THE ARMY IN NEW YORK.
The great aim of the British, at present, was to get possession of New
York and the Hudson, and make them the basis of military operations.
This they hoped to effect on the arrival of a powerful armament,
hourly expected, and designed for operations on the seaboard.
At this critical juncture there was an alarm of a conspiracy among the
tories in the city and on Long Island, suddenly to take up arms and
co-operate with the British troops on their arrival. The wildest
reports were in circulation concerning it. Some of the tories were to
break down King's Bridge, others were to blow up the magazines, spike
the guns, and massacre all the field-officers. Washington was to be
killed or delivered up to the enemy. Some of his own body-guard were
said to be in the plot. Several publicans of the city were pointed out
as having aided or abetted it.
One of the most noted was Corbie, whose tavern was said to be "to the
south-east of General Washington's house, to the westward of Bayard's
Woods, and north of Lispenard's Meadows," from which it would appear
that, at that time, the general was quartered at what was formerly
called Richmond Hill; a mansion surrounded by trees, at a short
distance from the city, in rather an isolated situation.
{Illustration: WASHINGTON'S HEAD-QUARTERS. RICHMOND HILL HOUSE, 1776.
Vol. II.}
A committee of the New York Congress traced the plot up to Governor
Tryon, who, from his safe retreat on shipboard, acted through agents
on shore. The most important of these was David Matthews, the tory
mayor of the city. He was accused of disbursing money to enlist men,
purchase arms, and corrupt the soldiery. Washington was authorized and
requested by the committee to cause the mayor to be apprehended, and
all his papers secured. Matthews was at that time residing at Flatbush
on Long Island, at no great distance from General Greene's encampment.
Washington transmitted the warrant of the committee to the general on
the 21st, with directions that it should "be executed with precision,
and exactly by one o'clock of the ensuing morning, by a careful
officer." Precisely at the hour of one, a detachment from Greene's
brigade surrounded the house of the mayor, and secured his person; but
no papers were found, though diligent search was made.
Numerous other arrests took place, and among the number, some of
Washington's body-guard. A great dismay fell upon the tories. Some of
those on Long Island who had proceeded to arm themselves, finding the
plot discovered, sought refuge in woods and morasses. Washington
directed that those arrested, who belonged to the army, should be
tried by a court-martial, and the rest handed over to the secular
power.
According to statements made before the committee, five guineas bounty
was offered by Governor Tryon to each man who should enter the king's
service; with a promise of two hundred acres of land for himself, one
hundred for his wife, and fifty for each child. The men thus recruited
were to act on shore, in co-operation with the king's troops when they
came. Corbie's tavern, near Washington's quarters, was a kind of
rendezvous of the conspirators. From this house a correspondence was
kept up with Governor Tryon on shipboard, through a mulatto. At this
tavern it was supposed Washington's body-guards were tampered with.
Thomas Hickey, one of the guards, was said not only to be enlisted,
but to have aided in corrupting his comrades.
Much of the evidence given was of a dubious kind. It was certain that
persons had secretly been enlisted and sworn to hostile operations,
but Washington did not think that any regular plan had been digested
by the conspirators. According to the mayor's admission before the
committee, he had been cognizant of attempts to enlist tories and
corrupt Washington's guards, though he declared that he had
discountenanced them. He, with a number of others, were detained in
prison to await a trial. Thomas Hickey, the individual of Washington's
guard, was tried before a court-martial. He was an Irishman, and had
been a deserter from the British army. The court-martial found him
guilty of mutiny and sedition, and treacherous correspondence with the
enemy, and sentenced him to be hanged. The sentence was approved by
Washington, and was carried promptly into effect June 28th.
While the city was still brooding over this event, four ships-of-war,
portentous visitants, appeared off the Hook, stood quietly in at the
Narrows, and dropped anchor in the bay. On the 29th of June an express
from the look-out on Staten Island, announced that forty sail were in
sight. They were, in fact, ships from Halifax, bringing between nine
and ten thousand of the troops recently expelled from Boston; together
with six transports filled with Highland troops, which had joined the
fleet at sea. At sight of this formidable armament standing into the
harbor, Washington instantly sent notice of its arrival to Colonel
James Clinton, who had command of the posts in the Highlands, and
urged all possible preparations to give the enemy a warm reception
should they push their frigates up the river. Other arrivals swelled
the number of ships in the bay of New York to one hundred and thirty
men-of-war and transports. They made no movement to ascend the Hudson,
but anchored off Staten Island, where they landed their troops, and
the hill sides were soon whitened with their tents.
