From the port of Katakolon to the town of Pyrgos there is a road, and

that road goes on further to Olympia itself. The venerable spot can

therefore be reached in a carriage. The question might, however, be

raised whether a carriage journey over such a road as that between

Pyrgos and Olympia--a journey moreover modified by occasional spaces

where it is better to go on foot--is not at least as tiring as the ride

from Mykênê to Corinth. But, as the traveller goes along from Pyrgos to

Olympia, especially as he nears the immediate object of his pilgrimage,

he can hardly fail to draw the comparison between the nakedness of

Attica and the land through which he passes, rich with trees and with

cultivation, the bleak mountains replaced by lower hills which are

often green with verdure, with villages scattered thick among them,

the scenery in many places coming nearer to that of the hillier parts

of England than might have seemed possible in Greece. It is only here

and there, when the eye catches some of the more distant points of the

landscape, especially when the vast heights of Arkadia come in view,

that it is brought strongly home to his mind that it is through Hellas

that he is journeying. At last, however, he reaches the spot which was

the religious centre of Hellas, and there the Arkadian heights, soaring

over the lower hills which surround the Olympian plain itself, fully

remind him where he is. Here is the spot where, more than in any other,

every Greek was reminded that, however war and policy might divide

them, he was still a sharer with every other Greek in a heritage of

language, religion, and general culture in which the barbarian had no

share, where the Greek from the Spanish Zakynthos and the Greek from

the Tauric Chersonêsos could feel themselves, if not countrymen, at

least brethren, before the temple of the common Father of Gods and men.

Here were the victories won which were recorded in the odes of Pindar;

here, we would fain believe, Herodotus recited his history to assembled

Greece; here the Macedonian King had to prove his descent from an

Argeian stock before he could be admitted as a worthy competitor of

Hellenic freemen; here Alkibiadês made that display of lavish splendour

which at least proved that the resources of Athens were not worn out.

And as we read inscription after inscription recording the name of Elis

and her citizens, our thoughts go back to the never-forgotten claims

of the true people of the land. We remember how Pisa--the name may

almost seem strange in this, its more ancient seat--deemed herself to

be the lawful President of the Olympian feast by an older right than

could belong to the intruders from Aitolia. And we think too of that

one day in later times when the arms of Thebes won back for them their

ancient right for one passing moment. All this might press on the mind

as we look on the plain by Alpheios, and people it in imagination with

competitors, spectators, worshippers, the very realm and trysting-place

of the scattered Hellenic nation. All this we might call up, even if no

actual monument of those days were there to remind us of them. Yet it

is something to think of all this beside the uncovered foundations of

the great Pan-hellenic temple; and it is something more still to trace

out all that Olympia suggests in the presence of remains which tell us

of the times when the Pan-hellenic temple and its festival had passed

away.

The foundations of four principal buildings have been brought to light

by the German diggings. Two of them belong to the days alike of pagan

worship and of Hellenic freedom. There is the lesser, the older temple,

the temple of Hêrê, in the spreading capitals of its massive Doric

columns--capitals, be it remembered, now lying shivered around their

feet--carrying us back to the solemn and solid style of Poseidônia

and of Corinth. Side by side with this venerable fragment we find

inscriptions of Roman date, bearing witness to the unity of history,

and showing how Olympia still remained holy after captive Greece had

led captive her conquerors. Hard by stands the great central monument

of all, the temple of Zeus itself, not a column of its vast ranges

standing perfect, but with, frequently enough, capitals of less antique

form than those of the lesser temple, to show the date and style and

character of the building which held the greatest work of Pheidias.

