold and Cornwallis. The British troops which had

landed at Wilmington, were merely a small detachment sent from

Charleston to establish a military depot for the use of Cornwallis in

his southern campaign. They had taken possession of Wilmington without

opposition. Greene now changed his plans. He was aware of the

ill-provided state of the British army, from the voluntary destruction

of their wagons, tents and baggage. His plan now was to tempt the

enemy continually with the prospect of a battle, but continually to

elude one; to harass them by a long pursuit, draw them higher into the

country, and gain time for the division advancing under Huger to join

him. It was the Fabian policy that he had learnt under Washington, of

whom he prided himself on being a disciple.

As the subsiding of the Catawba would enable Cornwallis to cross,

Greene ordered Morgan to move off silently with his division on the

evening of the 31st, and to press his march all night, so as to gain a

good start in advance, while he (Greene) would remain to bring on the

militia, who were employed to check the enemy. These militia,

assembled from the neighboring counties, did not exceed five hundred.

Two hundred of them were distributed at different fords: the remaining

three hundred, forming a corps of mounted riflemen under General

Davidson, were to watch the movements of the enemy, and attack him

wherever he should make his main attempt to cross. When the enemy

should have actually crossed, the different bodies of militia were to

make the best of their way to a rendezvous, sixteen miles distant, on

the road to Salisbury. While these dispositions were being made by the

American commander, Cornwallis was preparing to cross the river. The

night of the 31st was chosen for the attempt. To divert the attention

of the Americans, he detached Colonels Webster and Tarleton with a

part of the army to a public ford called Beattie's ford, where he

supposed Davidson to be stationed. There they were to make a feint of

forcing a passage. The main attempt, however, was to be made six miles

lower down, where little, if any, opposition was anticipated.

Cornwallis set out with the main body of his army at one o'clock in

the morning. The night was dark and rainy. It was near daybreak by the

time the head of the column reached the ford. To their surprise, they

beheld numerous camp fires on the opposite bank. Word was hastily

carried to Cornwallis that the ford was guarded. It was so indeed:

Davidson was there with his riflemen. At that place the Catawba was

nearly five hundred yards wide, about three feet deep, very rapid, and

full of large stones. The troops entered the river in platoons, to

support each other against the current, and were ordered not to fire

until they should gain the opposite bank. Colonel Hall, of the light

infantry of the guards, led the way; the grenadiers followed. The

noise of the water and the darkness covered their movements until they

were nearly half-way across, when they were descried by an American

sentinel. He challenged them three times, and receiving no answer,

fired. Terrified by the report, the man who was guiding the British

turned and fled. Colonel Hall, thus abandoned, led the way directly

across the river; whereas the true ford inclined diagonally further

down. Hall had to pass through deeper water, but he reached a part of

the bank where it was unguarded. The American pickets, too, which had

turned out at the alarm given by the sentinel, had to deliver a

distant and slanting fire. Still it had its effect. Three of the

British were killed, and thirty-six wounded. Colonel Hall pushed on

gallantly, but was shot down as he ascended the bank.

General Davidson hastened with his men towards the place where the

British were landing. The latter formed as soon as they found

themselves on firm ground, charged Davidson's men before he had time

to get them in order, killed and wounded about forty, and put the rest

to flight. General Davidson was the last to leave the ground, and was

killed just as he was mounting his horse.

General Greene, informed that the enemy had crossed the Catawba at

daybreak, awaited anxiously at the rendezvous the arrival of the

militia. It was not until after midnight that he heard of their utter

dispersion, and of the death of Davidson. Apprehending the rapid

advance of Cornwallis, he hastened to rejoin Morgan, who with his

division was pushing forward for the Yadkin, first sending orders to

General Huger to conduct the other division by the most direct route

to Guilford Court-house, where the forces were to be united. Greene

spurred forward through heavy rain and deep miry roads. It was a

dreary ride and a lonely one, for he had detached his aides-de-camp in

different directions to collect the scattered militia.

