_”I should never have completed what I have but for the generous, the
indefatigable and spirited exertions of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, to
whom the United States are in every account greatly indebted, more so
than to any other person on this side the water.”_
_Silas Deane to Congress, November 29, 1776._
Suspicions of English Aroused Through Indiscretions of Friends of
America—Treachery of du Coudray—Counter Order Issued Against
Shipments of Beaumarchais—Franklin’s Arrival—England’s Attempt to
Make Peace Stirs France—Counter Order Recalled—Ten Ships Start
Out—Beaumarchais Cleared by Vergennes.
While Beaumarchais, through the intervention of the Ministry, was
bringing his own personal interests to a successful termination, he was
at the same time carrying vigorously forward his operations in the cause
of America. These operations were the most difficult. In the words of
Loménie: “It was a question of an officially prohibited commerce, which
prohibition was under the vigilant supervision of the English
Ambassador,—and could receive the official support of the French
government only on condition that it was carefully hidden. The least
indiscretion, the slightest diplomatic embarrassment occasioned by the
affair would immediately transform this support into persecution. It was
under these conditions that the author of the _Barbier de Séville_
was obliged to extract without noise and in small quantities, from the
different arsenals of the state, 200 pieces of cannon, mortars, bombs,
bullets, 25,000 guns, 100 tons of powder; to manufacture the stuffs
necessary for the equipment of 25,000 men, collect all these objects in
the different ports and send them to the insurgents without arousing the
suspicion of the English Ambassador.”
It was, however, humanly impossible that suspicions should not be
aroused; too many people were interested in the cause of America; too
many were eager to aid in the struggle of the colonies for liberty.
Especially was the _cher bon ami_ of Dr. Franklin constantly bringing
things to the brink of exposure through his officious intermeddling.
Although he knew nothing of the real basis upon which the commercial
house, Roderigue Hortalès et Cie., was founded, yet he was very well
aware that Beaumarchais had supplanted him in the confidence of the
ministers. Forced to see himself set aside, Dubourg none the less
continued collecting supplies on his own account, which he forwarded to
the insurgents. His indiscreet zeal led him often into grave
difficulties.
“With the best intentions in the world,” says Doniol, “he was in danger
of interfering with, rather than aiding the cause he hoped to serve.”
The letters of Beaumarchais to Vergennes during this period constantly
revert to this theme, “Dubourg must be made to keep silence and not to
compromise the ministry.” “If,” he writes in another place, “while we
are closing the doors on one side, someone opens the windows on the
other, it is impossible that the secret does not escape.” At length
quite out of patience at some new and serious indiscretion which the
good doctor in his simplicity had told to Beaumarchais himself, the
latter wrote to Vergennes, “Is there then no way to stop the mouth of
that cruel gossiper?... As he told me I could scarcely refrain from
dealing him a blow, but I restrained myself, simply turning my back and
walking away.... I depend upon you, M. le Comte, to deliver us from this
fatal and mischief-making agent.”
But Dubourg was by no means the only person interested in the cause of
America who was sowing snares in the pathway of Beaumarchais and of
Deane. At the worst, the good doctor was only indiscreet, he was never
guilty of that personal ambition which in times of great crisis delights
to bring ruin upon the schemes of others, and which uses all its power
to thwart those enterprises which it cannot lead. Many enemies of this
latter type were destined soon to manifest themselves. On the 1st of
October, 1776, Silas Deane wrote to Congress of a certain Mr. Hopkins of
Maryland, then in Paris, who without official authority was interesting
himself in the same cause. “Offended at some supposed personal slight,
he formed the dark design,” says Deane, “of defeating at one stroke my
whole prospect as to supplies.... However thunderstruck I was, as well
as my friend Monsieur Beaumarchais at this treachery ... we exerted
ourselves and truth prevailed.... It would be too tedious to recount
what I have met with in this way.... I do not mention a single
difficulty with one complaining thought for myself.... I am happy in
being so far successful, and that the machinations of my enemies, or
rather the enemies of my country ... have been brought to nought.”