But it is not only the days of Pheidias, the days of free Greece, the

days of Athenian, Spartan, and Theban rivalry, which are represented

in their remains with that memorable precinct. Two periods of the

history of Greece and the world have still to be represented. There

is that vast semicircle of Roman brickwork, looking like the apse of

a vast basilica, but which is in truth the exedra of Hêrôdês Atticus;

for the bountiful man of Marathôn extended his bounty to the shrine

of the common gods of Hellas as well as to the temples, the theatres,

and all the public works of his own city. But the cycle is not yet

complete; there is one age more to be represented, one phase more of

the history of man to furnish its contribution to the architectural

remains of Olympia. And that age, that phase, has, from one point of

view at least, the highest claims on us of all. We take our chance

of being set down as irreclaimable barbarians when we say that, after

all, the building of highest interest of which the remains are now to

be seen at Olympia is the admirable basilican church which occupies the

site of the temple of Hippodameia. Enough remains to enable us to make

out nearly the whole of its arrangements. It marks a very narrow view

of things, a strange imprisonment of thought within a few arbitrarily

chosen centuries when we see not a few who reverence every stone of

the great and the little temple, even, it may be, every brick of the

_exedra_ of Hêrôdês, but who seem to turn up their noses at a monument

at least as historical as any of them. No doubt the special interest

of this particular building is largely due to the place where it is

found. It is because it is found in the Altis of Olympia, because

it is built on the site of one of the ancient temples of Olympia,

because its materials have been supplied by that and by others of

those temples, that the church which now stands as a ruin alongside

of them has much of its special charm. To take the lowest view, it is

a memorial of the greatest revolution of the whole course of history,

the revolution which installed the worship of Christ and the Panagia on

the site of the shrines of Zeus and Hêrê and Hippodameia. The classical

purist cannot get rid either of the general history of mankind or of

the more enlarged view of the history of art merely by shutting his

eyes to both of them. The basilica is there; it is a fact; it is also

a fact that those who placed it there had a special motive in placing

it there--that of specially marking the triumph of the new faith by

setting up its altars on the site of the fallen altars of heathendom.

And it is a fact also that, however mere classical pedantry may

despise the style in which that basilica was reared, it is simply

pedantry that will despise it. The style, constructively perfect in

itself, contained in itself the germ of all that was to come after. We

cannot reach Köln and Westminster, except by the necessary stages of

Spalato and Olympia.

We may for a moment sympathize with the pedants as we read the

inscription of Jovianus at Corfu. Jovianus destroyed, and he put very

little in the place of that which he destroyed. We treasure his work

and his boast as pieces of history; but we must allow that art, as

such, has no reason to thank him. But the case is quite different with

the basilica of Olympia. Its architect may take his place alongside of

those who did the bidding of Diocletian and Theodoric. He destroyed

indeed, but he destroyed only to put to new uses. The shrine of the

new faith was reared out of the very stones of the shrine of the old.

The columns which, in a past state of things, had known only how to

bear the dead weight of the entablature, were now taught to lift up

the arch, as a living thing rising from their own substance. Enough is

left of the basilica of Olympia to show that it might have held its own

even among the basilicas of Ravenna. But at Olympia the name of Ravenna

seems to awake no echo, to carry with it no meaning. In all accounts

that we have seen the building is said to be Byzantine. That perhaps

simply means that it is Christian and not heathen. Byzantine, in any

architectural sense, the church assuredly is not. It is essentially

basilican, without any Byzantine features. Nor can the date be late

enough to be called Byzantine in any political sense. We may talk about

Byzantine after the final separation of the Empires in 800; before

that time the word leads to confusion. One cannot conceive this church

to be later than Justinian’s time; it may well be earlier. When could

such a building have been so utterly overthrown and swallowed up? We

can think of no time so likely as the Slavonic and Avar inroads of

Justinian’s own day and of the days of his immediate successors.

The church itself is a not very large basilica of the purest and

simplest type. There is no dome, no approach to Byzantine arrangement,

not even the _chalkidikê_ or transept. Two arcades supported by the

smaller columns of the former building, showing Ionic capitals of

two types, led to an apse of which the arch of triumph has unluckily

together vanished. But of the well-wrought _cancelli_, carrying the

mind across the sea to St. Clement’s, a large part still remains. The

apse has its windows divided by what at first sight seem to be coupled

columns--the type which ranges from St. Constantia to the Moissac

cloister--but which really form a single block within and without.

The walls are of brick; several of the windows are preserved, and in

their jambs we see long stones set upright, just as in the primitive

work both of England and Ireland. Everywhere we find these witnesses

to the universality of the earliest form of Christian architecture.

