CHAPTER XI

The Eastern Empire--The marriage of Orkhan and Theodora--Solyman

crosses the Hellespont--The death of Solyman--Amurath I conquers

Adrianople--A crusade against Amurath--Amurath conquers

Nish--Revolt of the Slavs--Western Europe at this period--Successes

of the Slavs--The battle of Kossova--Sultan Bajazet--Another

crusade against Turkey--Bajazet defeats the crusaders--The

ascendancy of Tamerlane--Bajazet is defeated by Tamerlane--Death of

Bajazet and Tamerlane--Civil war--Musa marches against

Servia--Mohammed I succeeds Musa--Amurath II--Pretender

Mustapha--Attack on Constantinople--Hunyadi Janos--Peace of

Szeggedin--The death of Ala-ed-din--Battle of Varna--Mohammed, son

of Amurath--Scanderbeg--Mohammed II--Conquest of Constantinople.

That Turkish rule has lasted as long as it has, has not died down like

the power of other Asiatic races who swept over Europe, held parts of it

for a while, and were then forced out again, is probably due to the fact

that earlier Ottoman Sultans took no step in advance before

consolidating their power behind them. They allowed time for each

conquered province, each subject race to blend into the general

nationality of their Empire by the assimilation of military and civil

institutions. Asia Minor became a solid Empire under Turkish rule, and

allowed the Sultan to look further afield for fresh conquests. He was

naturally drawn towards the West, where lay the heart of the Empire out

of which successive sons of Othman had carved their possessions. Again,

the troubled state of the Greek Empire, frequently rent by civil war,

offered the strong young Turk rulers an opportunity for interfering much

in the same way that Great Powers of to-day concern themselves with the

doings of less well-ordered states. The Eastern Empire was indeed in a

parlous state by the time Orkhan had brought his country from a chaos

of conquered provinces to a heterogeneous Empire, and invited

interference. The Emperor John V (Cantacuzene) realized the power of the

Turks, and sought to strengthen his position by an alliance with the

Sultan, so a marriage was arranged and celebrated with great pomp and

splendour between Orkhan, a widower of some sixty years, and the

Emperor's young daughter Theodora. This should have led to a good

understanding between the monarchs, but it did not, as the East was

pressing relentlessly on the enfeebled West, and temporary expedients

could not avert the coming catastrophe. All about Constantinople were

foreign settlements; Venetians and Genoese fought for mastery in the

narrow waters of the Bosphorus, and both united to wring concessions out

of the Eastern Empire. The rivalry of these two Republics gave Orkhan a

reason for interfering, and he decided to ally himself with the Genoese,

for he hated the Venetians, who had insulted him by declining to receive

his envoys to the Doges. But the Venetians were allied to Emperor John

Cantacuzene, in his struggles against another son-in-law, John

Palæologus.

Solyman, son of Orkhan, crossed the Hellespont by night with a handful

of followers and took Koiridocastron, or "Hog's Castle." No attempt was

made to regain this castle from the Turk, as the Emperor was fully

occupied with the armies of his rebel son-in-law, Palæologus, and with

the Genoese fleet. The Greek Emperor, finding himself in such sore

straits, without making any attempt to dislodge Solyman from the castle,

without even a remonstrance, implored Orkhan to send him assistance.

This Orkhan readily granted; he reinforced Solyman's small party with an

army of ten thousand men. This force defeated Palæologus and his

Slavonic army, but did not return to Asia; the Turk had landed in

Europe, and showed a determination to stay. Cantacuzene offered Solyman

ten thousand ducats to evacuate the "Hog's Castle," and the Sultan's son

agreed, but before the sum had been paid an earthquake visited Thrace

and threw down the walls of its strongholds. The Greeks saw in this a

sign of Heaven's ill-will, the Turks believed it to be a manifestation

of the will of Allah in their favour and a plain command to proceed with

the conquests in Europe. So while the Greeks were still trembling two of

Solyman's captains, Adjé Bey and Ghasi Fasil, occupied Gallipoli,

marched in over its defences shattered by the earthquake. Soon after

these events Solyman, when engaged in his favourite sport of falconry,

was thrown from his horse and killed. He was buried on the spot where he

had landed with his followers, and near him are buried his two captains,

to whose efforts the Turks owe their first firm foothold in Europe, when

Gallipoli, the key of the Dardanelles, the southern passage to

Constantinople, fell into their hands.