But perhaps the most dangerous enemy in the pathway of Deane and
Beaumarchais was a man in whom from the first they had reposed the most
entire confidence. This was Trouson du Coudray, a French officer of rank
and genius, a personal friend of the minister of war, the Comte St.
Germain, who had been the military preceptor of le Comte d’Artois. He
had afterwards been stationed at the garrison of Metz, where he was
associated with the drawing out of old arms and of replacing them by
ones of more recent date. As it was precisely these old arms which the
French Government was willing to part with to Hortalès et Cie.,—at a
reasonable price, du Coudray was admirably placed to further the
proceedings of its agent. Had he been truly disinterested in his
proffered services, his coöperation would have been invaluable. As a
matter of fact, “this officer,” says Doniol, “certainly capable, was one
of those who whatever employment is made of their services, look first
to the personal advantage they can draw from them. Having fascinated
Deane and Beaumarchais, he succeeded in having himself named one of the
staff officers of artillery and was to go out to the colonies in command
of the chief vessel of Hortalès et Cie., the _Amphitrite_. Deane at once
wrote to Congress, announcing the great acquisition which he had made.
He bestowed the highest praise upon du Coudray, but at the same time
evinced a fear lest Congress might consider that he had overstepped the
bounds of his commission in appointing him to so high a rank. He excused
himself for having been forced to confer upon the officer special marks
of favor in order to secure his services, which, he felt sure, would, in
the end, justify him for the step he had taken. He humbly expressed a
hope that Congress would not consider as too high the salary he had
promised, and begged it to confirm the wisdom of his choice.”
Du Coudray was not long in showing himself unworthy of the confidence
thus reposed in him. It was this unfortunate step of Deane, afterwards
imputed to him as a crime by Arthur Lee, which was the chief cause of
his subsequent recall and the semi-disgrace inflicted upon him.
Beaumarchais, being as deeply inculpated as Deane, fell equally in the
opinion of American patriots. But as yet, no foreshadowing of coming
events had dampened the zeal of the colonial commissioner, or of his
indefatigable friend. On October 15, 1776 (Spark’s _Dip. Corres._, I, p.
51), a contract was signed M. de Monthieu, Roderigue Hortalès et Cie.
and Silas Deane, for furnishing armed vessels and merchandise on
condition that risks and perils be on account of the U. S. and that “in
case the vessels be detained in American ports more than two months,
without returning them laden with the cargoes proposed, wages and
expenses shall be paid by the United States.”
While Deane was thus busily engaged in carrying out the commission with
which he was entrusted, he was being left, as far as Congress was
concerned, absolutely without support or approval. Communication between
the two continents was slow in those days, and it has been shown already
that before Deane was able to send any definite information to Congress
of his reception by the French Government, Lee had forestalled him by
giving that body his own private and unfounded interpretation of the
relation entered into between the commissioner and the agent of the
French Government. When Lee’s letter reached America, Congress was
deeply engrossed with the weightier matters which were forcing
themselves upon its attention, owing to the decisive step which it was
about to take in declaring itself free from British rule. The matter,
therefore, was allowed to rest in _statu quo_ for the present. Congress
preferred to await developments before setting on foot any
investigations, and so, though Deane continued to give frequent and full
accounts of all his transactions, no reply was ever made to any of his
letters. This rendered his situation cruel in the extreme. Wholly
unsuspicious by nature, it never occurred to him that an enemy was
busily at work, undermining his character and poisoning the minds of his
compatriots in regard to the disinterestedness of the motives which
actuated him. His irritation began at last to manifest itself. “For
heaven’s sake,” he wrote in a letter to Congress, dated October 1, 1776
(Spark’s _Diplomatic Correspondence_, Vol. II), “if you mean to have any
connection with this kingdom, be more assiduous in getting your letters
here. I know not where the blame lies, but it must lie heavy somewhere,
when vessels are suffered to sail from Philadelphia and elsewhere, right
down to the middle of August, without a single line. This circumstance
was near proving a mortal blow to my whole proceedings.”