The pavement contains many inscribed stones of various dates. Some

are Pagan, recording votes of the city of Elis in the days of the

early Emperors; some are Christian, as that which records the zeal of

a certain pious reader ἀναγνωστής towards the making of the pavement

itself. To the west of the nave is a range of Ionic columns forming

the portico, but their arches or entablature has perished. But to the

south-west is an attached building where alone the arches are preserved.

They are set on the Ionic columns with an intervening stilt set

crosswise in a most ingenious fashion. The column becomes a mid-wall

shaft.

Such a building, on such a site, found in such a case, suggests

thoughts which bring all the ages of the world together. The old glory

of Olympia passed away; free Elis--whatever we say of free Pisa--no

longer gathered the competitors of free Hellas from Massalia to

Trapezous to strive in a national solemnity before the national gods

of Hellas. But Olympia lived on as long as the Roman masters of Hellas

clave to the gods of Rome, and saw the gods of Rome in the gods of

Hellas. A day came when the lord of Rome cast away his faith alike in

Zeus of Olympia and in Jupiter of the Capitol; a day followed when a

later prince forbade either worship, when the games of Olympia ceased

as a rite of the forbidden worship, when her temples were forsaken or

destroyed or made into materials for new temples of the new creed.

Presently barbaric invasions swept away the new temple and the old

alike. Zeus was still worshipped on Tainaros; St. Andrew still helped

his votaries at Patras; but the temples, pagan and Christian, of the

Olympian Altis lay hidden and forgotten, and the hill of Kronos looked

down on solitude instead of on the great religious centre of the

Hellenic race. Ages after, the zeal of strangers working on Hellenic

ground brings to light the ruins of the pagan temples, and with them

the ruins of the Christian Church. We rejoice in both discoveries; only

let it be remembered that each alike is part of the history of Hellas

and of the history of man. We will at least believe that there is no

fear that the recovered church of Olympia may share the same fate which

the narrowness of classical barbarism decreed for the ducal tower of

Athens.

INDEX.

A

_Acciauoli_, Nerio, his bequest of Athens, 26

_Achaia_, League of, 209;

cities of, 212;

contrasted with Aitôlia, 213, 214

_Ægæan Sea_, islands of, 14;

Greek colonies on, 204

_Ælfred_, King of the West Saxons, his view of the rule of Odysseus,

3, 4

_Agamemnôn_, “Schliemann’s,” preserved at Chorbati, 126, 149, 160

_Aigina_, position and history of, 73-77;

compared with Salamis, _ib._

_Aitôlia_, League of, 209;

her legendary fame, 210;

contrasted with Achaia, 213, 214

_Akarnania_, not in the Homeric Catalogue, 215, 216;

special character of, 216

_Akrokorinthos_, pre-eminence of, 182, 186, 189, 199;

its historical associations, 190-194;

compared with Glastonbury Tor, 195

_Akropolis_ of Athens, how its history should be studied, 18-24;

its position, 33, 35

_Aktê_ (Argolic), 77, 117

_Alaric_, King of the West-Goths, at Athens, 24;

at Corinth, 192;

at Eleusis, 236

_Andronikos Kyrrhestês_, octagonal tower of, 38-40

_Appian Way_, the, its analogy with the Sacred Way of Athens, 226

_Aratos_, deliverer and betrayer of Corinth, 190, 212

_Arch_, the pointed, as old or older, in its constructive form, than

the round, 89, 99, 153, 154;

its beginning in the sally-port of Tiryns, 97;

earlier perfection of the round arch in Italy, 99, 100, 119;

development of the arch at Spalato, 118, 154;

its perfection in the Eastern Churches, 119

_Argos_, contrasted with Mykênê and Tiryns, 86, 90, 93, 96, 97, 106,

121, 123;

increase of her power, 93;

modern Argos contrasted with modern Athens, 106, 107;

Turkish influence on modern Argos, 107, 108;

its later history, 108;

use of the name Argos, 110;

Homeric position of, _ib._, 113;

her destruction of Mykênê, 111, 112, 120, 124, 158;

her early history and its continuity, 112-115, 162;

ancient wall and theatre of, 118;

Roman remains in, _ib._, 120;