From the reign of Orkhan dates the first decisive influence of Turkey

over Eastern Europe. Orkhan and his brother, Ala-ed-din, forged the

weapons which were to bring the Eastern Empire to its fall and set up

another Empire in its place, an Empire which spread far afield over

Europe, and trod Western civilization under foot from the Black Sea to

the walls of Vienna. To-day that Empire's European possessions have

dwindled down to a small strip of land beyond the City's old walls and

the lines of Chatalja.

Another strong ruler followed Orkhan, Amurath I, his youngest son, in

1359. There were troubles in Asia to keep the new Sultan engaged, the

Prince of Carmania stirred up several Turkish Emirs to rise against the

House of Othman. This matter settled, Amurath bent his mind to further

conquests in Europe, and by 1361 he had captured the great city

Adrianople and made it his capital. Adrianople, the City of Hadrian,

scene of many historic events. Here Emperor Valens met the Goths as they

were streaming down the Valley of the Maritza, and tried to stem the

tide of barbarian invasion; but the Goths broke the trained legions of

Rome, who for years after could not be brought to face that foe again,

and Valens, the Emperor, was numbered among the slain. A few centuries

later Bulgarians and Greeks met here, and again an Emperor fell; whereas

the Goths contented themselves with slaying Valens in battle, the

conquering Bulgarians made a drinking-vessel of the skull of Nicephorus

I, vanquished at Adrianople.

To-day Bulgarians are investing a Turkish force in Adrianople, the first

European capital of the Sultans, where Amurath I lies buried. From here

Amurath prepared the way for the conquest of Constantinople; from here

he set out on those expeditions which brought one Christian nation after

another under the Turkish yoke. Here, too, the Turks first met their

present enemy, the Slav. Hitherto their opponents had been only the

enfeebled Greeks, and these had few, if any, friends in Europe. As

schismatics, the Pope was not concerned with their fate, but when

Amurath's campaigns extended westward, and threatened Catholic

countries, Pope Urban V became alarmed, and called upon Western Europe

for a new crusade. The King of Hungary, the Princes of Servia, Bosnia,

Wallachia, formed a league intended to drive the Osmanli out of Europe;

they collected their armed forces and marched towards the East, crossing

the Maritza about two days' march from Constantinople. There was no

force of equal strength available to Lalashahin, then in command of the

Ottoman forces in Europe, for the allied Princes disposed of some

twenty thousand men, and the Turkish army was scattered about in various

garrisons. The Christians, assured of victory, neglected all military

precautions, were caught unprepared during a night of revelry, "as wild

beasts in their lair. They were driven before us as flames before the

wind, till, plunging into the Maritza they perished in its waters," says

Seadeddin, the Oriental historian. This was the first encounter between

Turks and Slavs; there were many others, mostly with the same result,

and resulting in centuries of suffering for the vanquished. But the

times have changed; the Slav, no longer careless, undisciplined,

ill-prepared, has met the Turk again by the banks of the Maritza, and

before the West--prepared, purposeful, and strong--the East has failed

as it always has done, as it ever will do.

It was Amurath I who thus began to place the yoke on the Slav nations of

Eastern Europe; his troops captured Nissa (Nish), the strong city of the

Servians, and forced their Prince to sue for peace; it was granted on

the condition that he supplied a tribute of a thousand pounds of silver

and a thousand horse-soldiers every year. Sisvan, King of the

Bulgarians, had also taken part in the crusade of Western Christianity

against Amurath, and he was compelled to beg for mercy, which was shown

him at the price of his daughter's marriage to the conqueror.