October 17th of the same year he says:
“Warlike preparations are daily making in this kingdom and in
Spain. I need not urge the importance of immediate remittances
towards paying for the large quantity of stores I have engaged
for, and I depend that this winter will not be suffered to slip
away unimproved. I have the honor to be, etc.
“Silas Deane.”
By the end of November, notwithstanding the delays and discouragements
encountered by the agents of the two governments, several vessels had
been loaded with supplies and were about to set sail. Silas Deane wrote
to Congress, Nov. 29th, 1776.
“I should never have completed what I have, but for the generous,
the indefatigable, and spirited exertions of M. Beaumarchais, to
whom the United States are on every account greatly indebted,
more so than to any other person on this side the water ...
therefore I am confident you will make the earliest and most
ample remittances.” After giving further details, he proceeds: “A
nephew of Beaumarchais, a young gentleman of family, education
and spirit, makes a voyage to America with M. Ducoudray (in the
various documents, the name of this officer appears, sometimes
written as above by Mr. Deane, but more often ‘du Coudray,’ which
is the correct form) and is ambitious of serving his first
campaign in your cause. I recommend him therefore to your
particular patronage and protection, as well on account of the
great merits of his uncle, as on that of his being a youth of
genius and spirit.... I have confidently assured his uncle that
he will receive protection and paternal advice from you, and am
happy in knowing that you will fulfill my engagements on that
score.
“I cannot in a letter do full justice to M. de Beaumarchais, for
his address and assiduity in our cause. His interest and
influence, which are great, have been exerted to the utmost, in
the cause of the United States.”
On the 3rd of December, 1776, in a letter to John Jay written when the
last measures were being taken for the despatching of the vessels
equipped by Hortalès et Cie., Deane thus expressed himself:
“If my letters arrive safely they will give you some idea of my
situation:—without intelligence, without orders, and without
remittances, yet boldly plunging into contracts, engagements,
negotiations, hourly hoping that something will arrive from
America.
“By M. du Coudray I send 30,000 guns, 200 pieces of brass cannon,
30 mortars, 4,000 tents, and clothing for 30,000 men, with 200
tons of gunpowder, lead balls, etc., etc., by which you may judge
we have some friends here. A war in Europe is inevitable. The
eyes of all are on you, and the fear of your giving up, or
accommodating is the greatest obstacle I have to contend with.
Monsieur Beaumarchais has been my minister in effect, as this
court is extremely cautious and I now advise you to attend
carefully to the articles sent you. I could not examine them
here. I was promised they should be good, and at the lowest
price, and that from persons in such station that had I hesitated
it might have ruined my affairs....
“Large remittances are necessary for your credit, and the
enormous price of tobacco, of rice, of flour and many other
articles, gives you an opportunity of making your remittances to
very good advantage. Twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco are
wanted immediately for this kingdom, and more for other parts of
Europe.” ... (_Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay_,
1890, p. 97.)
In spite of the remonstrances of Deane, Congress continued deaf and dumb
in regard to their Commissioner, neither condemning nor approving his
acts, but passing all by with like indifference. In the meantime,
Beaumarchais was pushing forward his gigantic operations, being taken
with “a sort of drunkenness of activity and of confidence in himself,
which,” says Doniol, “turned him at times from precautions. He was at
this juncture, really a political agent. He had indicated to M. de
Maurepas a plan of finance which would enable France to arm itself,
without increasing taxation, and the mission had been given him to study
the execution of the plan with M. Necker, who had been called to the
management of the Treasury. He had discussed with Deane, perhaps
somewhat with Vergennes, the creation of a bank, in view of making loans
on the lands of America.” (_Doniol_ II, p. 57.)