Byzantine church at, 119, 120

_Arta_, modern Greek frontier fixed at, 1

_Athens_, continuity of its history, 16-22, 247, 248;

the birthplace of political history, 16, 204;

contrast between old and new Athens, 17, 32, 34;

compared with Rome, _ib._;

results of Turkish rule in, 18;

her primæval and later walls, 19, 20, 22;

historical importance of the earliest wall, 20, 22;

her position in the Homeric Catalogue, 21;

visit of Basil the Second to, 23, 24, 26;

Alaric at, 24;

extinction of her schools by Justinian, _ib._;

bequeathed by Nerio Acciauoli to Venice, 26;

fame of, under foreign Dukes, 27;

a piece of history wiped out by the destruction of the tower of the

Dukes, 28-31, 274;

temple of Olympian Zeus at, 32, 33, 38;

how Athens differs from other cities, 34, 35;

growth of art in, from Aristiôn to Pheidias, 37;

one remaining mosque at, 41, 50;

variety of remains in the _agorê_, 42;

study of Christian-Greek architecture in, 43-50;

metropolitan church at, 45, 47;

date of Byzantine architecture in, difficult to fix, 46, 47;

latest buildings at, not less worthy of study than the earliest, 50;

the practical centre of modern Greek travelling, 68-70;

modern Athens contrasted with modern Argos, 106;

its geographical separation from Eleusis, 230, 231

_Attica_, 15;

not mentioned as a land in the Homeric map, 21;

merged in Athens, _ib._

B

_Basil I._, the Macedonian, converts the Mainotes, 9

_Basil II._, the Slayer of the Bulgarians, visits Athens after his

Bulgarian conquests, 23, 24, 26

_Blakesley_, Dean, value of his comments on the narrative of Herodotus,

61, 63;

on Zôstêr, 242

_Byron_, at Mesolongi, 2;

application of “the curse of Minerva” to the destroyers of the ducal

tower, 31

C

_Carthage_, her fate compared with that of Corinth, 187

_Cashel_, Rock of, serves as a parallel to the Athenian Akropolis, 33,

194

_Cerigo_, 6, 13

_Cheddar_, pass of, its Mykênaian character, 128

_Chorbati_, 125, 164

_Commonwealths_, Greek and Lombard, compared, 70-73

_Constantine Porphyrogennêtos_, his use of the name _Hellênes_, 8-10

_Corinth_, her position in Grecian legend and history, 183, 184,

195-198;

taken by Mummius, 185, 198;

her final overthrow by earthquake, _ib._;

her origin Hellenic, not Phœnician, 186, 187;

her fate compared with that of Carthage, 187;

temple of Athênê at, 188, 189, 198, 201;

her freedom proclaimed by Flamininus, 198;

absence of “Corinthians” in, 199, 200;

special vocal powers of man, beast, and fowl in, 200, 201;

her western position, 206

_Corinthian Gulf_, the, its historical position, 215

D

_Daphnê_, church of, 226, 228, 229

_Dawkins_, W. Boyd, on the retreat of the lion from Europe, 171

“_Druidical_,” abuse of the name, 89

E

_Eirênê_, Empress, her marriage with Leo the Fourth, 25, 26, 47

_Eleusis_, not in the Homeric Catalogue, 21, 60;

its geographical separation from Athens, 230, 231;

tomb of Stratôn at, 232;

temple of Dêmêtêr and Athênê at, 233, 235, 238;

its akropolis, 233;

Roman period of its history, 235, 236;

Alaric at, 236;

modern Eleusis, 237

“_Epeiros_,” use of the name, 216

_Epidauros_, city of Asklêpios, 77

_Epidauros_ (Dalmatian), 77

_Epidauros_ (Lakonian), 14, 77. See _Monembasia_.

F

_Flamininus_, proclaims the freedom of Corinth, 198

G

_Glastonbury Tor_, compared with Akrokorinthos, 195

_Greece_, Ionian Islands ceded to, 7;

origin of cities in, 176;

history of eastern earlier than that of western, 203-209, 214;

western, position of her religious centres, 205, 206;

leagues in, 209

_Greek_ hill-cities, compared with Italian, 88, 90;

colonial cities mark a later stage, 91

_Grote_ George, on the position of Argos in Peloponnêsos, 113

H

_Hadrian_, Arch of, at Athens, 24, 38;

_Stoa_ of, reproduces the Doric order, 40

_Helenê_, her island off Sounion, 245;

her place in Attic legend, 246

_Hellas_, insular, more striking than peninsular, 5

_Hellênes_, use of the name, 7;

confined by Constantine Porphyrogennêtos to the Mainotes, 8-10

_Hêraklês_, 36;

worship of, at Marathôn, 59, 60;

at Tiryns, 96

_Hermoupolis_, 15. See _Syros_.

