III

Mere party issues never counted with me. I have read too much and seen

too much. At my present time of life they count not at all. I used to

think that there was a principle involved between the dogmas of Free

Trade and Protection as they were preached by their respective

attorneys. Yet what was either except the ancient, everlasting scheme—

—“_The good old rôle—the simple plan, That they should take who have

the power And they should keep who can_.”

How little wisdom one man may get from another man’s counsels, one

nation may get from another nation’s history, can be partly computed

when we reflect how often our personal experience has failed in warning

admonition.

Temperament and circumstance do indeed cut a prodigious figure in life.

Traversing the older countries, especially Spain, the most

illustrative, the wayfarer is met at all points by what seems not

merely the logic of events, but the common law of the inevitable. The

Latin of the Sixteenth century was a recrudescence of the Roman of the

First. He had not, like the Mongolian, lived long enough to become a

stoic. He was mainly a cynic and an adventurer. Thence he flowered into

a sybarite. Coming to great wealth with the discoveries of Columbus and

the conquests of Pizarro and Cortes, he proceeded to enjoy its fruits

according to his fancy and the fashion of the times.

He erected massive shrines to his deities. He reared noble palaces. He

built about his cathedrals and his castles what were then thought to be

great cities, walled and fortified. He was, for all his

self-sufficiency and pride, short-sighted; and yet, until they arrived,

how could he foresee the developments of artillery? They were as hidden

from him as three centuries later the wonders of electricity were

hidden from us.

I was never a Free Trader. I stood for a tariff for revenue as the

least oppressive and safest support of Government. The protective

system in the United States, responsible for our unequal distribution

of wealth, took at least its name from Spain, and the Robber Barons, as

I used to call the Protectionists of Pennsylvania, were not of

immediate German origin.

Truth to say, both on land and water Spain has made a deal of history,

and the front betwixt Gibraltar and the Isle of San Fernando—Tangier on

one side and the Straits of Tarifa on the other—Cape Trafalgar, where

Nelson fought the famous battle, midway between them—has had its share.

Tarifa! What memories it invokes! In the olden and golden days of

primitive man, before corporation lawyers had learned how to frame

pillaging statutes, and rascally politicians to bamboozle confiding

constituencies—thus I used to put it—the gentle pirates of Tarifa laid

broad and deep the foundations for the Protective System in the United

States.

It was a fruitful as well as a congenial theme, and I rang all the

changes on it. To take by law from one man what is his and give it to

another man who has not earned it and has no right to it, I showed to

be an invention of the Moors, copied by the Spaniards and elevated

thence into political economy by the Americans. Tarifa took its name

from Tarif-Ben-Malik, the most enterprising Robber Baron of his day,

and thus the Lords of Tarifa were the progenitors of the Robber Barons

of the Black Forest, New England and Pittsburgh. Tribute was the name

the Moors gave their robbery, which was open and aboveboard. The Coal

Kings, the Steel Kings and the Oil Kings of the modern world have

contrived to hide the process; but in Spain the palaces of their

forefathers rise in lonely and solemn grandeur just as a thousand years

hence the palaces upon the Fifth Avenue side of Central Park and along

Riverside Drive, not to mention those of the Schuylkill and the

Delaware, may become but roosts for bats and owls, and the chronicler

of the Anthropophagi, “whose heads do reach the skies,” may tell how

the voters of the Great Republic were bought and sold with their own

money, until “Heaven released the legions north of the North Pole, and

they swooped down and crushed the pulpy mass beneath their avenging

snowshoes.” The gold that was gathered by the Spaniards and fought over

so valiantly is scattered to the four ends of the earth. It may be as

potent to-day as then; but it does not seem nearly so heroic. A good

deal of it has found its way to London, which a short century and a

half ago “had not,” according to Adam Smith, “sufficient wealth to

compete with Cadiz.” We have had our full share without fighting for

it. Thus all things come to him who contrives and waits.

Meanwhile, there are “groups” and “rings.” And, likewise, “leaders” and

“bosses.” What do they know or care about the origins of wealth; about

Venice; about Cadiz; about what is said of Wall Street? The Spanish

Main was long ago stripped of its pillage. The buccaneers took

themselves off to keep company with the Vikings. Yet, away down in

those money chests, once filled with what were pieces of eight and

ducats and doubloons, who shall say that spirits may not lurk and

ghosts walk, one old freebooter wheezing to another old freebooter:

“They order these things better in the ‘States.’”

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