Extracts from a Memoir by Beaumarchais, addressed to Vergennes, in
regard to a loan to be made to the Congress: “Supposing always,” he
wrote, “that your intention is neither to let America perish nor to
force her to arrange with England through lack of the succor which is
indispensable for her defense, if you can procure it; supposing also
that my work and my ministry have not ceased to be agreeable to you; I
have found a means of supporting the Americans without disbursing
considerable sums, which you do not possess, but which the Americans
cannot dispense with.
“If you look upon me as the important advocate of that nation before the
Ministry of France,—an employment which I have assumed because it was as
noble as it was useful to my country; knowing that I have not done this
without your secret agreement, you must hear me to-day, even aid me, if
you do not wish to leave without results a plan which is without
danger.” After developing the details of his scheme for rendering more
effective aid to the Americans, Beaumarchais continues, “As you see, M.
le Comte, this is only an extension adroitly given, to that which I have
been doing for the last year. For the past two weeks I have been buried
in the meditations and the correspondence which this work requires.
To-day I am in condition to treat secretly with you and M. de Maurepas.
Any evening which you wish, I will attend upon your orders.”
Things were moving, however, far too slowly for the impatient spirit of
Beaumarchais. The 14th of October he had written to Vergennes.
“Every time that I think how we hold in our hands the destiny of
the world, and that we have the power to change the system of
things—and when I see so many advantages, so much glory ready to
escape, I regret infinitely not to have more influence over the
resolutions of the councils, and not to be able to multiply
myself, so as to prevent the evil on one hand, and aid the good
on the other. I know too well your patriotism to fear offending
you in speaking thus....
“I expect to be at Fontainebleau Thursday at the latest. Until
then I shall not sleep until I have finished the work on Finance,
promised to M. de Maurepas.”
Obstacles of every kind were being thrown in the path of Beaumarchais,
though he remained ignorant of their source. He continued to insist that
the government permit him to carry forward what it had encouraged him to
commence. His letters of this period testify to “a consciousness of
being hampered, a desire to act, fear of being too presumptive in his
demands, and intentions of rendering effective service.” (_Doniol_ II,
p. 58.) He thought the delays came from Maurepas, whose coldness had
distressed him, so he urged Vergennes to plead for him. “If I were not
certain,” he wrote, November 12, 1776, “that I do not displease you in
desiring you to raise as far as possible the obstacles which retard my
course, I would not have the indiscretion to make observations when it
seems I ought simply to submit. But I know that you are as much annoyed
as I by all that tends to spoil my plans. This idea consoles me and
enables me not to lose patience....” “Do not,” he pleads, “do not, M. le
Comte, look upon my impatience as insubordination, it is nothing but
zeal.” Then he proceeded to urge Vergennes to send him an order through
the minister of war, the Comte de St. Germain, that there be delivered
to him 2,000 hundredweight of powder, which would enable him to set
sail, and he ended by saying how he had “_le cœur bien serré_ to see how
things are going or in reality, not going.”
The fall of New York offered an opportunity for Beaumarchais to press
his solicitations, urging that the Americans had been beaten only from
lack of supplies. “If I were asking a personal favor,” he wrote to
Vergennes, “I would have patience, but I shall lose it if you do not
come to my assistance.” On the second of October he had written:
“Everything about me follows me with talk and does all that it can to
ruin me. Across all these bitter things I walk with assurance to my
ends; unless a pistol shot stops me, I will be found ready to treat with
all who present themselves. My zeal and my disinterestedness are the
basis of my defense. I have no important paper about me—everything is
secure.”
In the midst of so many hidden dangers Beaumarchais was soon made to
feel a still graver one. The French government suddenly began to thwart
all his operations, and this without a word of warning or explanation.
The fact was that the suspicions of the Court of St. James had been
thoroughly aroused, and, pressed by the English Ambassador, the minister
had been forced to take a stand. The fifteenth of November the English
Court notified the Spanish Ambassador that everything was known, and the
twenty-second of the same month, they expressed themselves still more
strongly through other avenues. Vergennes was informed that the aid
being rendered by France was no longer a secret. Something had to be
done immediately to allay the fears of the English, and from this had
arisen the apparent hostility of the ministers.
