PROCEEDINGS OF LORD HOWE.--GATES AND SCHUYLER.
Lord Howe was indeed come, and affairs now appeared to be approaching
a crisis. In consequence of the recent conspiracy, the Convention of
New York, seated at White Plains in Westchester County, had a secret
committee stationed in New York for the purpose of taking cognizance
of traitorous machinations. To this committee Washington addressed a
letter the day after his lordship's arrival, suggesting the policy of
removing from the city and its environs, "all persons of known
disaffection and enmity to the cause of America;" especially those
confined in jail for treasonable offences; who might become extremely
dangerous in case of an attack and alarm. He took this step with great
reluctance; but felt compelled to it by circumstances. In consequence
of his suggestion, thirteen persons in confinement for traitorous
offences, were removed to the jail of Litchfield in Connecticut. Among
the number was the late mayor; but as his offence was not of so deep a
dye as those whereof the rest stood charged, it was recommended by the
president of the Convention that he should be treated with indulgence.
The proceedings of Lord Howe soon showed the policy of these
precautions. His lordship had prepared a declaration, addressed to the
people at large, informing them of the powers vested in his brother
and himself as commissioners for restoring peace. He sent a flag on
shore, bearing a circular letter, written in his civil and military
capacity, to the colonial governor, requesting him to publish his
address to the people as widely as possible.
The British officers, considering the Americans in arms rebels without
valid commissions, were in the habit of denying them all military
title. Washington's general officers had urged him not to submit to
this tacit indignity, but to reject all letters directed to him
without a specification of his official rank. An occasion now
presented itself for the adjustment of this matter. Within a day or
two an officer of the British navy, Lieutenant Brown, came with a flag
from Lord Howe, seeking a conference with Washington. Colonel Reed,
the adjutant-general, embarked in a barge, and met him half way
between Governor's and Staten Islands. The lieutenant informed him
that he was the bearer of a letter from Lord Howe to _Mr._ Washington.
Colonel Reed replied that he knew no such person in the American army.
The lieutenant produced and offered the letter. It was addressed to
George Washington, Esquire. He was informed that it could not be
received with such a direction. The lieutenant expressed much concern,
while Reed maintained his coolness, politely declining to receive the
letter, as inconsistent with his duty.
On the 19th an aide-de-camp of General Howe came with a flag, and
requested to know, as there appeared to be an obstacle to a
correspondence between the two generals, whether Colonel Patterson,
the British adjutant-general, could be admitted to an interview with
General Washington. Colonel Reed, who met the flag, consented in the
name of the general, and pledged his honor for the safety of the
adjutant-general during the interview, which was fixed for the
following morning.
At the appointed time, Colonel Reed and Colonel Webb, one of
Washington's aides, met the flag in the harbor, took Colonel Patterson
into their barge and escorted him to town, passing in front of the
grand battery. Washington received the adjutant-general at
head-quarters with much form and ceremony, in full military array,
with his officers and guards about him. Colonel Patterson, addressing
him by the title of _your excellency_, produced, but did not offer, a
letter addressed to George Washington, Esquire, etc., etc., hoping
that the et ceteras, which implied everything, would remove all
impediments. Washington replied that it was true the et ceteras
implied everything, but they also implied anything. A letter, he
added, addressed to a person acting in a public character should have
some inscriptions to designate it from a mere private letter; and he
should absolutely decline any letter addressed to himself as a private
person, when it related to his public station.
Colonel Patterson, finding the letter would not be received,
endeavored, as far as he could recollect, to communicate the scope of
it in the course of a somewhat desultory conversation. What he chiefly
dwelt upon was that Lord Howe and his brother had been specially
nominated commissioners for the promotion of peace, which was esteemed
a mark of favor and regard to America; that they had great powers, and
would derive the highest pleasure from effecting an accommodation; and
he concluded by adding, that he wished his visit to be considered as
making the first advance toward that desirable object. Washington
replied that, by what had appeared (alluding, no doubt, to Lord Howe's
circular), their powers, it would seem, were only to grant pardons.
Now those who had committed no fault needed no pardon; and such was
the case with the Americans, who were only defending what they
considered their indisputable rights.
Colonel Patterson avoided a discussion of this matter, which, he
observed, would open a very wide field; so here the conference, which
had been conducted on both sides with great courtesy, terminated.
Washington received the applause of Congress and of the public for
sustaining the dignity of his station. His conduct in this particular
was recommended as a model to all American officers in corresponding
with the enemy.
In the meantime, the irruption of the Phoenix and the Rose into the
waters of the Hudson had roused a belligerent spirit along its
borders. The lower part of that noble river is commanded on the
eastern side by the bold woody heights of Manhattan Island and
Westchester County, and on the western side by the rocky cliffs of the
Palisades. Beyond those cliffs, the river expands into a succession of
what may almost be termed lakes; first the Tappan Sea, then Haverstraw
Bay, then the Bay of Peekskill; separated from each other by long
stretching points, or high beetling promontories, but affording ample
sea room and safe anchorage. Then come the redoubtable Highlands, that
strait, fifteen miles in length, where the river bends its course,
narrow and deep, between rocky, forest-clad mountains.