But the Slavs, Servians, Bulgarians, and Bosniaks were not disposed to

give in calmly to the methods of colonization adopted by Turkey. Most of

Thrace was added to the European possessions, and all Roumelia, and

there seemed to be no limit to the Osmanli's greed of territory. The

natives of conquered districts were removed to other parts of Turkey,

and Turks and Arabs sent to colonize in their stead. All this urged the

princes of the neighbouring Slav races to another mighty effort against

the Asiatic invader. Servia, remembering her past greatness, was chief

of the movement, which was joined by an Albanian people, the Skipetars,

Wallachians and Magyars from Hungary, Poles from the northern Slav

kingdom, all combined with the southern Slavs in this enterprise. But

the old crusading enthusiasm was dead, and Western Europe, which had

sent heroes such as Godfrey of Bouillon, Richard Coeur de Lion,

Frederick Barbarossa, looked on with apathy at the encroachments of the

Turk and the spread of Islam. Richard II, weak and worthless, was King

of England, the imbecile Charles VI reigned over France, and the

Germanic Empire was torn by civil wars, raging between robber knights

and the free towns of the Hansa, under the dissolute Emperor Wenzel. The

chivalry of Spain was still fully occupied with its own crusade against

the Moors, and finally there were divisions in the Papacy itself between

Clement VII and Urban VI. So no help could come to the Slav Crusaders

from the West. Still the league against Amurath was powerful, and he

realized that its subjection would tax all his energy and resources. He

made all necessary arrangements for the good government of Asia during

his absence in the field, then crossed the Hellespont to meet the enemy.

In the meantime the Bulgarians and Serbs had become over-confident,

owing to a successful battle in Bosnia; an Ottoman army moving through

that country was attacked by the Allies with great vigour, and fifteen

out of twenty thousand Turks killed. Inactivity on the part of the

Christians marked the next few months, while Amurath was pouring troops

into Bulgaria, and completing the conquest of that important member of

the league. Ali Pasha, Amurath's general, marched with an army of thirty

thousand men against Sisvan, over the passes of the Nadir Derbend, and

forced Shumla to surrender; Tirnova and Pravadi fell, and the Bulgarian

King fled to Nicopolis. Here Ali Pasha besieged him, and Sisvan begged

for peace. The terms of peace eventually agreed to by the conquering

Turk put an end to Bulgaria's existence as a political entity; it became

a province of the Ottoman Empire.

Lazar, King of the Servians, the head of the Powers leagued against

Amurath, was alarmed at the rapid strides made by the Osmanli forces,

and prepared for a resolute struggle. Amurath accepted the formal

challenge sent him by the Servian King, and marched westward towards the

frontiers of Servia and Bosnia; on the plain of Kossova he met the

Allies. After a night spent in a council of war in both camps, the

antagonists met on the plain of Kossova, the "Amselfeld," as the Germans

call it. To northward of the small stream Shinitza, which traverses the

plain, the chivalry of Servia, Bosnia, and Albania, their auxiliaries

from Poland, Hungary, and Wallachia, were drawn up in battle array on

27th August, 1389.

But the crusaders were unable to stand before the fierce onslaught of

the Osmanli, despite their reckless bravery. Slav chivalry went under in

a sea of blood, though Milosh Kabilovitch had inflicted a fatal wound on

the conqueror. The battle of the "Amselfeld" settled the fate of the

southern Slavs for many centuries.

Amurath II had died from the wound inflicted by Milosh Kabilovitch, and

his son Bajazet reigned in his stead. He pursued the war against Servia

energetically, and made that country a vassal state of the Ottomans.

King Stephen Lazarevitch, successor to King Lazar, gave the Sultan his

sister to wife, and agreed to pay as tribute a certain portion of the

produce of the silver mines in his dominions. Thus Bajazet broke down

Servia's resistance, and then turned against the other states which had

taken part in the latest crusade. Myrtché, Prince of Wallachia,

submitted, and his country became a vassal state of Turkey; Sigismund,

King of Hungary, invaded Bulgaria, but after some slight successes, was

defeated by a superior Turkish army in 1372, and forced to retreat.

While returning to his country from this campaign King Sigismund saw

fair Elizabeth Morsiney, and loved her. Their son, the great Hunyadi

Janos, avenged King Sigismund in his victorious campaigns against the

Turks.

Once again Western chivalry attempted to check the rising tide of Islam.