_Hêrôdês Atticus_, theatre of, at Athens, 24, 42;

his _exedra_ at Olympia, 265, 266

_Herodotus_, his account of Marathôn, 61, 62;

range of the lion fixed by, 171

_Homer_, his description of Tiryns, 87

_Homeric Catalogue_, the, position of Athens in, 21;

Marathôn and Eleusis have no place in, _ib._, 60;

Tiryns how described in, 105;

Akarnania has no place in, 215, 216

_Hydra_, its history, 78-81

I

_Ionian Islands_, 7;

merged in the Greek kingdom, _ib._

_Isthmian Games_, the, strange application of the name to Epsom races,

220

_Isthmus of Corinth_, its varied history, 197

_Ithakê_, Homeric, 3, 217, 218

J

_Johnson_, Samuel, application of his saying on the battle of

Marathôn, 55, 56

_Justinian_, fortifies Athens and extinguishes her schools, 24

K

_Kalaureia_, 78

_Kallimachos_, fate of Europe decided by the casting vote of, 53

_Kanarês_, Constantine, compared with Theseus, 50, 51;

his death, _ib._, 66, 67;

his home in Psara, 80

_Kapnikarea_, the, church of, at Athens, 47;

its _narthex_ compared with the west front of Peterborough, 48, 49

_Kephallênia_, 3, 5, 217

_Kyklopês_, their change of character, 94

_Kymê_, contrasted with Mykênê, 158, 159;

her western position, 205

L

_Larissa_, the, of Argos, 86, 109, 110, 116, 120, 182

_Laureion_, mines of, 241, 255

_Leake_, Colonel, on the battle of Marathôn, 61, 63;

on Tiryns, 102, 104;

on the worship of Poseidôn at Sounion, 254

_Lion_, the, range of, in Europe, 171;

cognate forms of his name, _ib._

_Lowe_, Robert (late Lord Sherbroke), his view of the battle of

Marathôn, 52

_Lysikratês_, choragic monument of, 38, 39

M

_Mahaffy_, J. P., his views on the destruction of the tower of the

Dukes in Athens, 28, 29;

his illustration of the position of the temple of Olympian Zeus,

33, 144;

on the physical position of the Greek commonwealths, 71;

on the geographical separation of Eleusis from Athens, 230

_Maina_, name of Hellênes confined to, 8

_Mainotes_, their independence, 8;

how distinguished from the Slaves by Constantine Porphyrogennêtos,

8;

their conversion, 9

_Marathôn_, not in the Homeric Catalogue, 21, 60;

the most historic spot in Attica, 52;

battle of, the most memorable in the world’s history, 54 _et seq._;

the earliest and the latest fight compared, 57, 58;

geographical use of the name, 59;

its mythical history, _ib._;

temple of Athênê at, 60;

named in the Odyssey, _ib._;

earliest historical notices of, 61;

the marshes not mentioned by Herodotus, 62;

Pausanias’ account of the battle, _ib._;

site of ancient Marathôn uncertain, 63;

the barrow of the one hundred and ninety-two at, 64;

grave of Miltiadês at, _ib._

_Mavrokordatos_, at Mesolongi, 211

_Mesolongi_, two sieges of, 2, 211

_Methana_, 77

_Miltiadês_, influence of his arguments on Kallimachos, 53;

his success at Marathôn largely owing to the nature of the ground,

63;

his grave, 65

_Monembasia_, Latin conquest of Peloponnêsos completed by the taking

of, 14

_Morea_ (Môraia), earlier application of the name, 3

_Morosini_, Francesco, Venetian occupation of Athens under, 28, 31

_Mykênê_, contrasted with Argos and Tiryns, 86, 90, 93, 96, 97, 121;

history of, 95, 126;

its point of likeness with New Grange, 101, 155;

destroyed by Argos, 111, 112, 120, 124, 158;

preserved by destruction, 123;

its primæval relics, 126;

position of the akropolis, 127 _et seq._;

the walls, 130, 131, 137;

the lion-gate, 132, 134-136, 159;

the tombs and treasures, 132;

gateways of the treasuries, 133, 134;

the inner fortress, 136-138;

