HOSTILITIES IN THE SOUTH.--MUTINY.
The occurrences recorded in the last few pages made Washington
apprehend a design on the part of the enemy to carry the stress of war
into the Southern States. Conscious that he was the man to whom all
looked in time of emergency, and who was, in a manner, responsible for
the general course of military affairs, he deeply felt the actual
impotency of his position. In a letter to Franklin, who was
minister-plenipotentiary at the court of Versailles, he strongly
expresses his chagrin: "Latterly, we have been obliged to become
spectators of a succession of detachments from the army at New York in
aid of Lord Cornwallis, while our naval weakness, and the political
dissolution of a great part of our army, put it out of our power to
counteract them at the southward, or to take advantage of them here."
The last of these detachments to the South took place on the 20th of
December, but was not destined, as Washington had supposed, for
Carolina. Sir Henry Clinton had received information that the troops
already mentioned as being under General Leslie in the Chesapeake,
had, by orders from Cornwallis, sailed for Charleston, to reinforce
his lordship; and this detachment was to take their place in Virginia.
It was composed of British, German, and refugee troops, about
seventeen hundred strong, and was commanded by Benedict Arnold, now a
brigadier-general in his majesty's service. Sir Henry Clinton, who
distrusted the fidelity of the man he had corrupted, sent with him
Colonels Dundas and Simcoe, experienced officers, by whose advice he
was to be guided in every important measure. He was to make an
incursion into Virginia, destroy the public magazines, assemble and
arm the loyalists, and hold himself ready to co-operate with Lord
Cornwallis.
As Washington beheld one hostile armament after another winging its
way to the South, and received applications from that quarter for
assistance, which he had not the means to furnish, it became painfully
apparent to him, that the efforts to carry on the war had exceeded the
natural capabilities of the country. Its widely diffused population,
and the composition and temper of some of its people, rendered it
difficult to draw together its resources. Commerce was almost extinct;
there was not sufficient natural wealth on which to found a revenue;
paper currency had depreciated through want of funds for its
redemption until it was nearly worthless. The mode of supplying the
army by assessing a proportion of the productions of the earth, had
proved ineffectual, oppressive, and productive of an alarming
opposition. Domestic loans yielded but trifling assistance. These
considerations Washington was continually urging upon the attention of
Congress in his full and perspicuous manner; the end of which was to
enforce his opinion that a foreign loan was indispensably necessary to
a continuance of the war. His earnest counsels and entreaties were at
length successful in determining Congress to seek aid both in men and
money from abroad. Accordingly, on the 28th of December they
commissioned Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, special minister at the
court of Versailles, to apply for such aid. The situation he had held,
as aide-de-camp to the commander-in-chief, had given him an
opportunity of observing the course of affairs, and acquainting
himself with the wants and resources of the country; and he was
instructed to confer with Washington, previous to his departure, as to
the objects of his mission. Scarce had Colonel Laurens been appointed
when a painful occurrence proved the urgent necessity of the required
aid.
In the arrangement for winter-quarters, the Pennsylvania line,
consisting of six regiments, was hutted near Morristown. These troops
had experienced the hardships and privations common to the whole army,
but had an additional grievance peculiar to themselves. Many of them
had enlisted to serve "for three years, or during war," that is to
say, for less than three years should the war cease in less time.
When, however, having served for three years, they sought their
discharge, the officers, loth to lose such experienced soldiers,
interpreted the terms of enlistment to mean three years, or to the end
of the war, should it continue for a longer time. This chicanery
naturally produced great exasperation.
The first day of the New Year arrived. The men were excited by an
extra allowance of ardent spirits. In the evening, at a preconcerted
signal, a great part of the Pennsylvania line, non-commissioned
officers included, turned out under arms, declaring their intention to
march to Philadelphia and demand redress from Congress. Wayne
endeavored to pacify them; they were no longer to be pacified by
words. Three regiments which had taken no part in the mutiny were
paraded under their officers. The mutineers compelled them to join
their ranks. Their number being increased to about thirteen hundred,
they seized upon six field-pieces, and set out in the night for
Philadelphia under command of their sergeants.
Fearing the enemy might take advantage of this outbreak, Wayne
detached a Jersey brigade to Chatham, and ordered the militia to be
called out there. Alarm fires were kindled upon the hills; alarm guns
boomed from post to post; the country was soon on the alert. Wayne was
not "Mad Anthony" on the present occasion. All his measures were taken
with judgment and forecast. He sent provisions after the mutineers,
lest they should supply their wants from the country people by force.
Two officers of rank spurred to Philadelphia, to apprise Congress of
the approach of the insurgents, and put it upon its guard. Wayne sent
a despatch with news of the outbreak to Washington; he then mounted
his horse, and accompanied by Colonels Butler and Stewart, two
officers popular with the troops, set off after the mutineers, either
to bring them to a halt, or to keep with them, and seek every occasion
to exert a favorable influence over them.
