CHAPTER X

The Turkish character--The rise of Turkish power--Earliest days of

Turkish history--Conquest of Persia and Egypt--Turkish soldiers of

the Caliphate--Samanids' conquests in India--The rise of the

Seljuks--Arslan and his victories--Europe in the eleventh and

twelfth centuries--The Crusades--Jenghiz Khan and his people--The

first appearance of the Osmanli--Erthogrul--The rule of

Othman--Othman and Dundar--The capture of Broussa--Death of

Othman--The reign of Orkhan--The army of Ala-ed-din--Orkhan's

capture of Nicæa.

Although I cannot write with approval of Turkish rule and its effect on

the European provinces conquered by the now blunted sword of Othman, yet

I feel a certain sympathy for the Turk, as individual, in this day of

his trial. Sympathy is due to a variety of influences, and I feel that

in the present instance my lingering liking for the Turk is based on

several grounds. First of all, perhaps, comes the fondness you cannot

but feel for a wayward child and its picturesque moods, more especially

as I myself was quite the "wandering sheep," as the hymn says, when

young, and am not disinclined towards an excursion off the narrow way

even now. Hence a fellow feeling with the nomad Turk, who, though

generally placid, is capable of being roused to fury by unseen, unknown

influences; in that state, like the wayward child, he is an unmitigated

nuisance. In his everyday mood the Turk is gentle and extremely

courteous, the courtesy of a strong man, scion of a race of conquerors.

This dignified politeness is to be met in certain parts of Spain, where

conquering Moors made their impress on native Iberians and valiant

Goths. Again, the nomad virtue, hospitality, is strong among the sons of

Othman. I have also met fine intellects among the Turks, for instance,

in one of the Princes of the Blood, a man of a refined mind, deeply read

in Nietzsche, and of no mean skill with the brush. But he was only a

painter; his studies from life were excellent, and some have gained

admission to the Paris Salon, but creative artist he certainly was not,

and the subject pictures evolved out of his inner consciousness treated

of matters considered peculiarly French in tone, subconsciously erotic,

and generally unhappy in treatment. But then the Turk has little, if

any, constructive power, and even the finer intellects among them are

apt to waste their treasures on abstract speculations, leading to no

practical result; their course may be likened to that of a slender

stream of water poured forth on some endless desert waste.

Another bond of sympathy is the history of the Turkish race, which

should appeal strongly to every Briton, for in a manner there is much

similarity between the rise of Turkish power and that of the British

Empire. Wild men from the northern seas, Angles and Saxons, Danes,

Vikings, Berserks, seethed into the British Isles, and, mixing with the

Romanized native population, rose to greatness through much tribulation.

The narrow confines of Britain forced this amalgam to conquests

overseas, and thus arose the British Empire. Is there not some analogy

between our rule in India and that of the Osmanli in Europe? We, in

India, form a separate ruling caste, placed in power by the sword; we do

not mix with the many native tribes and nations under the British Raj,

many whose duty takes them to India cannot give an accurate account of

these various tribes and nations; they know not their languages, their

customs are strange to them, and when their work is done they return to

enjoy the fruits of their labour with but an imperfect knowledge of the

land that gave them what they hold and of the people who lived their

mysterious life outside the compound and the courthouse. So it is with

the Turk in Europe. His people overflowed from Asia on successive waves

of conquest, and made subject many nations with which they have nothing,

absolutely nothing, in common, and with whom, unlike the Briton, the

Turk does not desire any closer acquaintanceship.

To me, as Briton, the present situation, the happenings of the last few

weeks, "give furiously to think." Here is a powerful Empire, carved out

of Europe by the sword, and held by conquerors who despised their alien

subjects, and failed to understand their feelings or realize their

ambitions, closed their eyes in smug contentment to the portents of the

time. Then came the avalanche, and young nations, hitherto disregarded

as serious opponents, rose in their strength, tore themselves free, rent

province after province from the weak hands of an unprepared overlord,

and are now threatening the capital of the Turkish Empire. From the

courtyard of the Sublime Porte, where Turkey's devious policy has been

fashioned for so long, from the square in front of the War Office, which

suddenly awakened, hurried untrained troops under untrained leaders,

without a definite plan, to death by shot and shell, by starvation and

disease; you could hear the sound of guns carried on the westerly wind

from the lines of Chatalja, the last defences of the capital, where the

remnants of the Sultan's army are standing at bay against the organized

forces of young Western nations.