Cornwallis did not advance so rapidly as had been apprehended. After

crossing the Catawba, he had to wait for his wagons and artillery,

which had remained on the other side in the woods; so that by

nightfall of the 1st of February he was not more than five miles on

the road to Salisbury. Eager to come up with the Americans, he mounted

some of the infantry upon the baggage horses, joined them to the

cavalry, and sent the whole forward under General O'Hara. They arrived

on the banks of the Yadkin at night, between the 2d and 3d of

February, just in time to capture a few wagons lingering in the rear

of the American army, which had passed. The riflemen who guarded them

retreated after a short skirmish. There were no boats with which to

cross; the Americans had secured them on the other side. The rain

which had fallen throughout the day had overflooded the ford by which

the American cavalry had passed. The pursuers were again brought to a

stand. After some doubt and delay, Cornwallis took his course up the

south side of the Yadkin, and crossed by what is still called the

Shallow ford, while Greene continued on unmolested to Guilford

Court-house, where he was joined by General Huger and his division on

the 9th. Cornwallis was now encamped about twenty-five miles above

them, at the old Moravian town of Salem.

The great object of Greene now was to get across the river Dan, and

throw himself into Virginia. With the reinforcements and assistance he

might there expect to find, he hoped to effect the salvation of the

South, and prevent the dismemberment of the Union. The object of

Cornwallis was to get between him and Virginia, force him to a combat

before he could receive those reinforcements, or enclose him in

between the great rivers on the west, the sea on the east, and the two

divisions of the British army under himself and Lord Rawdon on the

north and south. His lordship had been informed that the lower part of

the Dan, at present, could only be crossed in boats, and that the

country could not afford a sufficient number for the passage of

Greene's army; he trusted, therefore, to cut him off from the upper

part of the river, where alone it was fordable. Greene, however, had

provided against such a contingency. Boats had been secured at various

places by his agents, and could be collected at a few hours' notice at

the lower ferries. Instead, therefore, of striving with his lordship

for the upper fords, Greene shaped his course for Boyd's and Irwin's

fords, just above the confluence of the Dan and Staunton rivers which

forms the Roanoke, and about seventy miles from Guilford Court-house.

This would give him twenty-five miles advantage of Lord Cornwallis at

the outset. General Kosciuszko was sent with a party in advance to

collect the boats and throw up breastworks at the ferries.

In ordering his march, General Greene took the lead with the main

body, the baggage, and stores. General Morgan would have had the

command of the rear-guard, but being disabled by a violent attack of

ague and rheumatism, it was given to Colonel Otho H. Williams

(formerly adjutant-general), who had with him Colonels Howard,

Washington and Lee. This corps, detached some distance in the rear,

did infinite service. Being lightly equipped, it could manoeuvre in

front of the British line of march, break down bridges, sweep off

provisions, and impede its progress, in a variety of ways, while the

main body moved forward unmolested. It was now that Cornwallis most

felt the severity of the blow he had received at the battle of the

Cowpens in the loss of his light troops, having so few to cope with

the élite corps under Williams.

We forbear to enter into the details of this masterly retreat, the

many stratagems and manoeuvres of the covering party to delay and

hoodwink the enemy. Tarleton himself bears witness, in his narrative,

that every measure of the Americans was judiciously designed and

vigorously executed. So much had Cornwallis been misinformed at the

outset as to the means below of passing the river, that he pushed on

in the firm conviction that he was driving the American army into a

trap, and would give it a signal blow before it could cross the Dan.

In the meantime, Greene, with the main body, reached the banks of the

river, and succeeded in crossing over with ease in the course of a

single day at Boyd's and Irwin's ferries, sending back word to

Williams, who with his covering party was far in the rear. That

intelligent officer encamped, as usual, in the evening, at a wary

distance in front of the enemy, but stole a march upon them after

dark, leaving his camp fires burning. He pushed on all night, arrived

at the ferry in the morning of the 15th, having marched forty miles

within the last four and twenty hours; and made such despatch in

crossing, that his last troops had landed on the Virginia shore by the

time the astonished enemy arrived on the opposite bank.

For a day the two armies lay panting within sight of each other on the

opposite banks of the river, which had put an end to the race. On the

16th, the river began to subside; the enemy might soon be able to

cross. Greene prepared for a further retreat by sending forward his

baggage on the road to Halifax, and securing the passage of the

Staunton. At Halifax he was resolved to make a stand, rather than

suffer the enemy to take possession of it without a struggle. Its

situation on the Roanoke would make it a strong position for their

army, supported by a fleet, and would favor their designs both on

Virginia and the Carolinas. With a view to its defence, intrenchments

had already been thrown up, under the direction of Kosciuszko.