Sigismund, King of Hungary, felt the danger of that power pressing on

his frontiers, and succeeded in moving the sympathies of other members

of the Catholic Church. So when Pope Boniface IX, in 1394, proclaimed a

crusade against the Osmanli, many of the martial youth of France and

Burgundy, set free by the end of the one hundred years' war with

England, joined in this new crusade. Count de la Manche, three cousins

of the King of France, James of Bourbon, Henri and Philippe de Bar,

acted as commanders under Count de Nevers; besides these were other

Frankish nobles, Philippe of Artois, Comte d'Eu, and Constable of

France, Lord de Courcy, Guy de la Tremouille, Jean de Vienne, Admiral of

France, St. Pol. Montmorel, and Reginald de Roze, marched from France,

and on their way through Germany were joined by Frederic, Count of

Hohenzollern, Grand Commander of the Teutonic Order, and Grand Master

Philibert de Naillac, who came from Rhodes with a strong body of Knights

of St. John of Jerusalem. There came also Bavarian knights, under the

Elector Palatine, and the Count of Mumpelsgarde; Styria sent its

contingent under Count de Cilly. In all, some ten to twelve thousand of

the flower of Western chivalry came down the Danube, full of high pride,

and boasting that "if the sky should fall, they would uphold it on the

point of their spears." Myrtché, Prince of Wallachia, though vassal and

tributary to the Sultan, had been induced to tempt the fortunes of war

once more, and joined the hosts of the Crusaders.

Bajazet was away in Asia, but his general, Yoglan Bey, defended

Nicopolis stoutly against the Crusaders, who closely invested it, and so

gained time for his master. Swiftly and silently came Bajazet, with his

well-trained, well-disciplined army, and the Christian knights at table

on the 24th September, 1396, were suddenly informed that a large Turkish

army was bearing down upon them. The Franks flew to arms and charged

recklessly into battle; their impetuosity and want of discipline proved

their undoing, and by evening Bajazet had vanquished this last crusade

against the rising fortunes of Islam. King Sigismund escaped; most of

the prisoners taken by the Turks were massacred, and those who were

spared lived weary months in captivity at Broussa until ransomed in

1397.

Thus was the West defeated in its attempt at rescuing Eastern

Christians, and Bajazet's victorious armies moved on to new conquests;

they overran and devastated Styria and southern Hungary, marched through

the pass of Thermopylæ, where there was no Leonidas and his devoted band

to bid them halt, and under their conquering Sultan, Locris, Phocis, and

Boeotia fell to the sword of Othman, till finally the whole Peloponese

was a Turkish province.

Constantinople, the only remaining portion of the Greek Emperor, had

escaped so far, but now its fate seemed about to be sealed when another

man, as great, perhaps, as Bajazet himself, came out of Asia--Tamerlane

and his Mongolian hordes.

Timour the Tartar, Timourlenk, Tamerlane, as he is variously called, was

born near Samarkand in the earlier part of the fourteenth century, and

spent the first half of his life in struggling for ascendancy over the

petty chiefs of rival tribes until, at the age of thirty-five, he had

fought his way to undisputed pre-eminence, and was proclaimed Khan of

Zagatai by the warriors of his race.

He made Samarkand his capital, and as he proposed to conquer the whole

habitable earth from there, this ambition was sure to bring him into

conflict with the Osmanli on the western confines of his territory.