It is a stirring history, full of ups and downs, that of the Turkish

people. As we have seen, they emerged from a seething mass of nomadic

humanity which infested Central Asia, and threatened those Empires

which had settled and acquired civilization, such as China, whence, by

the way, come some of the earliest records of the Turks. These nomads

had no other use for civilization than to acquire unearned riches;

whatever seemed to them undesirable was destroyed, and to this day the

Turk has not advanced much further; he frequently changes his abode, and

the change is easily effected, as he has few belongings--some rugs, a

text or two from the Koran, his cooking utensils. Even in his home he

seems to have only dropped in for a week or so, and the curtains instead

of doors to separate one apartment from another still further recall his

old nomadic habits. So his ancestors roamed about in hordes over the

plains of Asia. Where they met with little resistance they abode awhile,

moving on when the locality had nothing more to offer, retiring

elsewhere when met with determined opposition. As the tribes increased

in numbers they went separate ways, some to extinction, others to form

ephemeral empires such as that of the Ghaznevids in Eastern Afghanistan,

in the latter days of the tenth century.

The influence of the Turks on Western Europe did not make itself felt

until after the Crusades, because they had much ado to make and keep

their position in Asia Minor. A short time after the Prophet's death,

his general, Khaled, "The Sword of God," subdued the Persian Army, and

gained it for his master, Caliph Abu Bekr, in whose reign Syria was

conquered from the Eastern Emperor Heraclius, and Ecbatana and Damascus

became Moslem towns like Mecca and Medina. Then followed a noble line of

Caliphs, under whose sway Islam extended its frontiers and rolled in

threatening waves towards the West. Omar's general, Amron, added Egypt

to the Empire of the Caliphs, who made Damascus their capital. Legend

and history tell of those days of the Caliphs, when Arab art,

literature, and science flourished under such sovereigns as

Haroun-al-Raschid, the contemporary of Charlemagne, Al Mamun, in whose

days Western Christianity gave birth to the Order of Benedictines when

Gregory IV was Pope in the beginning and middle of the ninth century.

We have seen how the Turks came into contact with the Arabs, and were

subdued by them and converted to Islam in the eighth century, and how by

degrees they recovered their strength and were able to assist the

Caliphate in the troubles that crowded in upon it, how fifty thousand

Turkish mercenaries were taken into the service of the Caliph, and

occupied much the same position as that held by the Prætorian Guard of

Rome, the Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire, and the Mamelukes in Egypt.

Turkish influence thus increased steadily, and was first marked more

definitely by a dynasty called the Samanids, who seem to have considered

themselves vassals of the Abbasid Caliphs. In the interests of the

Caliphate the roaming Samanids pushed forward into India, conquering

Delhi, Multan, and Lahore towards the end of the tenth century. Their

victorious course was not checked till they reached the Ganges, and

Mahmud, their chief, styled himself Sultan. It appears that he still

acknowledged allegiance to the Caliphs, but his successors assumed

greater independence as the power of the Caliphate waned. In the

meantime another Turkish dynasty rose to notice--the Seljuks, who

appeared under their leaders Thogrul and Chakir.

This bearer of a name famous in history and romance, Thogrul, son of

Suleiman, accidentally drowned in the Euphrates, was, it seems,

wandering about like a true nomad, accompanied by his tribesmen. He was

on his way to Iconium, Konia, probably with the idea of interfering in

any fight that might be in progress, when he found the troops of Kaim

the Caliph flying before the hosts of Masud, the son of Mahmud of

Ghazin. Thogrul espoused the losing cause, and his timely assistance

turned defeat into victory, for which the Caliph was so grateful that

his new ally was rewarded with the Principality of Sultan Oeni, or the

Sultan's Front, and appointed, as it were, Warden of the Marches. This

happened towards the middle of the eleventh century, when the Christian

world was very busy with religious differences. The Greek Church decided

to break with Rome after the Council of Sutri in 1042, and was too much

occupied with vexed questions of dogma to pay attention to the rise of a

young race of nomads in a former province of the Roman Empire.