Even had there been no one directly to blame for these disclosures,
entire secrecy still could not have been maintained. The very
multiplicity of the operations, “the goings and comings of Deane and
Beaumarchais and their intermediaries, the confidence that was inspired
by the support of the government leading to indiscretions, all this
divulged the acts.” (_Doniol_ II, 35.) More than this, officers
enrolled, or those who wished to be, were spread about in the
cafés and public places, in Paris or the seaports, awaiting the moment
of embarkation. All these men, “infatuated and needy,” were under the
control of du Coudray, who was expecting to sail on the largest of
Beaumarchais’s ships, _l’Amphitrite_, a vessel of 480 tons, which
already had received its cargo, and was only awaiting the presence of
the officer in order to set sail. For some unaccountable reason, he had
returned to Versailles without giving any notice. He remained there for
more than a week, causing a delay which threatened to spoil everything.
Beaumarchais, supposing that the ministry was at fault, wrote to
Vergennes in the following impatient manner: “Everything has gone,
everything is waiting. Why cannot I have the whole management of the
affair? Then nothing would be delayed and my vessels would already be in
America.” The truth was that du Coudray, relying upon his powerful
support at court, had gone to Versailles in order to succeed in escaping
if possible from the hands of Beaumarchais, so as not to go over as his
envoy. He had all along been lengthening “by every means in his power
the delay in getting off, had sown discontent among the enrolled,
sending away such as he could not gain, had encouraged complaint,
confided the place of embarkation to indiscreet persons, and then threw
upon Beaumarchais the blame of the noise which he himself had made.”
(_Doniol_ II, 61.) In addition to all the rest, Beaumarchais was guilty
of a particular indiscretion of his own. Having gone the 6th of
December, 1776, to Havre, under the assumed name of Durand, in order to
superintend, without arousing suspicion, the despatching of three of his
vessels, the _Amphitrite_, _La Seine_, _La Romaine_, he could not resist
the temptation of busying himself at the same time with his literary
productions. Displeased with the way in which his famous comedy, _Le
Barbier de_ _Séville_, was being performed, he imprudently collected
the actors, making them rehearse the play under his direction. His
presence in the seaport thus became known; the English Ambassador was
notified and the latter at once addressed to the Government the most
vehement remonstrances.
“On the 16th of December a counter order was issued and sent to Havre
and Nantes, prohibiting the officers from embarking and the vessels from
setting out. But when the counter order reached Havre, _l’Amphitrite_,
which bore the greater part of the officers and munitions, already had
set sail. The _Seine_ and the _Romaine_ were alone sequestered,
Beaumarchais then returned with all haste to Paris, in order to obtain
the revocation of the counter order.” (Loménie II, p. 136.)
But in the meantime, an event had happened which, as soon as it became
known, roused the French people to the highest pitch of enthusiasm,
while it deepened the distrust and anger of the English Ambassador. This
event was the arrival of Dr. Franklin upon the shores of France.
Beaumarchais already had announced the fact in a letter to Vergennes.
“The noise,” he said, “caused by the arrival of Mr. Franklin is
inconceivable.... The courageous old man allowed the vessel to make two
captures, in spite of the personal danger he ran.”
Though the French people might welcome with heartfelt enthusiasm, the
venerable old democrat and philosopher, yet his presence at this moment
was a serious matter to the Court of France. The Government was moving,
it is true, directly towards open war with Great Britain, but she was as
yet very unwilling that the English should have cause of offense in her
attitude towards the country which had now declared itself free and
independent. All the supplies which she was allowing to be sent by
Hortalès et Cie. went out in vessels bound direct to her West Indian
possessions, and were ostensibly intended for her own colonists, so that
the English Government had no legal right to interfere. England
therefore redoubled her watchfulness at the court of her rival, and
knowing as she very well did that it was in every way to the interest of
France to aid the Americans in their fight for liberty, she was all the
more determined to harass and thwart every operation which tended in
that direction.
