CHAPTER XXXVI.

Efforts of the Enemy to obtain our Cotton.--Demands of European

Manufacturers.--Thousands of Operatives resorting to the

Poor-Rates.--Complaint of her Majesty's Secretary of State.--Letter

of Mr. Seward.--Promise to open all the Channels of Commerce.--

Series of measures adopted by the United States.--Act of Congress.--

Its Provisions.--Its Operation.--Unconstitutional Measures.--

President Lincoln an Accomplice.--Not authorized by a State of

War.--Case before Chief-Justice Taney.--His Decision.--Expeditions

sent by the United States Government to seize Localities.--An Act

providing for the Appointment of Special Agents to seize Abandoned or

Captured Property.--The Views of General Grant.--Weakening his

Strength One Third.--Our Country divided into Districts, and Federal

Agents Appointed.--Continued to the Close of the War.

A class of measures was adopted by the Government of the United

States, the object of which was practically and effectually to

plunder us of a large portion of our crop of cotton, and secure its

transportation, to the manufacturers of Europe. The foreign necessity

for our cotton is represented in these words of her Majesty's

Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, on May 6, 1862, when speaking

of the blockade of our ports:

"Thousands are now obliged to resort to the poor-rates for

subsistence, owing to this blockade, yet her Majesty's Government

have not sought to take advantage of the obvious imperfections of

this blockade, in order to declare it ineffective. They have, to the

loss and detriment of the British nation, scrupulously observed the

duties of Great Britain to a friendly state."

The severity of the distress thus alluded to was such, both in Great

Britain and France, as to produce an intervention of the Governments

of those countries to alleviate it. Instead, however, of adopting

those measures required in the exercise of justice to the

Confederacy, and which would have been sustained by the law of

nations, by declaring the blockade "ineffective," as it really was,

they sought, through informal applications to Mr. Seward, the

Secretary of State for the United States, to obtain opportunities for

an increased exportation of cotton from the Confederacy. This is

explained by Mr. Seward in a letter to Mr. Adams, the Minister at

London, dated July 28, 1862, in which he writes as follows:

"The President has given respectful consideration to the desire

informally expressed to me by the Governments of Great Britain and

France for some farther relaxation of the blockade in favor of that

trade. They are not rejected, but are yet held under consideration,

with a view to ascertain more satisfactorily whether they are really

necessary, and whether they can be adopted without such serious

detriment to our military operations as would render them injurious

rather than beneficial to the interests of all concerned."

In the same letter Mr. Seward had previously said:

"We shall speedily open all the channels of commerce, and free them

from military embarrassments; and cotton, so much desired by all

nations, will flow forth as freely as heretofore. We have ascertained

that there are three and a half millions of bales yet remaining in the

region where it was produced, though large quantities of it are yet

unginned and otherwise unprepared for market. We have instructed the

military authorities to favor, so far as they can consistently with

the public safety, its preparation for and dispatch to the markets

where it is so much wanted."

It has been stated elsewhere in these pages that "it became apparent

that by some understanding, express or tacit, Europe had decided to

leave the initiative in all actions touching the contest on this

continent to the two powers just named (Great Britain and France),

who were recognized to have the largest interest involved." By the

preceding extracts the demands of the Governments of Great Britain

and France for increased facilities, by which to obtain a greater

supply of cotton, are evident; at the same time the determination of

the Government of the United States to fulfill those demands is

apparent, although it placed itself under the necessity of fitting

out some military expeditions against those portions of our territory

where it was supposed the foraging for cotton would be likely to meet

with the greatest success.

By reference to the series of measures adopted by the Government of

the United States to secure possession of our cotton, it will be seen

that it was inaugurated as early as July 13, 1861. This was within

ten days after the commencement of the first and extra session of

Congress, under the Administration of President Lincoln. It is

scarcely credible that that Government, at so early a day, foresaw

the pressing demand from Europe for cotton which would ensue a year

later. Yet it would seem that we must suppose such to have been its

foresight, or else conclude that the first of these measures was the

inauguration of a grand scheme for the plunder of our cotton-crop, to

enrich whomsoever it might concern.

