XIV. THE INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT

The sporadic but persistent agitation for reform which ultimately

evolved into the organized movement for independence since 1892,

began soon after the discovery of the Islands. In the beginning,

dissatisfaction manifested itself in more or less unimportant and

localized uprisings against the oppressive measures which the Spanish

rulers sought to impose upon the inhabitants.

Some of these uprisings, in outline form, were the following:

[Uprisings against Spain]

1574.--The first governor in Manila ordered the residents to supply his

troops food, and took two of the leading Filipinos as hostages. After a

time the Filipinos refused to submit any longer to the imposition. The

governor ordered the hostages to be shot. The Filipinos revolted.

1585.--The Province of Pampanga was a center of revolts.

1588.--A conspiracy against Legaspi and against the principal officials

of the city. The idea in this revolt was to expel the Spaniards from

the Philippine Islands.

1589.--Popular revolt in the Provinces of Cagayan and Ilocos Norte.

1622.--Like Pampanga, Bohol became a center of revolts. This year

saw a strange revolt which had a religious cause but later gained

national importance. It also developed leadership in the person of

one Tamblot. He was executed but his memory lived to inspire another

rebellion.

This same year saw an uprising in the Province of Leyte.

1643.--Ladia led a revolt in Bulacan. His plan was easily discovered

and he was put to death.

1645.--An uprising against the tax system in the Province of Pampanga,

the second revolt in that province.

1649.--The most widespread revolt the Spanish government had yet

seen against the system of conscripting labor whenever a Spaniard

needed it. Starting in Leyte the uprising spread from one province

to another and would not have been suppressed had not the governor

incited Filipinos against Filipinos.

1660.--Miniago led a rebellion in Pampanga against the system of

forced labor. At this time the Filipinos had already learned the

Spanish way of making promises which were never fulfilled, thus

instilling hatred in the Filipinos.

This same year witnessed another revolt in Pangasinan following the

Miniago revolt. The leader by the name of Malong gave the Spanish

government an almost unbearable trouble. He proclaimed his province,

Pangasinan, independent and started to set up a government of its

own. His army swept everything before it, but at last suffered defeat

by the hands of Spaniards. The Filipinos were gradually developing

military men, and at this time, one General Pedro Gumapus had been

recognized. He was arrested, however, and put to death with many of

his comrades.

1661.--A revolt in Ilocos, an aftermath of the Malong rebellion.

1686.--A conspiracy in Manila, but soon suppressed.

1719.--The riot in which Governor Bustamante and his son were

killed. This was the result of the long discord between the government

and the church.

1744.--Another rebellion in Bohol. This time the leader was Dagohoy

and under his leadership his army was able to drive the Spanish troops

away. Dagohoy set up a government in Bohol.

1762.--Pangasinan revolted again, but again unsuccessful.

1762.--A revolt occurred during the war with Great Britain. Silan

offered his services to raise troops against the British. In reply

the government sent him to prison for a spy. The Filipinos revolted

and broke jail, letting the prisoner out. Silan was later murdered

by an assassin whom the Spaniards hired. His widow who continued the

revolt was arrested and hanged.

1762.--The Provinces of Cagayan, Laguna, and Batangas revolted against

the tax system.

1785.--Nueva Ecija revolted.

1807.--A rebellion in Ilocos in which the Filipinos demanded

constitutional rights. The rebels captured the town of Piddig and

overcame the Spanish forces.

1811.--The Igorots plotted to annihilate all the Spaniards. The plan

was betrayed to the authorities and was nipped in the bud.

1812.--For the first time in the history of Spain the demand for

reforms was met with constitutional concession. The Filipinos were

to have representation in the Cortes of Spain. The constitution

was later discarded by King Ferdinand VII and upon hearing this the

Filipinos revolted.

1814.--A rebellion against the oppressive tax system.

1820.--An uprising during a cholera epidemic, as the people believed

that the government had been neglecting its duty. It was quelled,

and a frightful massacre followed.

1823.--A mutiny at Novales led by a mestizo army officer.

1827.--This year the rebels of Bohol were temporarily subjugated

after an independence of about eight years.

1840.--An extensive revolt in southern Luzon led by Apolinario de

la Cruz, a student in theology. Cruz organized a Brotherhood of San

Juan and asked for the coöperation of the church. In reply, De la

Cruz was arrested for working seditiously. Revolt followed in which

the leader was arrested and shot.