All this time the Americans were far too deeply engrossed with the
difficulties of their own situation to spend much thought upon those
that surrounded their friends in Europe. On the 26th of September,
Congress had appointed three commissioners to the Court of France. Silas
Deane already on the spot had been retained; to him were added Benjamin
Franklin and Thomas Jefferson. The latter declining to serve, was
replaced by Arthur Lee, who was still in London.
Immediately after setting foot in France, Franklin wrote to his _cher,
bon ami_, the Doctor Dubourg, a letter full of warm expressions of
friendship and of polite messages to Madame. He enclosed under the same
cover a letter to Silas Deane, begging his dear friend to see to its
speedy delivery. The letter to Deane informed him of his new
appointment, and gave orders that Lee be summoned immediately to join
them. He bore with him no letter from Congress, nor any message relating
to the past services of Deane, news of which, in fact, had hardly
reached the colonies at the time of the doctor’s embarkation.
Franklin had no personal interest in the work already accomplished,
since his _cher, bon ami_ had been set aside, as soon as Deane saw
“where the confidence of the Government was placed.” From the first he
had determined not to interfere in the quarrel that existed between Lee
and Deane, and he steadily refused to enter into the merits of the zeal
displayed by Beaumarchais under cover of Hortalès et Cie. Warned against
him by so many of his friends, and having particular reasons for not
showing marked favor to Deane (the suspicious jealousy of Lee’s
character threatened from the start to thwart the entire object of the
commission), he chose the course of ignoring all that already had been
accomplished. For the moment Deane, himself, seemed alienated from
Beaumarchais. Vexed at the delay in despatching the supplies (for he
knew nothing of the counter-order issued by the Government), irritated
by Lee, annoyed at the indifference of Franklin and dismayed by the
silence of Congress, Deane in turn assumed an attitude of cold
indifference which perplexed and disquieted his friend. The new duties
which were forced upon him, the change in the character of his mission,
occupied for the time all his thoughts.
As soon as the three commissioners were united in Paris, Franklin wrote
asking for an audience with the minister of foreign affairs, M. de
Vergennes. “Sir,” he wrote, “we beg leave to acquaint your Excellency
that we are appointed and fully empowered by the Congress of the United
States of America to propose and negotiate a treaty of amity and
commerce between France and the said states.... (Doniol II, 112.)” The
minister, however, really anxious to further the plans of Beaumarchais,
was slow to give additional umbrage to the English Ambassador by
receiving the three commissioners whose presence in Paris it was
impossible to hide.
Already Franklin had taken up his quarters in Passy, where he held a
little court of his own. Imbert de St. Amand, in his _Les Beaux Jours de
Marie Antoinette_, has given a vivid picture of the impression made upon
the inhabitants of Paris by the presence in their midst of the aged
philosopher. “The idol of the day,” he says, “in that Paris, so
capricious and so versatile, was Franklin—that peasant, that
septuagenarian philosopher, that learned democrat, that man of the
future—was acclaimed by the French aristocracy. The philanthropists, the
apologists of perpetual peace, demanded war with loud cries. Louis XVI,
notwithstanding his scruples of conscience, allowed himself to be won
over. The apartments of Versailles filled themselves with solicitors of
peril and of glory. All the young nobility wished to start at once. What
transport! what madness! what valor in those paladin philosophers, those
chivalrous democrats, having the double passion of glory and liberty,
full of superb illusions, of generous follies, and so eloquent, so
amiable, so brave! With what gaiety these quitted their pleasures, their
châteaux, their theatres, to live the life of a soldier, to go to seek
the other side of the Atlantic, perils and unknown dangers!”