Lord Cornwallis, however, did not deem it prudent, under present

circumstances, to venture into Virginia, where Greene would be sure of

powerful reinforcements. North Carolina was in a state of the utmost

disorder and confusion; he thought it better to remain in it for a

time, and profit by having compelled Greene to abandon it. After

giving his troops a day's repose, therefore, he put them once more in

motion on the 18th, along the road by which he had pursued Greene.

This changed the game. Lee, with his legion, strengthened by two

veteran Maryland companies, and Pickens, with a corps of South

Carolina militia, all light troops, were transported across the Dan in

the boats, with orders to gain the front of Cornwallis, hover as near

as safety would permit, cut off his intercourse with the disaffected

parts of the country, and check the rising of the royalists. Greene,

in the meanwhile, remained with his main force on the northern bank of

the Dan; waiting to ascertain his lordship's real designs, and ready

to cross at a moment's warning.

The movements of Cornwallis, for a day or two, were of a dubious

nature, designed to perplex his opponents; or the 20th, however, he

took post at Hillsborough. Here he issued a proclamation, inviting all

loyal subjects to assist in suppressing the remains of rebellion, and

re-establishing good order and constitutional government. By another

instrument, all who could raise independent companies were called upon

to give in their names at head-quarters, and a bounty in money and

lands was promised to those who should enlist under them. Tarleton was

detached with the cavalry and a small body of infantry to a region of

country lying between the Haw and Deep Rivers, to bring on a

considerable number of loyalists who were said to be assembling there.

Rumor, in the meantime, had magnified the effect of his lordship's

proclamations. Word was brought to Greene, that the tories were

flocking from all quarters to the royal standard. Seven companies, it

was said, had been raised in a single day. At this time the

reinforcements to the American camp had been little more than six

hundred Virginia militia, under General Stevens. Greene saw that at

this rate, if Cornwallis was allowed to remain undisturbed, he would

soon have complete command of North Carolina; he boldly determined,

therefore, to recross the Dan at all hazards with the scanty force at

his command, and give his lordship check. In this spirit he broke up

his camp and crossed the river on the 23d.

In the meantime, Lee and Pickens, who were scouring the country about

Hillsborough, received information of Tarleton's recruiting

expedition. There was no foe they were more eager to cope with; and

they resolved to give him a surprise. Having forded the Haw one day

about noon, they learned that he was encamped about three miles off,

that his horses were unsaddled, and that everything indicated

confident security. They now pushed on under covert of the woods,

prepared to give the bold partisan a blow after his own fashion.

Before they reached the place, Tarleton had marched on. Being informed

that he was to halt for the night at the distance of six miles, they

still trusted to surprise him. On the way, however, they had an

encounter with a body of three or four hundred mounted royalists,

armed with rifles, and commanded by a Colonel Pyle, marching in quest

of Tarleton. As Lee with his cavalry was in the advance, he was

mistaken for Tarleton, and hailed with loyal acclamations. He favored

the mistake, and was taking measures to capture the royalists, when

some of them, seeing the infantry under Pickens, discovered their

error and fired upon the rear-guard. The cavalry instantly charged

upon them; ninety were cut down and slain, and a great number wounded;

among the latter was Colonel Pyle himself, who took refuge among the

thickets on the borders of a piece of water which still bears his

name.

After all, Lee and Pickens missed the object of their enterprise. The

approach of night and the fatigue of their troops, made them defer

their attack upon Tarleton until morning. In the meantime, the latter

had received an express from Cornwallis, informing him that Greene had

passed the Dan, and ordering him to return to Hillsborough as soon as

possible. He hastened to obey. Lee with his legion was in the saddle

before daybreak; but Tarleton's troops were already on the march.

Before sunrise, he had forded the Haw, and "Light-horse Harry" gave

over the pursuit.

The re-appearance of Greene and his army in North Carolina, heralded

by the scourings of Lee and Pickens, disconcerted the schemes of Lord

Cornwallis. The recruiting service was interrupted. Many royalists,

who were on the way to his camp, returned home. Forage and provisions

became scarce in the neighborhood. He found himself, he said, "amongst

timid friends and adjoining to inveterate rebels." On the 26th,

therefore, he abandoned Hillsborough, threw himself across the Haw,

and encamped near Alamance Creek, one of its principal tributaries, in

a country favorable to supplies and with a tory population. His

position was commanding, at the point of concurrence of roads from

Salisbury, Guilford, High Rockford, Cross Creek, and Hillsborough. It

covered also the communication with Wilmington, where a dépôt of

military stores, so important to his half-destitute army, had recently

been established.