1843.--An uprising in Manila as a resentment against the treatment

of De la Cruz.

1872.--This revolt was different from any other previous revolt as it

was no longer a protest against specific injustice but a revolt based

upon idealistic basis. The leaders came from the educated class. The

victims included such harmless men as Father Burgos, Father Zamora,

and Father Gomez who were executed.

1883, 1888.--These years saw various revolts against oppressive

treatments.

1892.--This year marked the beginning of the long and constructive

struggle which changed the history of the Filipino people. It was

characterized by a systematic campaign for freedom, culminating in

the execution of Jose Rizal and the successful Revolution of 1896.

THE ORGANIZED MOVEMENT.--The leadership and the national ideals which

these uprisings developed, became apparent in the Revolution of 1896

when the masses rose in arms against Spain and demanded separation

and freedom. General MacArthur said of this Revolution:

"When I first started in against these rebels, I believed that

Aguinaldo's troops represented only a faction. I did not like to

believe that the whole population of Luzon--the native population,

that is--were opposed to us and our offers of good government. But

after having come this far, after having occupied several towns and

cities in succession, and having been brought much in contact with

both insurrectos and amigos, I have been reluctantly compelled

to believe that the Filipino masses were loyal and devoted to

Aguinaldo and the government which he heads."

Upon the cessation of hostilities and after the organization of

the civil government in the Islands under the American régime, the

Philippine Commission passed an act which virtually prohibited all

agitations for Philippine independence. Under these circumstances, the

movement had to go on in an unorganized manner against the opposition

of the Federal Party which indorsed annexation of the Philippines

to the United States. The party, however, never had any substantial

support, and soon lost the little it had. Another party had appeared

on the scene, having immediate independence for its slogan and the

multitude rallied around its standard.

As an organized and systematic movement, the agitation began with

the institution of the Philippine Assembly in 1907. The Philippine

Assembly was then the popular branch of the Philippine Legislature,

the upper house being the Commission of which the majority were

Americans. The issue in the general elections was independence for

the Islands, and the Nacionalista Party, which championed the cause,

gained an overwhelming majority in the Assembly over the Federal

Party. At the close of the first session of this representative body,

the Speaker, Hon. Sergio Osmeña, declared:

"Permit me, gentlemen of the chamber, to declare solemnly before

God and before the world, upon my conscience as a deputy and

representative of my compatriots, and under my responsibility

as president of this chamber, that we believe the people desire

independence, and that we believe ourselves capable of leading

an orderly existence, efficient both in internal and external

affairs, as a member of the free and civilized nations."

The cause of Philippine independence has been paramount in Philippine

affairs since then, but the Filipino people have been striving for

that national objective in the most peaceful manner. After the war

the movement was resumed, and since 1919 two delegations have been

sent to the United States to present pleas for independence to the

President and Congress. The first went in 1919, the second in 1921.

AMERICA'S POLICY AND PROMISE TO THE FILIPINO PEOPLE.--The plea for

freedom is based on two contentions. First, that it is the right of

all nations to be free; second, that independence has been promised

by the United States. Both of which premises are admitted. The only

question is when independence will be granted.

The Filipino people are one in their appeal for independence. All

political parties have this as a common objective. There is not one

discordant note in the age-long desire. The people are willing to

stake their all--take all the chances attendant upon an independent

existence. They want their freedom now.

On the other hand, America's policy toward the Islands has been

consistent. The pronouncements of her executive officials as well as

Congressional legislations all point to one conclusion: It has never

been the intention to make of the Philippines a perpetual possession;

independence is to be granted as soon as a stable government "can

be established."

PRONOUNCEMENTS OF AMERICAN PRESIDENTS.--In January 30, 1899, eight

months after the battle of Manila Bay, President McKinley dispatched

the First Philippine Commission to the Islands with the assurance

that the Commission would bring "the richest blessings of a liberating

rather than a conquering nation." Later on he added: "The Philippines

are ours, not to exploit but to develop, to civilize, to educate,

to train in the science of self-government."

In 1903 Mr. Taft, as Civil Governor of the Philippine Islands,

eloquently expressed himself thus:

"From the beginning to the end, the state papers which were

circulated in these Islands as authoritative expressions of the

Executive had for their motto that 'the Philippines are for the

Filipinos,' and that the government of the United States are here

for the purpose of preserving the 'Philippines for the Filipinos'

for their benefit, for their elevation, for their civilization,

again and again appears."