Nevertheless, these wanderers had given their first proof of prowess,

and endorsement followed when the Caliph, with solemn ceremony, handed

over the temporal power to Thogrul, at Bagdad, in 1055.

Thogrul did not live long after this honour was conferred upon him, but

his son Arslan followed in his footsteps, and served his spiritual

master, the Caliph, with all his might. To good purpose, for he fought

and subdued the Fammiti Caliphs of Egypt, schismatics who had broken

from the only Caliph's spiritual sway over a century before; he further

annexed Georgia and Armenia, and defeated the Emperor of the East,

Romanus IV, towards the end of the eleventh century.

The Western world was very young when these things happened; Henry IV, a

Frank, ruled over Germany, William of Normandy had not long conquered

England, while Malcolm III was King of Scotland; Spain was still divided

into small kingdoms and Moorish provinces under the Almoravids, and the

Magyars, distant relations of the Turks, were settling down in Hungary

under Bela I.

Western Christianity was becoming dimly conscious of a growing power in

the East, which Byzantium had felt distinctly since practically all the

Asiatic provinces had been lost to the Turk, and so Western chivalry

buckled on its armour, stitched a Cross on to its coat, and moved

Eastward in swarms, composed of enterprising knights, mostly

unacquainted with discipline, and their more or less reluctant

followers; the Crusades had begun, and were chiefly directed towards the

Holy Land and against the Arabs who had conquered there under the waning

ægis of the Caliphs.

Contemporary accounts, legends, and songs of troubadours tell of the

Saracens and their deeds, but little mention is made of the Turks,

destined to be Christianity's most formidable foe, who, under the

Seljuks, were growing to great importance, and under Melik Shah, the son

of Arslan, ruled from Transoxania to Egypt and eastward as far as Khiva.

Melik Shah's kingdom fell to pieces after his death, and the power of

the Turks was obscured for a time, while the former provinces of the

Caliphs broke off into separate states.

Crusaders came from the West and added glamour to the pages of history

without effecting any lasting results; great names shine out for a

moment from the haze, names like Frederick Barbarossa, Saladin, Richard

Coeur-de-Lion, but nothing definite need be mentioned about the Turks

till the crusading spirit had subsided and the nations of Europe began

to settle down into much the same political entities as we find to-day.

Another race of kinsmen to the Turks came like a whirlwind out of Asia,

under a famous leader, Jenghiz Khan, or rather a mixture of several

Mongol races. Their passage did not affect Asia Minor immediately, for

they swept from China over Southern Russia towards Moravia, penetrating

as far as the Adriatic; they went as swiftly as they came, but stopped

short of their old hunting-grounds, and squatted by the banks of the

Volga, where, known as the Golden Horde, they stayed some one and a half

centuries. Sections of this horde made inroads into neighbouring

countries, and one of these invaded Persia and Syria, massacred the

inhabitants of Bagdad, killed the Caliph, the last of the dynasty

founded by Abul Abbas in 750 A.D. The Seljuks, who held the temporal

power in the Caliphate, were likewise badly defeated, and might have

gone under completely had not another force appeared most opportunely,

one of those wandering Turkish tribes which had a habit of turning up

where fighting was going on. Their leader was another Erthogrul, and he

traced his descent back to Suleiman. Legend has been busy where history

is silent, and assigns to this Erthogrul the same rôle, a _Deus ex

machina_, as to the former bearer of that name. Authorities differ on

the subject, and I fancy that the whole story is still somewhat obscure.