Greene with his main army took post about fifteen miles above him, on

the heights between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork, one of the

tributaries of the Haw. His plan was to cut the enemy off from the

upper counties; to harass him by skirmishes, but to avoid a general

battle; thus gaining time for the arrival of reinforcements daily

expected.

On the 6th of March, Cornwallis, learning that the light troops under

Williams were very carelessly posted, put his army suddenly in motion,

and crossed the Alamance in a thick fog; with the design to beat up

their quarters, drive them in upon the main army, and bring Greene to

action should he come to their assistance. His movement was discovered

by the American patrols, and the alarm given. Williams hastily called

in his detachments, and retreated with his light troops across Reedy

Fork, while Lee with his legion manoeuvred in front of the enemy. A

stand was made by the Americans at Wetzell's Mill, but they were

obliged to retire with the loss of fifty killed and wounded.

Cornwallis did not pursue; evening was approaching, and he had failed

in his main object; that of bringing Greene to action. The latter,

fixed in his resolve of avoiding a conflict, had retreated across the

Haw.

Greene's long-expected reinforcements now arrived, having been hurried

on by forced marches. They consisted of a brigade of Virginia militia,

under General Lawson, two brigades of North Carolina militia, under

Generals Butler and Eaton, and four hundred regulars, enlisted for

eighteen months. His whole effective force, according to official

returns, amounted to four thousand two hundred and forty-three foot,

and one hundred and sixty-one cavalry. Of his infantry, not quite two

thousand were regulars, and of these, three-fourths were new levies.

His force nearly doubled in number that of Cornwallis, which did not

exceed two thousand four hundred men; but many of Greene's troops were

raw and inexperienced, and had never been in battle; those of the

enemy were veterans, schooled in warfare. Greene knew the inferiority

of his troops in this respect; his reinforcements, too, fell far short

of what he had been led to expect, yet he determined to accept the

battle which had so long been offered. All detachments were ordered to

assemble at Guilford, within eight miles of the enemy, where he

encamped on the 14th, sending his wagons and heavy baggage to the Iron

Works at Troublesome Creek, ten miles in his rear.

Cornwallis sent his carriages and baggage to Bell's Mills, on Deep

River, and set out at daybreak on the 15th for Guilford. Within four

miles of that place, near the New Garden Meeting-house, Tarleton with

the advanced guard came upon the American advance-guard, composed of

Lee's partisan legion, and some mountaineers and Virginia militia.

Tarleton and Lee were well matched in military prowess, and the

skirmish between them was severe. Lee's horses, being from Virginia

and Pennsylvania, were superior in weight and strength to those of his

opponent, which had been chiefly taken from plantations in South

Carolina. The latter were borne down by a charge in close column.

Tarleton, seeing that his weakly-mounted men fought to a disadvantage,

sounded a retreat; Lee endeavored to cut him off. A general conflict

of the vanguards, horse and foot, ensued, when the appearance of the

main body of the enemy obliged Lee, in his turn, to retire with

precipitation.

During this time, Greene was preparing for action on a woody eminence,

a little more than a mile south of Guilford Court-house. The

neighboring country was covered with forest, excepting some cultivated

fields about the court-house, and along the Salisbury road, which

passed through the centre of the place, from south to north. He had

drawn out his troops in three lines. The first, composed of North

Carolina militia, volunteers and riflemen, under Generals Butler and

Eaton, was posted behind a fence, with an open field in front, and

woods on the flanks and in the rear. About three hundred yards behind

this, was the second line, composed of Virginia militia, under

Generals Stevens and Lawson, drawn up across the road, and covered by

a wood. The third line, about four hundred yards in the rear of the

second, was composed of Continental troops or regulars; those of

Virginia under General Huger on the right, those of Maryland under

Colonel Williams on the left. Colonel Washington with a body of

dragoons, Kirkwood's Delaware infantry, and a battalion of Virginia

militia covered the right flank; Lee's legion, with the Virginia

riflemen under Colonel Campbell, covered the left. Two six-pounders

were in the road, in advance of the first line; two field-pieces with

the rear-line near the court-house, where General Greene took his

station.

About noon the head of the British army was descried advancing

spiritedly from the south along the Salisbury road, and defiling into

the fields. A cannonade was opened from the two six-pounders, in front

of the first American line. It was answered by the British artillery.