And again, in 1907, he said:

"The policy looks to the improvement of the people, both

industrially and in self-governing capacity. As the policy

of extending control continues, it must logically reduce and

finally end the sovereignty of the United States in the Islands,

unless it shall deem wise to the American and Filipino peoples,

on account of mutually beneficial trade relations and possible

advantages to the Islands in their foreign relations, that the

bond shall not be completely severed."

In his message in 1908 President Roosevelt said:

"I trust that within a generation the time will arrive when the

Filipinos can decide for themselves whether it is well for them

to become independent or to continue under protection of a strong

and disinterested power, able to guarantee to the Islands order

at home and protection from foreign invasion."

And in his autobiography Mr. Roosevelt remarked:

"As regards the Philippines my belief was that we should train

them for self-government as rapidly as possible and leave them

free to decide their own fate."

On October 6, 1913, President Wilson, in a message for the Filipino

people, formulated America's policy thus:

"We regard ourselves as trustees not for the advantage of

the United States, but for the benefit of the people of the

Philippine Islands. Every step we take will be taken with a view

to ultimate independence of the Islands and as a preparation for

that independence."

THE JONES LAW.--All these official declarations at last found

Congressional sanction and expression in the Jones Law passed in 1916

which in the opinion of the author, Congressman William Atkinson Jones,

is "the everlasting covenant of a great and generous people speaking

through their accredited representatives that they (the Filipinos)

shall in due time enjoy the incomparable blessings of liberty and

freedom." The preamble of the Law reads:

"Whereas it was never the intention of the people of the United

States in the incipiency of the War with Spain to make it a war

of conquest or territorial aggrandizement; and

"Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people

of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the

Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon

as a stable government can be established therein; and

"Whereas, for the speedy accomplishment of the purpose, it is

desirable to place in the hands of the people of the Philippines

as large a control of their domestic affairs as can be given them

without in the meantime impairing the exercise of the right of

sovereignty by the people of the United States in order that by

the use and exercise of popular franchise and government powers

they may be better prepared to fully assume the responsibilities

and enjoy all the privileges of complete independence;

"Therefore...."

This law is the first formal pronouncement of the American people,

through their accredited representatives, on the purpose of the United

States as regards the Philippine Islands. It is the formal pledge

that Independence will be granted. The only condition required is

that a stable government be first established in the Islands.

Executive recommendation for the fulfillment of America's

promise.--That there is now such a stable government in the Islands

is the claim of the Filipinos, and America is being asked to perform

her part of the covenant. In this claim of theirs, the Filipinos

are supported by the official representatives of the American people

themselves.

In his last message to Congress, December 2, 1920, President Wilson

made this recommendation:

"Allow me to call your attention to the fact that the people of

the Philippine Islands have succeeded in maintaining a stable

government since the last action of the Congress in their behalf,

and have thus fulfilled the condition set by the Congress as

precedent to a consideration of granting independence to the

Islands.

"I respectfully submit that this condition having been fulfilled,

it is our liberty and our duty to keep our promise to the people

of those islands by granting them the independence which they so

honorably covet."

Governor-General Harrison also testified before the Joint Committee of

Congress in 1919 that a stable government had already been established

in the Philippine Islands, to wit, "a government elected by the

suffrages of the people, which is supported by the people, which

is capable of maintaining order and of fulfilling its international

obligations."

MISSIONS TO UNITED STATES.--Soon after the termination of the world

war, it was decided to push the campaign for freedom with greater

vigor than ever before.

There was need, besides, of centralizing the campaign if it was to be

more effective. Accordingly, the Philippine Legislature, on November 1,

1918, created a "Commission of Independence," composed of the presiding

officers and members of both houses of the Legislature. The Commission

was for the purpose of considering and reporting to the Legislature:

(a) Ways and means of negotiating immediately for the granting and

recognition of the Independence of the Philippines.

(b) External guarantees of the stability and permanence of said

independence as well as of territorial integrity.

(c) Ways and means of organizing in a speedy, effectual and orderly

manner a constitutional and democratic internal government.

The First Mission.--One of the first actions of the Commission was

to recommend the sending of a special mission to the United States

to present the plea for freedom in a formal manner. The Legislature

approved this recommendation, and in May, 1919, a delegation arrived

at Washington, composed of forty prominent Filipinos representing the

two houses of the Legislature as well as the commercial, industrial,

agricultural, and labor interests of the Islands.