Washington beheld the gathering storm with an anxious eye, aware that
General Howe only awaited the arrival of his brother, the admiral, to
commence hostile operations. He wrote to the President of Congress,
urging a call on the Massachusetts government for its quota of
continental troops; and the formation of a flying camp of ten thousand
men, to be stationed in the Jerseys as a central force, ready to act
in any direction as circumstances might require. On the 2d of July he
issued a general order, calling upon the troops to prepare for a
momentous conflict which was to decide their liberties and fortunes.
Those who should signalize themselves by acts of bravery would be
noticed and rewarded; those who proved craven would be exposed and
punished.
About this time, we have the first appearance in the military ranks of
the Revolution of one destined to take an active and distinguished
part in public affairs; and to leave the impress of his genius on the
institutions of the country. As General Greene one day, on his way to
Washington's head-quarters, was passing through a field--then on the
outskirts of the city, now in the heart of its busiest quarter, and
known as "the Park,"--he paused to notice a provincial company of
artillery, and was struck with its able performances, and with the
tact and talent of its commander. He was a mere youth, apparently
about twenty years of age; small in person and stature, but remarkable
for his alert and manly bearing. It was Alexander Hamilton.{1}
{Footnote 1: [Hamilton was a native of the island of Nevis, in the
West Indies. At an early age he was put in a counting house, but his
nature was aspiring, and he devoted his leisure hours to study. Some
early achievements of his pen gave such proof of talent that it was
determined to give him the advantage of a regular education, and he
was sent to King's (now Columbia) College at New York.]}
Greene was an able tactician, and quick to appreciate any display of
military science; a little conversation sufficed to convince him that
the youth before him had a mind of no ordinary grasp and quickness. He
invited him to his quarters, and from that time cultivated his
friendship. Further acquaintance heightened the general's opinion of
his extraordinary merits, and he took an early occasion to introduce
him to the commander-in-chief, by whom we shall soon find him properly
appreciated.
A valuable accession to the army, at this anxious time, was
Washington's neighbor, and former companion in arms, Hugh Mercer. His
military spirit was alert as ever; the talent he had shown in
organizing the Virginia militia, and his zeal and efficiency as a
member of the committee of safety, had been properly appreciated by
Congress, and on the 5th of June he had received the commission of
brigadier-general. He was greeted by Washington with the right hand of
fellowship. The flying camp was about forming. Washington had the
nomination of some continental officer to the command. He gave it to
Mercer, and sent him over to Paulus Hook, in the Jerseys, to make
arrangements for the militia as they should come in; recommending him
to Brigadier-general William Livingston, as an officer on whose
experience and judgment great confidence might be reposed. Livingston
was a man inexperienced in arms, but of education, talent, sagacity
and ready wit. Mercer and he were to consult together, and concert
plans to repel invasions; the New Jersey militia, however, were
distinct from the flying camp, and only called out for local defence.
While danger was gathering round New York, the General Congress at
Philadelphia was discussing, with closed doors, what John Adams
pronounced--"The greatest question ever debated in America, and as
great as ever was or will be debated among men." The result was, a
resolution passed unanimously, on the 2d of July, "that these United
Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States."
"The 2d of July," adds the same patriotic statesman, "will be the most
memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe that it
will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great anniversary
festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by
solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized
with pomp and parade, with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires
and illuminations, from one end of this continent to the other, from
this time forth for evermore."
The glorious event has, indeed, given rise to an annual jubilee, but
not on the day designated by Adams. The 4th of July is the day of
national rejoicing, for on that day the "Declaration of Independence,"
that solemn and sublime document, was adopted. Washington hailed the
declaration with joy. It is true, it was but a formal recognition of a
state of things which had long existed, but it put an end to all those
temporizing hopes of reconciliation which had clogged the military
action of the country.
On the 9th of July he caused it to be read at six o'clock in the
evening, at the head of each brigade of the army. "The general hopes,"
said he in his orders, "that this important event will serve as a
fresh incentive to every officer and soldier to act with fidelity and
courage, as knowing that now the peace and safety of his country
depend, under God, solely on the success of our arms; and that he is
now in the service of a state, possessed of sufficient power to reward
his merit and advance him to the highest honors of a free country."