In the meantime, Sir Henry Clinton received intelligence at New York
of the mutiny, and hastened to profit by it. Emissaries were
despatched to the camp of the mutineers, holding out offers of pardon,
protection, and ample pay, if they would return to their allegiance to
the crown.
General Wayne and his companions, Colonels Butler and Stewart, had
overtaken the insurgent troops on the 3d of January, at Middlebrook.
They were proceeding in military form, under the control of a
self-constituted board of sergeants, whose orders were implicitly
obeyed. Conferences were held by Wayne with sergeants delegated from
each regiment. They appeared to be satisfied with the mode and
promises of redress held out to them; but the main body of the
mutineers persisted in revolt, and proceeded on the next day to
Princeton. Their proceedings continued to be orderly; military forms
were still observed; they obeyed their leaders, behaved well to the
people of the country, and committed no excesses. General Wayne and
Colonels Butler and Stewart remained with them in an equivocal
position; popular, but without authority, and almost in durance. The
insurgents professed themselves still ready to march under them
against the enemy, but would permit none other of their former
officers to come among them. The Marquis de Lafayette, General St.
Clair and Colonel Laurens, the newly-appointed minister to France,
arrived at the camp and were admitted; but afterwards were ordered
away at a short notice.
The news of the revolt caused great consternation in Philadelphia. A
committee of Congress set off to meet the insurgents, accompanied by
Reed, the president of Pennsylvania, and one or two other officers,
and escorted by a city troop of horse. The committee halted at
Trenton, whence President Reed wrote to Wayne, requesting a personal
interview at four o'clock in the afternoon, at four miles' distance
from Princeton. Wayne was moreover told to inform the troops, that he
(Reed) would be there to receive any propositions from them, and
redress any injuries they might have sustained; but that, after the
indignities they had offered to the marquis and General St. Clair, he
could not venture to put himself in their power. Wayne, knowing that
the letter was intended for his troops more than for himself, read it
publicly on the parade. It had a good effect upon the sergeants and
many of the men. Still it was not thought prudent for President Reed
to trust himself within their camp. Wayne promised to meet him on the
following day (7th), though it seemed uncertain whether he was master
of himself, or whether he was not a kind of prisoner.
At this critical juncture, two of Sir Henry's emissaries arrived in
the camp, and delivered to the leaders of the malcontents a paper
containing his seductive proposals and promises. The mutineers, though
openly arrayed in arms against their government, spurned at the idea
of turning "Arnolds," as they termed it. The emissaries were seized
and conducted to General Wayne, who placed them in confinement,
promising that they should be liberated should the pending negotiation
fail. This incident had a great effect in inspiring hope of the
ultimate loyalty of the troops; and the favorable representations of
the temper of the men, made by General Wayne in a personal interview,
determined President Reed to venture among them.
The propositions now offered to the troops were:--To discharge all
those who had enlisted indefinitely for three years or during the war;
the fact to be inquired into by three commissioners appointed by the
executive. To give immediate certificates for the deficit in their pay
caused by the depreciation of the currency, and the arrearages to be
settled as soon as circumstances would permit. To furnish them
immediately with certain specified articles of clothing which were
most wanted.
These propositions proving satisfactory, the troops set out for
Trenton, where the negotiation was concluded. The two spies who had
tampered with the fidelity of the troops, were tried by a
court-martial, found guilty, and hanged at the cross-roads near
Trenton.
The accommodation entered into with the mutineers of the Pennsylvania
line appeared to Washington of doubtful policy, and likely to have a
pernicious effect on the whole army. His apprehensions were soon
justified by events. On the night of the 20th of January, a part of
the Jersey troops, stationed at Pompton, rose in arms, claiming the
same terms just yielded to the Pennsylvanians. For a time it was
feared the revolt would spread throughout the line. In this instance,
Washington adopted a more rigorous course than in the other. The
present insurgents were not so formidable in point of numbers as the
Pennsylvanians; the greater part of them, also, were foreigners, for
whom he felt less sympathy than for native troops. A detachment from
the Massachusetts line was sent under Major-general Howe, who was
instructed to compel the mutineers to unconditional submission; to
grant them no terms while in arms, or in a state of resistance; and on
their surrender, instantly to execute a few of the most active and
incendiary leaders.
His orders were punctually obeyed, and were crowned with complete
success. Howe had the good fortune, after a tedious night march, to
surprise the mutineers napping in their huts just at daybreak. Five
minutes only were allowed them to parade without their arms and give
up their ringleaders. This was instantly complied with, and two of
them were executed on the spot. Thus the mutiny was quelled, the
officers resumed their command, and all things were restored to order.