Neither produced much effect. The enemy now advanced coolly and

steadily in three columns; the Hessians and Highlanders under General

Leslie on the right, the Royal artillery and guards in the centre, and

Webster's brigade on the left. The North Carolinians, who formed the

first line, waited until the enemy were within one hundred and fifty

yards, when, agitated by their martial array and undaunted movement,

they began to fall into confusion; some fired off their pieces without

taking aim; others threw them down, and took to flight. A volley from

the foe, a shout, and a charge of the bayonet, completed their

discomfiture. Some fled to the woods, others fell back upon the

Virginians, who formed the second line. General Stevens, who commanded

the latter, ordered his men to open and let the fugitives pass,

pretending that they had orders to retire. Under his spirited command

and example, the Virginians kept their ground and fought bravely.

The action became much broken up and diversified by the extent of the

ground. The thickness of the woods impeded the movements of the

cavalry. The reserves on both sides were called up. The British

bayonet again succeeded; the second line gave way, and General

Stevens, who had kept the field for some time, after being wounded in

the thigh by a musket-ball, ordered a retreat. The enemy pressed with

increasing ardor against the third line, composed of Continental

troops, and supported by Colonel Washington's dragoons and Kirkwood's

Delawares. Greene counted on these to retrieve the day. They were

regulars; they were fresh, and in perfect order. He rode along the

line, calling on them to stand firm, and give the enemy a warm

reception.

The first Maryland regiment which was on the right wing, was attacked

by Colonel Webster, with the British left. It stood the shock bravely,

and being seconded by some Virginia troops, and Kirkwood's Delawares,

drove Webster across a ravine. The second Maryland regiment was not so

successful. Impetuously attacked by Colonel Stewart, with a battalion

of the guards and a company of grenadiers, it faltered, gave way and

fled, abandoning two field-pieces, which were seized by the enemy.

Stewart was pursuing, when the first regiment which had driven Webster

across the ravine, came to the rescue with fixed bayonets, while

Colonel Washington spurred up with his cavalry. The fight now was

fierce and bloody. Stewart was slain; the two field-pieces were

retaken, and the enemy in their turn gave way and were pursued with

slaughter; a destructive fire of grape-shot from the enemy's artillery

checked the pursuit. Two regiments approached on the right and left;

Webster recrossed the ravine and fell upon Kirkwood's Delawares. There

was intrepid fighting in different parts of the field; but Greene saw

that the day was lost; there was no retrieving the effect produced by

the first flight of the North Carolinians. Unwilling to risk the utter

destruction of his army, he directed a retreat, which was made in good

order, but they had to leave their artillery on the field, most of the

horses having been killed. About three miles from the field of action

he made a halt to collect stragglers, and then continued on to the

place of rendezvous at Speedwell's Iron Works on Troublesome Creek.

The British were too much cut up and fatigued to follow up their

victory. Two regiments, with Tarleton's cavalry, attempted a pursuit,

but were called back.

The loss of the Americans in this hard-fought affair was never fully

ascertained. Their official returns, made immediately after the

action, give little more than four hundred killed and wounded, and

between eight and nine hundred missing; but Lord Cornwallis states in

his despatches, that between two and three hundred of the Americans

were found dead on the field of battle. The loss sustained by his

lordship, even if numerically less, was far more fatal; for, in the

circumstances in which he was placed, it was not to be supplied, and

it completely maimed him. Of his small army, ninety-three had fallen,

four hundred and thirteen were wounded, and twenty-six missing. Among

the killed and wounded were several officers of note. Thus, one-fourth

of his army was either killed or disabled; his troops were exhausted

by fatigue and hunger; his camp was encumbered by the wounded. His

victory, in fact, was almost as ruinous as a defeat.

Greene lay for two days within ten miles of him, near the Iron Works

on Troublesome Creek, gathering up his scattered troops. He had

imbibed the spirit of Washington, and remained undismayed by hardships

or reverses. Cornwallis, so far from being able to advance in the

career of victory, could not even hold the ground he had so bravely

won, but was obliged to retreat from the scene of triumph to some

secure position where he might obtain supplies for his famished army.

Leaving, therefore, about seventy of his officers and men, who were

too severely wounded to bear travelling, together with a number of

wounded Americans, under the protection of a flag of truce, he set

out, on the third day after the action, by easy marches, for Cross

Creek, an eastern branch of Cape Fear River, where was a settlement of

Scottish Highlanders, stout adherents, as he was led to believe, to

the royal cause. Here he expected to be plentifully supplied with

provisions, and to have his sick and wounded well taken care of.