The act of the United States Congress of July 13, 1861, above

mentioned, was entitled "An act to provide for the collection of

duties on imports, and for other purposes." Under the "other

purposes" the important features of the act are contained. Section 5

provides that--

"when said insurgents claim to act under the authority of any State

or States, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the

persons exercising the functions of government in such State or

States, or in the part or parts thereof in which said combination

exists, or such insurrection suppressed by said State or States, then

and in such case it may and shall be lawful for the President, by

proclamation, to declare that the inhabitants of such State, or any

section or part thereof, where such insurrection exists, are in a

state of insurrection against the United States, and thereupon all

commercial intercourse by and between the same and the citizens

thereof and the citizens of the rest of the United States shall

cease, and be unlawful, so long as such condition of hostility shall

continue; and all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming

from said State or section into the other parts of the United States,

and all proceeding to such State or section, by land or water, shall,

together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same, or conveying

persons to or from such State or section, be forfeited to the United

States: _Provided, however_, That the President may, in his

discretion, license and permit commercial intercourse with any such

part of said State or section, the inhabitants of which are so

declared in a state of insurrection, in such articles, and for such

time, and by such persons, as he, in his discretion, may think most

conducive to the public interest; and such intercourse, so far as by

him licensed, shall be conducted and carried on only in pursuance of

rules and regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury.

And the Secretary of the Treasury may appoint such officers at places

where officers of the customs are not now authorized by law, as may

be needed to carry into effect such licenses, rules, and regulations."

It was provided in Section 9 as follows:

"Proceedings on seizures for forfeitures, under this act, may be

pursued in the courts of the United States in any district into which

the property so seized may be taken, and proceedings instituted."

It will be seen, by reference to the provisions of this section, that

the President of the United States was authorized to issue his

proclamation, declaring the inhabitants of any of our States, or of a

portion of any one of them, to be in insurrection, and thereupon all

commercial intercourse became unlawful, and was required to cease,

and all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, on the way to, or

from, the State or part of a State, were forfeited to the United

States, together with the vessel, or vehicle, in which they were

conveyed. Two effects follow this proclamation: first, the cessation

of all commercial intercourse with the citizens of the United States;

second, the forfeiture of all goods _in transitu_. When this

condition has been reached, the act then authorizes the President, in

his discretion, by license, to reopen the trade in such articles, and

for such time, and by such persons, as he may think most conducive to

the public interest. The articles of trade were to be chiefly cotton

and tobacco; the time during which it might be continued was

evidently so long as it could be used for the purpose in view; the

persons were those who would most skillfully advance the end to be

accomplished; and the public interest was the collection and

transportation of the cotton to the European manufacturers.

One may search the Constitution of the United States in vain to find

any grant of power to Congress, by which it could be authorized to

pass this act; much less to find any authority conferred upon the

President to approve the act, or to justify him in a violation of the

oath he had taken to support and maintain the provisions of the

Constitution. Congress was guilty of a most flagrant usurpation by

the passage of the act, and the President, instead of being a check

upon their unconstitutional measures, for which object the veto power

was granted to him, became, by his approval, an accomplice in their

usurpation. For nothing is more evident than that it is one of the

powers reserved to the States to regulate the commercial intercourse

between their citizens, to the extent even of the establishment of

inspection and quarantine regulations. The former of these is a

benefit to commerce, and the latter, in some special cases, only

retards it temporarily, to secure the health of a community.

Neither did a state of war authorize the Government of the United

States to interfere with the commercial intercourse between the

citizens of the States, although under the law of nations it might be

so justified with regard to foreign enemies. But this relation it

persistently refused to concede to the Confederate States or to their

citizens. It constantly asserted that they were its subjects, in a

state of insurrection; and, if so, they were equally entitled to the

provisions of the Constitution for their protection as well as to its

penalties. Still less could the Government make an absolute

forfeiture of the goods seized, as has already been shown when

treating of the Confiscation Act.

But that a state of war did not enlarge the powers of the Government,

as was assumed by this act, was expressly decided by Chief-Justice

Taney, in a case that arose under this act. The Secretary of the

Treasury issued the regulations for trade, as the act assumed the

power to authorize him to do, in the section presented on a previous

page. One Carpenter neglected or refused to obtain the permit

required, and his goods were seized. He contested the right of seizure,

and the Chief-Justice gave a decision at Baltimore, in May, 1863.

He said:

"If these regulations had been made directly by Congress, they could

not be sustained by a court of justice, whose duty it is to

administer the law according to the Constitution of the United

States. For from the commencement of the Government to this day it

has been admitted on all hands, and repeatedly decided by the Supreme

Court, that the United States have no right to interfere with the

internal and domestic trade of a State. They have no right to compel

it to pass through their custom-houses, nor to tax it. This is so

plainly set forth in the Constitution, that it has never been

supposed to be open to controversy or question. Undoubtedly, the

United States authorities may take proper measures to prevent trade

or intercourse with the enemy. But it does not by any means follow

that they disregard the limits of all their own powers as prescribed

by the Constitution, or the rights and powers reserved to the States

and the people.