However, Erthogrul had a son Osman, or Othman, from whom are descended

the Osmanli of to-day; Othman's long and prosperous reign laid the

foundations of the Turkish Empire. His campaigns were crowned with

victory, the territory of neighbouring Turkish states were incorporated

in his dominions, and the Empire of the East was forced to contribute to

the aggrandizement of his realm.

It appears that Othman did not declare himself independent until after

the death of the last Seljuk Sultan; in the meantime, during an interval

of peace--from 1291-1298--he devoted his energies to the internal

government of his dominions, and became famous for the toleration which

he exercised towards his Christian subjects. It will be remembered that

Georgia and Armenia, both Christian countries, had been absorbed by the

Caliphate, but at least under the first of the House of Othman these

Christians were free from persecution.

After several years of peace, during which he consolidated the resources

of his country, Othman went to war. In order to give his followers

greater zest, and to inflame the fighting spirit of Islam, Othman

declared himself the chosen defender of the Faith, and proclaimed that

he had a direct mission from heaven. This roused in his warrior subjects

a fanaticism as fierce and effective as that which had inspired

Mohammed's fiery followers on their career of conquest. His private life

was not without an occasional exhibition of those barbarous instincts

which have never left the Turk during all the centuries of his contact

with the West and its ideas and methods. Thus one day Othman discovered

that his venerable uncle, Dundar, was in agreement with several other

officers attempting to dissuade him from an attempt on the Greek

fortress of Koepri Hissar. Dundar had been one of those four hundred and

forty-four horsemen of legend who rode under the banner of Erthogrul.

Othman, annoyed at Dundar's interference, drew his bow and shot his

uncle dead. So murder of a kinsman marked the first days of the Othman

dynasty.

The attempt on Koepri Hissar proved successful, and Othman went on from

victory to victory. In the beginning of the fourteenth century he fought

his way to the Black Sea, leaving Broussa and several other towns to be

taken at leisure. But failing health was against him, and he had to

leave the conquest of Broussa to Orkhan, his son, who had returned from

an expedition against a Mongolian army which the Greek Emperor, unable

to stem the tide of Turkish conquest, had bribed to attack the southern

frontier of the Ottoman Empire. Othman was dying when the news of the

capture of Broussa was brought to him. Bestowing blessings on his son,

he said: "My son, I am dying, and I die without regret, because I leave

such a good successor as thou. Be just, love goodness, and show mercy.

Give the same protection to all thy subjects, and extend the Faith of

the Prophet." Orkhan, it seems, followed his father's advice and carried

out his instructions; subsequent Osmanli have failed to do so, and are

now paying the penalty.

A splendid mausoleum built by Orkhan holds the remains of Othman, the

founder of the Ottoman dynasty, at Broussa, which became the capital of

Turkey until the conquest of Constantinople. The standard and scimitar

of Othman are preserved as objects of veneration in the Mosque of Eyub

on the Golden Horn. Here each succeeding Sultan is girt with the sword

of Othman, the coronation rite, amidst the prayers of his people: "May

he be as good as Othman."

[Illustration: THE MOSQUE OF EYUB

Here each succeeding Sultan is girded with the sword of Othman, a rite

equivalent to a Christian monarch's coronation.]