The New York Convention, aware of the impending danger, despatched
military envoys to stir up the yeomanry along the river, and order out
militia. Powder and ball were sent to Tarrytown, before which the
hostile ships were anchored, and yeoman troops were stationed there
and along the neighboring shores of the Tappan Sea. In a little while
the militia of Dutchess County and Cortlandt's Manor were hastening,
rudely armed, to protect the public stores at Peekskill, and mount
guard at the entrance of the Highlands.
The ships-of-war which caused this alarm and turmoil, lay quietly
anchored in the broad expanses of the Tappan Sea and Haverstraw Bay;
shifting their ground occasionally, while their boats were out taking
soundings quite up to the Highlands, evidently preparing for further
operations. At night, too, their barges were heard rowing up and down
the river on mysterious errands.
The ships, now acquainted with the channel, moved up within six miles
of Fort Montgomery. General Clinton apprehended they might mean to
take advantage of a dark night, and slip by him in the deep shadows of
the mountains. To prevent this, he stationed a guard at night on the
furthest point in view, about two miles and a half below the fort,
prepared to kindle a blazing fire should the ships appear in sight.
Large piles of dry brushwood mixed with combustibles were prepared at
various places up and down the shore opposite to the fort, and men
stationed to set fire to them as soon as a signal should be given from
the lower point. The fort, therefore, while it remained in darkness,
would have a fair chance with its batteries as the ships passed
between it and these conflagrations.
A private committee sent up by the New York Convention, had a
conference with the general, to devise further means of obstructing
the passage of ships up the river. Fire rafts were to be brought from
Poughkeepsie and kept at hand ready for action. These were to be
lashed two together, with chains, between old sloops filled with
combustibles, and sent down with a strong wind and tide, to drive upon
the ships. An iron chain, also, was to be stretched obliquely across
the river from Fort Montgomery to the foot of Anthony's Nose, thus, as
it were, chaining up the gate of the Highlands. For a protection below
the Highlands, it was proposed to station whale-boats about the coves
and promontories of Tappan Sea and Haverstraw Bay; to reconnoitre the
enemy, cruise about at night, carry intelligence from post to post,
seize any river craft that might bring the ships supplies, and cut off
their boats when attempting to land. Galleys, also, were prepared,
with nine-pounders mounted at the bows.
While the security of the Hudson from invading ships was claiming the
attention of Washington, he was equally anxious to prevent an
irruption of the enemy from Canada. He was grieved, therefore, to find
there was a clashing of authorities between the generals who had
charge of the Northern frontier. Gates, on his way to take command of
the army in Canada, had heard with surprise in Albany of its retreat
across the New York frontier. He still considered it under his orders,
and was proceeding to act accordingly, when General Schuyler observed
that the resolution of Congress, and the instructions of Washington,
applied to the army only while in Canada; the moment it retreated
within the limits of New York, it came within his (Schuyler's)
command.
That there might be no delay in the service at this critical juncture
the two generals agreed to refer the question of command to Congress,
and in the meantime to act in concert. They accordingly departed
together for Lake Champlain, to prepare against an anticipated
invasion by Sir Guy Carleton. They arrived at Crown Point on the 6th
of July, and found there the wrecks of the army recently driven out of
Canada. They had been harassed in their retreat by land; their
transportation on the lake had been in leaky boats, without awnings,
where the sick, suffering from small-pox, lay on straw, exposed to a
burning July sun; no food but salt pork, often rancid, hard biscuit or
unbaked flour, and scarcely any medicine. Not more than six thousand
men had reached Crown Point, and half of those were on the sick list;
the shattered remains of twelve or fifteen very fine battalions. In a
council of war it was determined that, under present circumstances,
the post of Crown Point was not tenable; and that, therefore, it was
expedient to fall back, and take a strong position at Ticonderoga.
General Sullivan had been deeply hurt that Gates, his former inferior
in rank, should have been appointed over him to the command of the
army in Canada; considering it a tacit intimation that Congress did
not esteem him competent to the trust which had devolved upon him. He
now, therefore, requested leave of absence, in order to wait on the
commander-in-chief. It was granted with reluctance.
On the 9th of July, Schuyler and Gates returned to Ticonderoga,
accompanied by Arnold. Instant arrangements were made to encamp the
troops, and land the artillery and stores as fast as they should
arrive. Great exertions, also, were made to strengthen the defences of
the place. Colonel John Trumbull, who was to have accompanied Gates to
Canada, as adjutant-general, had been reconnoitring the neighborhood
of Ticonderoga, and had pitched upon a place for a fortification on
the eastern side of the lake, directly opposite the east point of
Ticonderoga, where Fort Independence was subsequently built. He also
advised the erection of a work on a lofty eminence, the termination of
a mountain ridge, which separates Lake George from Lake Champlain. His
advice was unfortunately disregarded. Preparations were made, also, to
augment the naval force on the lakes. Ship carpenters from the Eastern
States were employed at Skenesborough to build the hulls of galleys
and boats, which, when launched, were to be sent down to Ticonderoga
for equipment and armament, under the superintendence of General
Arnold.