Homeric description of, 138;

the treasuries and treasures, 140 _et seq._;

use of the word “treasures,” 141;

process of burial, 143;

striking effect of the masks, 144, 146;

beginnings of the arch, 154;

its special primæval character, 158-161;

carriage-road practically ends at, 164

N

_Naupaktos_ (Lepanto), 210

_Nauplia_, high position of, under the Venetian and Turkish power, 82,

83

_Navarino_ (Pylos), battle of, 11, 13

_Neale_, J. M., his _History of the Holy Eastern Church_, 46, 47

_Nemea_, temple of Zeus at, 169, 170, 174, 178, 179;

the seat of Pan-hellenic worship, 169, 175;

legendary lion of, 169-172;

theatre at, 170, 180;

modern fauna of, 173

_New Grange_, its point of likeness with Mykênê, 101, 155

O

_Olympia_, the religious centre of Hellas, 261-264;

temples of Hêrê and of Zeus at, 264;

_exedra_ of Hêrôdês, 265;

special interest of the basilican church at, 266-274;

desolation of, 273

P

_Parnassos_, 181

_Parthenôn_, the, 17, 22;

its continuance as such in different ages, 23, 25, 27, 36;

thanksgiving of Basil the Second in, 23, 24;

changed into a mosque, 30;

its destruction in the Venetian occupation, 31

_Patras_, siege of, 2, 210, 273

_Patroklos_, Admiral of Ptolemy Philadelphos, his island off Sounion,

247

_Pausanias_, how his story of the battle of Marathôn differs from that

of Herodotus, 62;

Greek travelling in his day, 68, 69, 166, 168;

his description of Tiryns, 92;

on Argos, 120;

on the treasuries of Mykênê, 150, 151, 156;

distinguishes the treasuries of Mykênê from the tombs, 150, 156,

157;

records the tombs of the Sacred Way, 227;

the temple of Philê-Aphroditê, 230;

the worship of Poseidôn at Eleusis, 232;

his description of Sounion, 240

“_Pelasgian_,” abuse of the name, 88, 89, 100, 101

_Peloponnêsos_, southern, characteristics of its coastline, 5, 6;

lack of good roads in, 12

_Pentedaktylos_, 5, 8, 10, 13

_Periklês_, works of, how they should be studied, 18, 22

_Peterborough_ Cathedral, its west front compared with the _narthex_

of the Kapnikarea at Athens, 48

_Philé-Aphroditê_, temple of, 227, 230

_Pôros_, 78

_Poseidôn_, his worship at Eleusis, Sounion, and the Isthmus, 224,

225;

at Sounion, 241, 253, 254

_Poseidônia_ (Pæstum), contrasted with Mykênê, 158;

with Kymê, 159;

analogy between its temples and the temple of Athênê at Corinth,

187, 264

_Psara_, under the Turk, 80

_Psyttaleia_, 76, 77, 222

_Ptolemy_, gymnasion of, at Athens, 42

_Pylos_, occupation of, 11, 13. See _Navarino_

_Pyrrhos_, his death at Argos, 114

_Pythionikê_, tomb of, 227

R

_Rome_, her unbroken series of historical monuments, 17

S

_Sacred Way_, the, of Athens, 225 _et seq._;

its analogy with the Appian Way, 226

_Saint Andrew_, his defence of Patras, 2, 210, 273

_Saint Theodore_, church of, at Athens, 47, 49

_Salamis_, how her history differs from that of Aigina, 74-76;

battle of, 74, 76, 197

_Scheriê_, whether Corfu, 60

_Schliemann_, Dr., his share in the destruction of the ducal tower

at Athens, 29;

his work at Mykênê, 126, 129, 130, 134, 140, 157

_Scotia_, use of the name, 45

_Sikyôn_, 212, 221

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