"A civil war, or any other, does not enlarge the powers of the

Federal Government over the States or the people beyond what the

compact has given to it in time of war. A state of war does not annul

the tenth article of the amendment to the Constitution, which

declares that 'the powers not delegated to the United States by the

Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the

States respectively, or to the people.' Nor does a civil war, or any

other war, absolve the judicial department from the duty of

maintaining with an even and firm hand the rights and powers of the

Federal Government, and of the States, and of the citizens, as they

are written in the Constitution, which every judge is sworn to

support. Upon the whole the Court is of opinion that the regulations

in question are illegal and void, and that the seizure of the goods

of Carpenter, because he refused to comply with them, can not be

sustained. The judgment of the District Court must, therefore, be

reversed, and the goods delivered to the claimant, his agent, or

proctor."

The proclamation of the President required by the act was issued on

August 16, 1861, declaring certain States and parts of States to be

in insurrection, etc. Under it some licenses were issued to places in

Kentucky and Missouri where the United States forces were located,

without any fruitful results. Some strong military and naval

expeditions were fitted out to invade us and occupy the ports where

cotton and other valuable products were usually shipped. An advance

was made up the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers and down the

Mississippi, as has been stated elsewhere. The ports of Beaufort,

North Carolina, Port Royal, South Carolina, and New Orleans,

Louisiana, were declared by proclamation of the President of the

United States to be open for trade under the new system. Licenses

were granted to foreign vessels by United States consuls and to

coasting vessels by the Treasury Department, and the blockade was

relaxed so far as related to those ports, except as "to persons,

property, and information contraband of war." Collectors were

appointed at the above-mentioned ports, and a circular was addressed

to the foreign Ministers at Washington announcing the reopening of

communication with conquered Southern localities.

Again, on March 3, 1863, an act was passed which authorized the

Secretary of the Treasury to appoint special agents to receive and

collect all abandoned or captured property in any State or portion of

a State designated as in insurrection. Under this act a paper

division of the whole of our territory was made into five special

districts, and to each a special agent was appointed with numerous

assistants. Abandoned property was defined to be that which had been

deserted by the owners, or that which had been voluntarily abandoned

by them to the civil or military authorities of the United States.

Property which had been seized or taken from hostile possession by

the military or naval forces was also to be turned over to the

special agents to be sold. All property not transported in accordance

with the Treasury regulations was forfeitable. All expenses incurred

in relation to the property were charged upon it.

The views of General Grant on the operation of this system of

measures, as tending to retard the success of subjugation, which was

the object of the war, were presented to the Secretary of the United

States Treasury in a letter dated at Vicksburg on July 21, 1863. He

writes:

"My experience in West Tennessee has convinced me that any trade

whatever with the rebellious States is weakening to us at least

thirty-three per cent. of our force. No matter what restrictions are

thrown around trade, if any whatever is allowed, it will be made the

means of supplying to the enemy what they want. Restrictions, if

lived up to, make trade unprofitable, and hence none but dishonest

men go into it. I will venture to say that no honest man has made

money in West Tennessee in the last year, while many fortunes have

been made there during the time. The people in the Mississippi Valley

are now nearly subjugated. Keep trade out for a few months, and I

doubt not but that the work of subjugation will be so complete that

trade can be opened freely with the States of Arkansas, Louisiana,

and Mississippi."

On September 11, 1863, revised regulations were issued by the

Secretary which divided the country into thirteen districts, from

Wheeling, West Virginia, to Natchez, on the Mississippi, and a

complete system of trade and transportation was organized. In

December, 1864, new regulations were issued, which authorized the

purchase of our products at certain points from any person with bonds

furnished by the Treasury. The products were sold, transportation was

allowed, and the proceeds were made to constitute a fund for further

purchases. A vigorous traffic sprang up under these regulations,

which were suspended by an order of General Grant, issued on March

10, 1865, and revoked on April 11th by himself. On April 29, 1865,

all restrictions upon internal, domestic, and coastwise commercial

intercourse with all the country east of the Mississippi River were

discontinued.

The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government, Volume 2 · 第 23 / 46 章