About the time it sailed, the Legislature adopted a "Declaration of

Purposes" for the guidance of the Commission of Independence and the

Philippine Mission. This declaration recited, among other things:

Declaration of Purposes.--* * * "In applying the principles enunciated

in documents and utterances on the Philippines to the conditions now

existing in the Islands, the Commission of Independence will find

the following facts:

"That there exist likewise in the Philippines all the conditions

of stability and guarantees for law and order that Cuba had to

establish to the satisfaction of America in order to obtain her

independence, or to preserve it, during the military occupation of

1898-1902 and during the intervention of 1906-1909, respectively.

"That the 'preparation for independence' and the 'stable

government' required by President Wilson and the Congress of the

United States, respectively, contain no new requisite not included

in any of the cases above cited.

"That these prerequisites for Philippine Independence are the

same as those virtually or expressly established by the Republican

administration that preceded President Wilson's administration.

"That during the entire time that the Filipino people have been

with America, they have been living in the confidence that the

American occupation was only temporary and that its final aim

was not aggrandizement or conquest, but the peace, welfare,

and liberty of the Filipino people.

"That this faith in the promises of America was a cardinal factor

not only in the coöperation between Americans and Filipinos during

the years of peace, but also in the coöperation between Americans

and Filipinos during the late war.

"That the condition of thorough development of the internal

affairs of the country and the present international atmosphere

of justice, liberty, and security for all peoples, are the most

propitious for the fulfillment by America of her promises and

for her redemption of the pledges she has made before the world.

"Therefore, so far as it is humanly possible to judge

and say, we can see only one aim for the Commission of

Independence--independence; and we can give only one

instruction--to get it. * * *"

The Mission proceeded to Washington to confer with President Wilson and

to make known their desires. It happened, however, that the President

was in Paris, at the Peace Conference, and could not receive the

mission in person. He delegated Secretary of War Baker to represent

him and to read for him to the Mission a letter in which he expressed

sentiments of sympathy and good will. In that letter, the President

said in part:

"I am sorry that I cannot look into the faces of the gentlemen

of this Mission from the Philippine Islands and tell them all

that I have in mind and heart as I think of the patient labor,

with the end almost in sight, undertaken by the American and

Filipino people for their permanent benefit. I know, however,

that your sentiments are mine in this regard and that you will

translate truly to them my own feelings."

And Secretary Baker, on his part, said:

"I know that I express the feeling of the President--I certainly

express my own feeling; I think I express the prevailing feeling

in the United States--when I say that we believe the time has

substantially come, if not quite come, when the Philippine Islands

can be allowed to sever the mere formal political tie remaining

and become an independent people."

Hearing Before Congressional Committee.--Because of the absence of

President Wilson, the mission had to return to the Islands with its

object unattained. The members, however, had visited many cities of the

United States and delivered speeches pleading for independence. They

also succeeded in getting a hearing before a joint-committee

of Congress, presided over by the then Senator Harding. But the

committee was adverse to any action being taken at the time on the

issue of Philippine independence and so stated. The Mission then

presented a memorial "to the Senate and House of Representatives of

the United States," wherein it submitted the case of the Filipinos

in substance thus:

1. That as defined and established in the Act of Congress of August

29, 1916, the purpose of the Government of the United States is

to withdraw its sovereignty over the Philippine Islands as soon

as a stable government can be established therein.

2. That in accordance with the terms and provisions of said law,

the people of the Philippines have organized a government that

has been in operation for nearly three years and which has

offered complete evidence that conditions are ripe for the

establishment of an independent government that will be fully

capable of maintaining law and order, administer justice, promote

the welfare of all the inhabitants of the islands, and discharge

as well its international obligations.

3. That the Filipino people desire their independence at this time,

and along with that independence, they confidently hope to

preserve the bonds of good understanding and friendship which bind

them to the United States, and to foster the free development of

commercial relations between the two countries.

The Second Mission.--The first Mission failing to get independence,

a second one was dispatched in 1922, with identically the same

purpose--to negotiate for independence. It was designated a

Parliamentary Mission, presided over by the Speaker of the House and

the President of the Senate, and was composed of 14 members. Arriving

at Washington, it presented a memorial to President Harding, which, in

point of logic, force, earnestness, and diction, must stand unique in

the annals of peoples aspiring to be free through peaceful methods. It

is the case of the Filipinos in a nutshell. It recites in part:

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