Schuyler soon returned to Albany, to superintend the general concerns
of the Northern department. He was indefatigable in procuring and
forwarding the necessary materials and artillery for the fortification
of Ticonderoga. The question of command between him and Gates was
apparently at rest. A letter from the President of Congress, dated
July 8th, informed General Gates that, according to the resolution of
that body under which he had been appointed, his command was totally
independent of General Schuyler, _while the army was in Canada_, but
no longer. Gates professed himself entirely satisfied with the
explanation he had received, and perfectly disposed to obey the
commands of Schuyler.
As to General Sullivan, who repaired to Philadelphia and tendered his
resignation, the question of rank which had aggrieved him was
explained in a manner that induced him to continue in service. It was
universally allowed that his retreat had been ably conducted through
all kinds of difficulties and disasters.
A greater source of solicitude to Washington than this jealousy
between commanders, was the sectional jealousy springing up among the
troops. In a letter to Schuyler (July 17th), he says, "I must entreat
your attention to do away the unhappy and pernicious distinctions and
jealousies between the troops of different governments. Enjoin this
upon the officers, and let them inculcate and press home to the
soldiery, the necessity of order and harmony among those who are
embarked in one common cause, and mutually contending for all that
freemen hold dear." Nowhere were these sectional jealousies more
prevalent than in the motley army assembled from distant quarters
under Washington's own command. Reed, the adjutant-general, speaking
on this subject, observes: "The Southern troops, comprising the
regiments south of the Delaware, looked with very unkind feelings on
those of New England; especially those from Connecticut, whose
peculiarities of deportment made them the objects of ill-disguised
derision among their fellow soldiers."
Among the troops thus designated as Southern, were some from Virginia
under a Major Leitch; others from Maryland, under Colonel Smallwood;
others from Delaware, led by Colonel Haslet. There were four
Continental battalions from Pennsylvania commanded by Colonels Shee,
St. Clair, Wayne, and Magaw; and provincial battalions, two of which
were severally commanded by Colonels Miles and Atlee. The Continental
battalion under Colonel Shee was chiefly from the city of
Philadelphia, especially the officers; among whom were Lambert
Cadwalader and William Allen, members of two of the principal and most
aristocratic families, and Alexander Graydon, to whose memoirs we are
indebted for some graphic pictures of the times. These Pennsylvania
troops were under the command of Brigadier-general Mifflin, who, in
the preceding year, had acted as Washington's aide-de-camp, and
afterwards as quartermaster-general.
Smallwood's Maryland battalion was one of the brightest in point of
equipment. The scarlet and buff uniforms of those Southerners
contrasted vividly with the rustic attire of the yeoman battalions
from the East. Their officers, too, looked down upon their Connecticut
compeers, who could only be distinguished from their men by wearing a
cockade. "There were none," says Graydon, "by whom an unofficer-like
appearance and deportment could be tolerated less than by a city-bred
Marylander; who, at this time, was distinguished by the most
fashionable cut coat, the most _macaroni_ cocked-hat, and hottest
blood in the Union." In the same sectional spirit, he speaks of the
Connecticut light-horse: "Old-fashioned men, truly irregulars; whether
their clothing, equipments, or caparisons were regarded, it would have
been difficult to have discovered any circumstance of uniformity.
Instead of carbines and sabres, they generally carried fowling-pieces,
some of them very long, such as in Pennsylvania are used for shooting
ducks. Here and there one appeared in a dingy regimental of scarlet,
with a triangular, tarnished, laced hat. These singular dragoons were
volunteers, who came to make a tender of their services to the
commander-in-chief."
The troops thus satirized were a body of between four and five hundred
Connecticut light-horse, under Colonel Thomas Seymour. On an appeal
for aid to the governor of their State, they had voluntarily hastened
on in advance of the militia, to render the most speedy succor.
Washington speaks of them as being for the most part, if not all, men
of reputation and property. They were, in fact, mostly farmers. The
Connecticut infantry which had been furnished by Governor Trumbull in
the present emergency, likewise were substantial farmers, whose
business would require their return, when the necessity of their
further stay in the army should be over. They were all men of simple
rural manners, from an agricultural State, where great equality of
condition prevailed; the officers were elected by the men out of their
own ranks, they were their own neighbors, and every way their equals.
All this, as yet, was but little understood or appreciated by the
troops from the South, among whom military rank was more defined and
tenaciously observed, and where the officers were men of the cities,
and of more aristocratic habits.