The excitable populace of New York were not content with the ringing
of bells to proclaim their joy. There was a leaden statue of George
III. in the Bowling Green, in front of the fort. Since kingly rule is
at an end, why retain its effigy? On the same evening, therefore, the
statue was pulled down amid the shouts of the multitude, and broken up
to be run into bullets "to be used in the cause of independence."
The exultation of the patriots of New York, caused by the Declaration
of Independence, was soon overclouded. On the 12th of July several
ships stood in from sea, and joined the naval force below. Every
nautical movement was now a matter of speculation and alarm. Two
ships-of-war were observed getting under way, and standing toward the
city. One was the Phoenix, of forty guns; the other the Rose, of
twenty guns, commanded by Captain Wallace. The troops were immediately
at their alarm posts. It was about half-past three o'clock in the
afternoon as the ships and three tenders came sweeping up the bay with
the advantage of wind and tide, and shaped their course up the Hudson.
The batteries of the city and of Paulus Hook, on the opposite Jersey
shore, opened a fire upon them. They answered it with broadsides, but
continued their course up the Hudson. They had merely fired upon the
batteries as they passed; and on their own part had sustained but
little damage, their decks having ramparts of sand-bags. The ships
below remained in sullen quiet at their anchors, and showed no
intention of following them. The firing ceased. The fear of a general
attack upon the city died away, and the agitated citizens breathed
more freely.
Washington, however, apprehended this movement of the ships might be
with a different object. They might be sent to land troops and seize
upon the passes of the Highlands. Forts Montgomery and Constitution
were far from complete, and were scantily manned. A small force might
be sufficient to surprise them. Thus thinking, he sent off an express
to put General Mifflin on the alert, who was stationed with his
Philadelphia troops at Fort Washington and King's Bridge. The same
express carried a letter from him to the New York Convention, at that
time holding its sessions at White Plains in Westchester County,
apprising it of the impending danger.
Fortunately George Clinton, the patriotic legislator, had recently
been appointed brigadier-general of the militia of Ulster and Orange
counties. Called to his native State by his military duties in this
time of danger, he had only remained in Congress to vote for the
declaration of independence, and then hastened home. He was now at New
Windsor, in Ulster County, just above the Highlands. Washington wrote
to him on the afternoon of the 12th, urging him to collect as great a
force as possible of the New York militia, for the protection of the
Highlands against this hostile irruption. Long before the receipt of
Washington's letter, Clinton had been put on the alert. About nine
o'clock in the morning of the 13th, two river sloops came to anchor
above the Highlands, before the general's residence. Their captains
informed him that New York had been attacked on the preceding
afternoon. They had seen the cannonade from a distance, and judged
from the subsequent firing, that the enemy's ships were up the river
as far as King's Bridge. Clinton was as prompt a soldier as he had
been an intrepid legislator. The neighboring militia were forthwith
put in motion. Three regiments were ordered out; one was to repair to
Fort Montgomery; another to Fort Constitution; the third to rendezvous
at Newburgh, just above the Highlands, ready to hasten to the
assistance of Fort Constitution, should another signal be given.
Another of his sagacious measures was to send expresses to all the
owners of sloops and boats twenty miles up the west side of the river,
to haul them off so as to prevent their grounding. Part of them were
to be ready to carry over the militia to the forts; the rest were
ordered down to Fort Constitution, where a chain of them might be
drawn across the narrowest part of the river, to be set on fire,
should the enemy's ships attempt to pass. Having made these prompt
arrangements, he proceeded to Fort Montgomery, where he fixed his
head-quarters. Here, on the following day (July 14th,) he received
Washington's letter, written two days previously; but by this time he
had anticipated its orders, and stirred up the whole country.
While the vigilant Clinton was preparing to defend the passes of the
Highlands, danger was growing more imminent at the mouth of the
Hudson. The agitation into which New York was thrown on the afternoon
of the 12th of July, by the broadsides of the Phoenix and the Rose,
was almost immediately followed by another. On the same evening there
was a great booming of cannon, with clouds of smoke, from the shipping
at anchor at Staten Island. Every spy-glass was again in requisition.
The British fleet were saluting a ship of the line, just arrived from
sea. She advanced grandly, every man-of-war thundering a salute as she
passed. At her foretop masthead she bore St. George's flag. "It is the
admiral's ship!" cried the nautical men on the look-out at the
Battery. "It is the admiral's ship!" was echoed from mouth to mouth,
and the word soon flew throughout the city, "Lord Howe is come!"