Hence, too, he could open a communication by Cape Fear River, with

Wilmington.

No sooner did Greene learn that Cornwallis was retreating, than he set

out to follow him, determined to bring him again to action; and

presenting the singular spectacle of the vanquished pursuing the

victor. His troops, however, suffered greatly in this pursuit from

wintry weather, deep, wet, clayey roads, and scarcity of provisions.

On the 28th, Greene arrived at Ramsey's Mills, on Deep River, hard on

the traces of Cornwallis, who had left the place a few hours

previously with such precipitation, that several of his wounded, who

had died while on the march, were left behind unburied. At Deep River,

Greene was brought to a stand. Cornwallis had broken down the bridge

by which he had crossed; and further pursuit for the present was

impossible. The constancy of the militia now gave way. They had been

continually on the march with little to eat, less to drink, and

obliged to sleep in the woods in the midst of smoke. Every step had

led them from their homes and increased their privations. They were

now in want of everything, for the retreating enemy left a famished

country behind him. The term for which most of them had enlisted was

expired, and they now demanded their discharge. The demand was just

and reasonable, and, after striving in vain to shake their

determination, Greene felt compelled to comply with it. His force thus

reduced, it would be impossible to pursue the enemy further.

In this situation, remote from reinforcements, inferior to the enemy

in numbers, and without hope of support, what was to be done? "If the

enemy falls down toward Wilmington," said he, "they will be in a

position where it would be impossible for us to injure them if we had

a force." Suddenly he determined to change his course, and carry the

war into South Carolina. This would oblige the enemy either to follow

him, and thus abandon North Carolina, or to sacrifice all his posts in

the upper part of North Carolina and Georgia. To Washington, to whom

he considered himself accountable for his policy, and from whose

council he derived confidence and strength, he writes on the present

occasion: "All things considered, I think the movement is warranted by

the soundest reasons, both political and military...."

He apprised Sumter, Pickens, and Marion, by letter, of his intentions,

and called upon them to be ready to co-operate. On the 30th of March

he discharged all his militia, with many thanks for the courage and

fortitude with which they had followed him through so many scenes of

peril and hardship. Then, after giving his army a short taste of the

repose they needed, and having collected a few days' provisions, he

set forward on the 5th of April toward Camden, where Lord Rawdon had

his head-quarters.

Cornwallis, in the meantime, was grievously disappointed in the hopes

he had formed of obtaining ample provisions and forage at Cross Creek,

and strong reinforcements from the royalists in the neighborhood.

Neither could he open a communication by Cape Fear River for the

conveyance of his troops to Wilmington. The distance by water was

upwards of a hundred miles, the breadth of the river seldom above one

hundred yards, the banks high, and the inhabitants on each side

generally hostile. He was compelled, therefore, to continue his

retreat by land, quite to Wilmington, where he arrived on the 7th of

April.

It was his lordship's intention, as soon as he should have equipped

his own corps and received a part of the expected reinforcements from

Ireland, to return to the upper country, in hopes of giving protection

to the royal interests in South Carolina, and of preserving the health

of his troops until he should concert new measures with Sir Henry

Clinton. His plans were all disconcerted, however, by intelligence of

Greene's rapid march toward Camden. All thoughts of offensive

operations against North Carolina were at an end. Sickness, desertion,

and the loss sustained at Guilford Court-house, had reduced his little

army to fourteen hundred and thirty-five men. In this sad predicament,

after remaining several days in a painful state of irresolution he

determined to take advantage of Greene's having left the back part of

Virginia open, to march directly into that province, and attempt a

junction with the force acting there under General Phillips.

By this move, he might draw Greene back to the northward, and by the

reduction of Virginia, he might promote the subjugation of the South.

The move, however, he felt to be perilous. His troops were worn down

by upwards of eight hundred miles of marching and countermarching,

through an inhospitable and impracticable country; they had now three

hundred more before them; under still worse circumstances than those

in which they first set out. There was no time for hesitation or

delay; Greene might return and render the junction with Phillips

impracticable; having sent an express to the latter, therefore,

informing him of his coming, and appointing a meeting at Petersburg,

his lordship set off on the 25th of April, on his fated march into

Virginia.

We must now step back in dates to bring up events in the more northern

parts of the Union.

The Student's Life of Washington; Condensed from the Larger Work of Washington Irving For Young Persons and for the Use of Schools · 第 61 / 76 章