Tamerlane had been insulted by the Sultan of Egypt, so he marched from

Sivas, which he had taken from the Turks in Bajazet's absence, towards

Syria, which experienced for two years the terror and cruelty of his

arms. An interchange of letters and embassies between Bajazet and

Tamerlane, on the subject of the latter's occasional incursions into

Turkish territory, served only to aggravate the tension between the two

monarchs, till hostilities became the only way out of an impossible

situation. Tamerlane's forces outnumbered the hundred and twenty

thousand men with which Bajazet marched against the Tartar at Sivas, but

Bajazet was impatient of the warnings of his best general, who had

observed a bad spirit in the army amongst the soldiers of Tartar race

whom Tamerlane had corrupted, and decided to bring matters to a definite

conclusion. He did, but to his own undoing, for Tamerlane

out-manoeuvred him at Angora, where the opposing forces met on July

20th, 1402. The Mongol army is said to have numbered eight hundred

thousand, and Bajazet could not have had more than one hundred thousand

to put into the field, for many had died by the way. Moreover,

Tamerlane's army was in high spirits, and well found in every way,

whereas Bajazet's troops were discontented, and large numbers of Tartars

deserted from him to swell the ranks of the Mongol army, and only the

Ottoman centre, where stood the Janissaries and the Servians, made any

effective resistance to the fierce charges of the Tartar cavalry. At

nightfall, when all was lost, Bajazet attempted to escape from the

field, but his horse stumbled and fell with him, and so delivered him

into the hands of his enemy. After an ineffectual attempt to escape,

Bajazet, who had hitherto been kindly treated, was placed in fetters

every night, and he died of a broken heart only eight months after the

battle of Angora. Prince Musa was allowed to take the body of his

father, Bajazet, to Broussa for burial, by Tamerlane who did not survive

his fallen rival long. Tamerlane died two years later, at Otrar, while

on the march to China, at the age of seventy-one, thirty-six years of

which he had reigned and conquered, and shed more blood, caused more

misery, than any other human before or since.

Bajazet's misguided efforts against Tamerlane brought the Ottoman

Empire, which had been gaining strength so steadily, to the verge of

ruin, and calamity after calamity fell upon the House of Othman after

the disaster of Angora. Civil war broke out as each son of Bajazet

strove for the throne; Solyman fought against his brother Musa, and

though at first successful, spoilt the results by debauchery and the

cruelty with which he treated his troops, so they deserted to Musa, and

Solyman was killed while endeavouring to escape to Constantinople. Musa

followed in his father's footsteps, and seems to have inherited his

energy and ferocity. He thought fit to consider that the Servian Prince,

vassal of the Ottoman Empire, had assisted Solyman against him, so he

carried war in Servia, war with all the barbarity a Turkish Sultan and

Turkish troops were capable of, and then turned towards Constantinople,

for the Emperor Manuel Palæologus had been the ally of Solyman. Musa

laid siege to the City, and Manuel called to Mohammed, the youngest and

ablest son of Bajazet, for assistance, and so we find Ottoman troops

defending the Castle of Cæsar against their own brothers.

The war between the two brothers raged with varying success till the

troops of Musa, whose conduct towards them was little better than that

of Solyman, ranged themselves against him at the decisive moment when

the two brothers confronted each other on the field of battle. Musa was

wounded in a fray with Hassan, the Aga of his Janissaries, and seeing

things going against him, fled, and was found dead in a swamp near the

field of battle. The only other son of Bajazet, Issa, had disappeared

during the war between Solyman and Mohammed in Asia, so the latter

succeeded to the throne of Turkey, and was girt with the sword of

Othman.

In Mohammed I, who reigned from 1413-1421, the House of Othman put forth

one of the best sovereigns of that race. He did not win such distinction

in the field as did some of his predecessors and successors; his

conquests were over the affections of men, for he was just and merciful.

His people called him Pehlevan, Champion, for he was brave, and of great

personal strength and activity; others called him Tshelebi, which

suggests that he had all those attributes that make a gentleman; true to

his friends, a terror to his enemies the rebellious Turcomans, his

country's historian calls him, "The Noah who preserved the Ark of the

Empire, when menaced by the deluge of Tartar invasion."

Those were troubled times, but they seem peaceful compared to the days

of Mohammed I's predecessors, and by the time death overtook Mohammed I

in the eighth year of his reign, rebellions had been suppressed, order

restored, and honourable peace settled for a while in Ottoman dominions.

But it was broken soon after Amurath II, son of Mohammed I, had been

girt with the sword of Othman at Broussa; a claimant to the throne,

alleged son of Bajazet, had long been held captive by the Emperor of

Byzant, who now thought fit to set up this pretender Mustapha against

young Amurath. But the new Sultan, though only eighteen years of age,

showed promise of the military and political abilities of the great sons

of Othman from whom he was descended, and when he and Mustapha met in

battle the latter was out-manoeuvred and forced to flee to Gallipoli,

where he sought refuge in the strong fortress. Aided by Genoese, Amurath

II broke down the defences of Gallipoli, captured Mustapha, and had him

put to death. Then Amurath II turned towards Constantinople to punish

the Emperor for his unprovoked hostility to him. Constantinople was

invested, and Amurath's troops surged in successive waves against the

Walls of Theodosius. The fight was fiercest near the Gate of St.