All this excitement caused by the presence of Franklin did not tend to
lessen the vigilance of the English, although from the first they had
hope that if France could be prevented from aiding the Colonies,
Franklin might in the end be obliged to enter into negotiations with
England. It was precisely this fear which haunted the French Government
and induced the King to revoke the counter-order issued to prevent the
sailing of the ships of Hortalès et Cie. Happy at last in gaining
permission to leave port, Beaumarchais thought only of despatching his
retarded vessels, when he learned that the _Amphitrite_, the one ship
that had set out before the arrival of the counter-order, was at
Lorient, a seaport on the west coast of France, whither it had been
brought by du Coudray “under the pretext that bad weather encountered in
the channel had shown the defective condition of the vessel.” (_Doniol_
II, p. 314.)
Beaumarchais, still deceived, wrote to Vergennes: “_L’Amphitrite_, after
sixteen days of bad weather, has been obliged to return for a moment to
take on fresh provisions, those on board having been saturated by the
sea. This is what I have from M. du Coudray, who asks that it be kept
secret, and who expects to depart in a few days.”
The treachery of this officer could not, however, long remain secret.
“The English Ambassador, learning the details, complained loudly to
Vergennes, who, irritated to find himself again compromised, laid the
blame on Beaumarchais withdrawing the permission newly accorded to set
sail.” (Loménie II, p. 137.) Du Coudray then wrote a long letter full of
lame excuses. Beaumarchais, furious on learning the truth, replied as
follows:
“Paris, January 22, 1777.
“As your conduct, sir, in this affair is inexplicable, I will not
waste time in trying to comprehend it. All that concerns me is to
guarantee myself and my friends against occurrences of the same
kind in future. As the veritable owner, therefore, of the
_Amphitrite_, I send herewith an order to Captain Fautrelle, to
take absolute command. You are sagacious enough to see that I
have not taken so decisive a step without previously consulting
powerful and judicious friends. Have the kindness, sir, to
conform to it, or find another vessel to take you wherever you
please, with no pretension on my part to hinder you in any
respect, except in matters which relate to myself and which tend
to injure me.”
When Deane learned of the disgraceful conduct of the man in whom he had
reposed such entire confidence, he withdrew the commission which he had
granted him, and the 8th of February wrote to Beaumarchais. “The
strange, ungrateful and perfidious conduct of this man, mortifies and
embarrasses me strangely, and as I wish with all my heart that I had
never seen him, I wish equally that he may never see America.”
Beaumarchais at once forwarded this letter to Vergennes, begging him to
prevent du Coudray from setting out for the new world. An order from
Vergennes arrived commanding him to return to his garrison at Metz.
Instead of obeying, he hastened to Versailles, where, as has been shown,
he had powerful protection. He succeeded in being privately presented to
Franklin and through the intervention of the ministers of war and the
navy, du Coudray received from Franklin a recommendation to Congress,
which recommendation Deane himself finally consented to sign, although
with reluctance, for he informed Beaumarchais at once of the act,
assuring him that he had done no more than admit that du Coudray was a
good officer. Vergennes, not wishing a quarrel either with the Comte de
St. Germain or with M. de Sartine (minister of war and the navy), was
obliged to close his eyes to the action of the officer, who at once
hastened to set sail for America. (See _Doniol_ II, p. 317.)
The 11th of February, Beaumarchais wrote to Vergennes: “Everyone knows
the evil which that officer wishes to do me. Having made to myself a law
to explain to no one the wise and pressing motives which oppose
themselves to the departure of that officer, and owing to the necessity
of preventing his indiscretions, I am liable to be taxed with a design
to persecute him, whom on the contrary I have from the first endeavored
to advance and have aided in sincere good faith.... It is neither in my
character nor in my principles to revenge myself on anyone—I should be
obliged to pass my life at that odious business....”
“Neither the orders of Vergennes nor the interference of Beaumarchais or
Deane having prevented du Coudray from crossing the Atlantic, the evil
which followed was inevitable. Arrived in America, he hastened to accuse
Beaumarchais of the very acts which he himself had attempted to perform,
and he accused not him alone, but in consequence Silas Deane of
complicity, as well as the Comte de Vergennes.” (_Doniol_ II, p. 353.)