Orkhan succeeded his father and continued the work of conquest,

gathering in the outlying fragments of the broken Seljuk Empire. He was

ably assisted by his brother, Ala-ed-din, whom he had urged to share his

throne. Ala-ed-din declined, asking only the revenues of a single

village for his maintenance. Then Orkhan said: "Since, brother, you will

not accept the flocks and herds I offer you, be the shepherd of my

people--be my Vizier." So this high office was instituted. Ala-ed-din

devoted himself to the internal politics of the nation, and using the

military foundation already existent, fostered by a fighting creed, he

built up the military organization which acted so well during centuries

when fighting was the only business to which the Osmanli had to bend

their minds. The Turks who had followed Othman to victory were the same

men who had fed their flocks on the banks of the Euphrates. They formed

loose squadrons of irregular cavalry, and after the war returned to

their peaceful avocations. Ala-eddin, while still holding that the

mass of the nation should be the source whence Ottoman troops should be

drawn in time of war, saw the need of a standing army which should make

war their sole business and profession, so he raised, first of all, a

body of infantry called Jaza, or Piade. These were followed by a corps

famous in history--the Janissaries. This corps was entirely composed of

Christian children taken in battle or in sieges, and compelled to

embrace the Moslem faith. A thousand recruits were added yearly to their

numbers, and they were called Jeni Iskeri, or new troops, from which

name derives the European corruption, Janissaries. These troops were

trained in all martial exercises from their earliest youth, and were

subject to the strictest discipline. They were not allowed to form any

territorial connection with the land that had adopted them, their

prospects of advancement depended entirely on their skill in the

profession of arms, and the highest posts in that profession only were

open to them. Their isolated position, and the complete community of

interests which united them, prevented the degeneracy and enervation

which so speedily settled upon every Eastern Empire when once the fire

of conquest had died down.

Other bodies of the military organization founded by Ala-ed-din were the

Spahis (Sipahi, Sepoy), a "corps-d'élite" of specially chosen horsemen,

Silihdars, or vassal cavalry, name revived in Silihdar horse of Mysore,

a body of cavalry three squadrons strong, the men of which find their

own horses and equipment; those raised by Ala-ed-din were drawn from

vassal states, those of the Maharajah of Mysore from among the landed

proprietors, farmers, and smaller landowners of his principality.

Then the Oulou Fedji, or paid horsemen, Ghoureha, or foreign horse,

Azab's Light Infantry, and the Akindji, irregular light horse. The

Akindji gathered together in irregular companies, acted much as the

Hussars of the eighteenth century did when first raised; they foraged

for the regular troops, and swarmed round them to cover a retreat or

harassed a retiring enemy. They received no pay like the Janissaries,

nor lands like the Piade, and were entirely dependent on plunder. This,

doubtless, accounted for their unpopularity in countries through which

marched the hosts of Othman. Hussars were paid soldiers, but none the

less prone to plunder, in those days of the wars between Maria Theresa

and Frederick the Great. This tendency was discouraged by the Prussian

King, and I remember finding in some of the records an account of three

Hussars--one officer and two troopers--being hanged for looting at

Frankfurt a. O. Nowadays there are few people more respectable than a

Hussar, I know, because I have been one myself, and thus speak from

personal experience.

The story of a clever ruse is told of one of Orkhan's campaigns against

the Greeks. Othman had left Nicæa and Nicomedia untaken. Orkhan took the

latter town and invested Nicæa. Andronicus, the Greek Emperor, crossed

the Hellespont with a hastily raised levy to raise the siege of Nicæa,

but Orkhan met and defeated him with a portion of his army. Now the

garrison of Nicæa had been advised of the Emperor's intention, and daily

expected his arrival. So Orkhan disguised eight hundred of his men as

Greek soldiers, and directed them against the fortress. These

pseudo-Greeks, to give the ruse a yet greater semblance of reality, were

harassed by mock encounters with Turkish regular horse. The disguised

Turks appeared to have routed the enemy and headed for the City gate.

The garrison had been watching the proceedings, were thoroughly

deceived, and threw open the gate. An assault by the besieging army,

assisted by the force that had thus gained ingress, brought the city

into Orkhan's possession.

By 1336 all north-western Asia Minor was included in the Ottoman Empire,

and Orkhan devoted the next twenty years of peace to the work of

perfecting his military organization and consolidating the resources of

his newly acquired territories, supported by his brother, Ala-ed-din. So

the power that was to crush the life out of the failing Empire of the

East stood armed and waiting for a favourable moment on the eastern

shore of the Bosphorus. Turkish rule was predominant over all Asia

Minor, and a young nation, strong and armed, watched for the moment to

interfere with an old, effete Empire.

Beyond the lines of Chatalja, some fifty miles from this City, the

capital of Turkey, young nations, Bulgars and Serbs, are waiting,

watching, intent on hurling the Turk from Europe, as the Turk drove

forth the Greeks in their day.

The Passing of the Turkish Empire in Europe · 第 10 / 19 章