Romanus, where a number of dervishes, headed by a renowned saint, Seid

Bakhari, formed the vanguard of a forlorn hope in a desperate attack on

25th August, 1422. Among the inducements which urged these five hundred

dervishes to dash out their souls against the City walls was one

calculated to appeal to a Mohammedan saint, marking the ethical

difference between him and the Christian variant; the many nuns in the

convents of Constantinople were assigned to these pious souls as their

share of the spoil. No doubt it was hoped that the company of those

ladies would brighten up the monastic seclusion of the dervishes in

times of peace if ever they came as intervals in the popular

diversion--war. The garrison of Constantinople was making a stout

defence, and might conceivably have held out by itself, but supernatural

intervention was evidently called for, if only for the sake of the

ladies, and the bright apparition of a virgin, robed in violet of

dazzling lustre, further encouraged the besieged, while the besiegers,

hearing of this interference with their business, decided to raise the

siege, and try again some other day. Historians, who are always ready to

discount the value of supernatural apparitions which sparkle in the sky

just in the nick of time, maintain that Amurath II was drawn from the

siege of Constantinople by trouble in Asia. He had a brother, another

Mustapha, whom the Greek Emperor had bribed to raise rebellion in Asia

Minor. The extraordinary rapidity of Amurath's movements frustrated all

young Mustapha's plans; he fled, was caught by some of the Sultan's

officers, and hanged on the nearest tree, which act, no doubt, saved the

Sultan a good deal of trouble.

Amurath returned to Europe and resumed hostilities with the Greek

Emperor, not by besieging Constantinople again, but by annexing other

towns here and there. He took several towns on the Black Sea coast which

had held to Byzant till then, captured Thessalonica from the Venetians,

and made matters easier for the campaign he was obliged to undertake

against turbulent neighbours and insubordinate vassals on the Western

marches of the Ottoman Empire in Europe. Hungary, still smarting under

the defeat of their King at Nicopolis, was roused to action by the great

Hunyadi; Bosniaks and Albanians feared for their independence, and

Wallachia longed to be free; Servia, too, was troublesome, under a fiery

leader Vuk Brankoviç, and after much vacillation, these enemies of the

Osmanli contrived to drop their jealousies for a while, and to combine

against the Eastern invader. The fortunes of war went against Amurath,

and his renowned opponent, Hunyadi Janos, beat his armies at Belgrade

and Hermanstadt, and again at Vasag. The Allies pushed on triumphantly

through Servia and Bulgaria of to-day, up to the Balkan range, where

they wrested two mountain-passes, strongly defended, from the fiercely

resisting Turks. Strange to say, Hunyadi did not advance on Adrianople,

but returned to Pesth after a final victory at the foot of Mount

Kunobitza. During most of this time Amurath had been away in Asia; he

now hurried back to retrieve the fallen fortunes of his Empire in

Europe, but finding that impossible, decided to consolidate what was

left to him, and entered into peace negotiations with his adversaries,

which ended in the Treaty of Szeggedin, in 1444; hereby George

Brankoviç, son of Vuk, became independent ruler of Servia, and Wallachia

was lost to Hungary.

Misfortune dogged Amurath; his eldest son Ala-ed-din died, he who had

assisted in command of the Ottoman forces in Asia, his father's right

hand, and left the Sultan inconsolable, borne down by the weight of

accumulating affliction. There was a second son, Mohammed, still young,

and to him Amurath entrusted the throne and its heavy burdens, while he

retired into dignified seclusion at Magnesia. But Mohammed was too young

for the enormous responsibilities of his post, and Amurath had to

revisit the scenes of his former activity from time to time. The

successes of the Christians, and the retirement to Asia of Amurath,

roused the Greek Emperor to fresh intrigues against his Asiatic

adversary; he and the Pope induced the King of Hungary to break the oath

made at the Peace of Szeggedin, Cardinal Julian salved that monarch's

conscience, and so King Ladislaus started off on another crusade against

the Turk. Amurath hurried back from Asia, crossed the Hellespont with

the aid of the Genoese, and met his adversaries near Varna in November,

1444. The battle raged with varying success all day, until King

Ladislaus, whose horse fell with him, was captured and slain on the

spot. His head impaled on a spear threw his troops into a panic; many

of them perished by the sword, among them Cardinal Julian, Stephan

Bathory, and many other nobles. This victory of the sword of Othman at

Varna settled the fate of those vassal Slavs who had risen against the

Sultan; Servia was thoroughly reconquered, Bosnia's royal family was

exterminated, and their country added to the Ottoman dominions.