A great cause of satisfaction to Washington was the ratification of
the articles of confederation between the States, which took place not
long after this agitating juncture. A set of articles had been
submitted to Congress by Dr. Franklin, as far back as 1775. A form had
been prepared and digested by a committee in 1776, and agreed upon,
with some modifications in 1777, but had ever since remained in
abeyance, in consequence of objections made by individual States. The
confederation was now complete, and Washington, in a letter to the
President of Congress, congratulated him and the body over which he
presided, on an event long wished for, and which he hoped would have
the happiest effects upon the politics of this country, and be of
essential service to our cause in Europe.
* * * * * * *
The armament under command of Arnold met with that boisterous weather
which often rages along our coast in the winter. His ships were
tempest tost and scattered, and half of his cavalry horses and several
of his guns had to be thrown overboard. It was the close of the year
when he anchored in the Chesapeake.
Virginia, at the time, was almost in a defenceless state. Baron
Steuben, who had the general command there, had recently detached such
of his regular troops as were clothed and equipped to the South, to
reinforce General Greene. Governor Jefferson, on hearing of the
arrival of the fleet, called out the militia from the neighboring
counties; but few could be collected on the spur of the moment, for
the whole country was terror-stricken and in confusion. Having land
and sea forces at his command, Arnold opened the new year with a
buccaneering ravage. Ascending James River with some small vessels
which he had captured, he landed on the 4th of January with nine
hundred men at Westover, about twenty-five miles below Richmond, and
pushed for the latter place, at that time little more than a village,
though the metropolis of Virginia.
It was Arnold's hope to capture the governor; but the latter, after
providing for the security of as much as possible of the public
stores, had left Richmond the evening before on horseback to join his
family at Tuckahoe, whence, on the following day, he conveyed them to
a place of safety. Governor Jefferson got back by noon to Manchester,
on the opposite side of James River, in time to see Arnold's marauders
march into the town. Arnold sent some of the citizens to the governor,
offering to spare the town, provided his ships might come up James
River to be laden with tobacco from the warehouses. His offer was
indignantly rejected, whereupon fire was set to the public edifices,
stores, and workshops; private houses were pillaged, and a great
quantity of tobacco consumed.
While this was going on, Colonel Simcoe had been detached to Westham,
six miles up the river, where he destroyed a cannon foundry and sacked
a public magazine; and after effecting a complete devastation,
rejoined Arnold at Richmond. Having completed his ravage, Arnold
re-embarked at Westover and fell slowly down the river, landing
occasionally to burn, plunder, and destroy; pursued by Steuben with a
few Continental troops and all the militia that he could muster.
General Nelson, also, with similar levies opposed him. Lower down the
river some skirmishing took place, a few of Arnold's troops were
killed and a number wounded, but he made his way to Portsmouth,
opposite Norfolk, where he took post on the 20th of January, and
proceeded to fortify. Steuben would have attempted to drive him from
this position, but his means were totally inadequate. Collecting from
various parts of the country all the force that could be mustered, he
so disposed it at different points as to hem the traitor in, and
prevent his making further incursions.
About this time an important resolution was adopted in Congress.
Washington had repeatedly, in his communications to that body,
attributed much of the distresses and disasters of the war to the
congressional mode of conducting business through committees and
"boards," thus causing irregularity and delay, preventing secrecy and
augmenting expense. He was greatly rejoiced, therefore, when Congress
decided to appoint heads of departments; secretaries of foreign
affairs, of war and of marine, and a superintendent of finance. "I am
happy, thrice happy, on private as well as public account," writes he,
"to find that these are in train. For it will ease my shoulders of an
immense burthen, which the deranged and perplexed situation of our
affairs, and the distresses of every department of the army, had
placed upon them."
[Colonel Hamilton was suggested to take charge of the department of
finance, and Washington in reply to General Sullivan, who had sounded
him on the subject, spoke in warm terms of his fitness for the post. A
few days after Washington had penned this eulogium, a scene occurred
between him and Colonel Hamilton that gave him deep chagrin.
Washington, in passing Hamilton on the stairs, informed him that he
wished to speak to him. Hamilton allowed some circumstances to delay
his compliance with this request; and Washington, when they met,
accosted him with warmth. "Colonel Hamilton," said he, "you have kept
me waiting at the head of the stairs these ten minutes. I must tell
you, sir, you treat me with disrespect." Hamilton promptly replied: "I
am not conscious of it, sir; but since you have thought it necessary
to tell me so, we part," and they separated. Washington soon after
sent to Hamilton stating his desire, in a candid conversation, to heal
a difference which could not have happened but in a moment of passion.
But Hamilton had long determined, according to his own statement, that
if a breach should occur between them not to consent to an
accommodation. He was ambitious of an independent position, and
declared that he had always disliked the office of an aide-de-camp.
But although a coolness ensued between Washington and his favorite
aide, it proved but temporary.] The friendship between these
illustrious men was destined to survive the Revolution, and to
signalize itself through many eventful years.