Once again Amurath retired to the pleasant seclusion he had sought at

Magnesia; some describe it as monastic in character, but that

description sounds unlikely; at least the monasticism of the Sultan and

that of Christian monks can have had little in common, the former

probably allowing pleasures which a Christian monk would be bound to

regard with pious horror. Alas, and I am sorry for Amurath, because he

had worked hard and deserved a good time, his son Mohammed proved unfit

to hold the victorious Turkish soldiery, so he was given a change at

Magnesia, while his father re-established order in the army. Amurath

reigned for another six years after these happenings--years which he

spent usefully, in gathering in odd outlying bits of territory into the

Ottoman fold. The Peleponese peninsula was made a vassal state, and

Hunyadi Janos severely beaten at Kossova.

The only trouble which Amurath was unable to settle was caused by the

Albanian, Scanderbeg, who defied the Sultan from his mountain

fastnesses, and reigned over his wild country and fierce subjects for

many years after Amurath, who had himself instructed Scanderbeg in the

art of war, had been laid to rest at Broussa.

His son Mohammed lost no time in ascending the throne, removing a slight

obstacle, or what might have become one, in the person of Amurath's

infant son by a Servian Princess. The babe was drowned in a bath at the

moment when his mother was offering her congratulations to the new

Sultan. Mohammed's subjects failed to see the humorous side of this act

of statecraft, and made trouble, so the Sultan put all the blame on the

officer who had carried out the order, and had him put to death for

treason. Mohammed had to confess to his own share in the deed when, many

years later, he included fratricide among the permissible expedients of

statesmanship.

Mohammed II lives in history as "The Conqueror," and he seems to have

had all the qualities as well as the good fortune which help mortals to

that high title; he had some other qualities which were, if not

necessary to success, at least picturesque, and in keeping with the

morals and ideals of the time he lived in, and of the peoples with whom

he had to deal. He was strong of purpose and far-sighted, ingenious and

of tireless energy, and these qualities brought him victory over his

enemies in the field and success in the guidance of his people's life

through the dark passages of diplomacy. These qualities shone out into

the foreground; in the background were cruelty, perfidy, and a

sensuality which revolted even the loose-living warriors of his day.

The West called to Mohammed II; there was yet one more city awaiting

conquest by a son of Othman ere the Eastern Empire should pass out of

history and the Turk should rule large European provinces from the seat

of Constantine. Another, Constantine XI, and last of that long line of

Byzantine Emperors, had come to the throne some three years before

Mohammed was girt with the sword of Othman. This Constantine was wise,

just, and merciful, and has gone down to history among the heroes of the

world. But all the noblest qualities united in the person of its Emperor

were unable to stem the tide rising up to the walls of Constantinople,

were inadequate when opposed to relentless force from without, and

supineness, sloth, cowardice, within the City walls. The fate of

Constantinople drew nearer, till in May, 1453, the hour had struck, and

Mohammed II rode as conqueror over heaps of slain, among whom was the

lost Emperor, through the breach in the wall made by his huge cannon and

the fiery assaults of the Janissaries, to the deserted palaces of

Imperial Byzant.

Thus fell Constantinople, the City of many sieges, into the hands of an

Asiatic nation which from here ruled wide tracts of Europe, raiding

right up to the gates of Vienna, the Kaiserstadt of the Holy Roman

Empire, "Deutscher Nation." For nearly five centuries an unbroken line

of sons of Othman have sat in the seat of Cæsar, have conquered from

here, and from here have watched the decay of their power in Europe. One

by one young races, reborn after years of slavery, rose and asserted

their rights, gained first autonomy, then independence, from a master

who seemed but a stranger and a sojourner in the lands of Roum. Now, as

I write, those young nations have closed in on every side, and Ottoman

possessions in Europe are hardly greater in extent than were those of

decadent Byzant when Mohammed II's artillery thundered outside the

walls, brought down those stout defences, and with them an old

civilization, in a mass of crumbling ruins.

The Passing of the Turkish Empire in Europe · 第 11 / 19 章