“Dreaming of great position in America, he built upon the order to
retain him on the continent, and gave it out as an intrigue of
Beaumarchais.” He at once issued a pamphlet to Congress, in which he
explained, “It is to my credit alone, and to my zeal in your service,
that you are indebted for the extent of the aid accorded to your
commissioner, and in nothing to the Sieur de Beaumarchais; everything
was finished when he arrived.” He further dilated upon the greed of gain
which characterized the French agent, and accused him of fraud in his
dealings with the colonies. To minds already prepossessed with similar
ideas, this pamphlet was not calculated to increase the confidence of
Congress in the good faith either of their commissioner or of his
friend. During the two months preceding the open exposure of the perfidy
of this officer, the difficulty of the situation of Beaumarchais hardly
can be overestimated. “Denounced by the conspiracies of du Coudray as
being only incited by desire for lucre; obliged to resort to complicated
expediencies in order to spare the Government the recriminations of the
English, constrained to defend himself against the mistrust aroused even
in the spirit of M. de Vergennes by his at times inevitable
indiscretions; forced to fall back on justifications which might seem
equivocal, he lent himself to doubt, even to suspicion.” (_Doniol_ II,
p. 308.) On the 30th of January he wrote to M. de Vergennes:
“When one writes to a minister whom one respects and cherishes,
one is very much embarrassed to find terms to explain a fact like
the one that suffocates me. After Mr. Deane had shown during a
month a very bad humor, and saying to myself the whole time that
there was something very mysterious in the delay of the vessels
at Havre, I was anxious to have an explanation of his offensive
tone. He replied that, tired himself of not knowing where the
blame lay, he had the honor to send you a memoir by M. Lee, and
that the latter reported that Your Excellency had clearly assured
him that for a long while there had been no obstacle on the part
of the ministry and that if I said there was, it could only be an
imposture of mine or of M. Montieu. Pardon, M. le Comte, if after
swallowing all the other bitter pills without complaint, this
rests in my throat and strangles me in passing. Your Excellency
will perhaps be so good as to cast a glance over the four letters
that I join to this, written by me to M. de Sartine the 3rd,
18th, 22d and 29th of January. They will inform you of the true
state of affairs if it is possible that you are ignorant of it,
and you will tell me afterwards up to what point you order me to
keep silent and sacrifice myself. This blow crushes me and makes
me desire that my whole conduct as a vigilant man and faithful
servitor be promptly examined and with the utmost rigor. It is
impossible for me to take an instant’s repose until you have
accorded me this grace. Read, I beg you, my letters to M. de
Sartine and judge of my suffering.”
Vergennes immediately replied, and the whole situation grew brighter.
Beaumarchais wrote the next day, February 1, 1777, “I sincerely thank
you for your goodness in tranquilizing me. I have force against
everything except your discontent. Never judge me without hearing me,
this is the only favor I ask. I know well that you are accused of
irresolution, which is very far from your character. Afterwards they
cast upon me the reflections of their discontent, making you speak, so
that I may feel it more keenly—I will never believe anything again. I
have the intimate consciousness that I do my best and even the best that
can be done under the circumstances. Across all the obstacles that
surround me, a small success pays me for great labor. I feel myself
already light-hearted again since yesterday’s letters have told me that
three of my vessels have started.” Beaumarchais was thus after so many
delays given full power to act. On the 4th of February, 1777, he wrote
to Vergennes:
“At last I have my delivery.... It is a pity that the Dutch
should be destined to have the principal gain from the transport
of these materials. No matter, the most important thing is, not
to let America come to grief through lack of good munitions....”
By the beginning of March ten vessels of Roderigue Hortalès et Cie. were
floating towards America. The seventh of that month he announced the
fact to Vergennes: “Never,” he wrote, “has commercial affair been pushed
with so much vigor, in spite of obstacles of every nature which have
been encountered. May God give it good success!”
“Beaumarchais,” says M. de Loménie, “naturally expected soon to receive
very many expressions of gratitude from Congress, as well as very much
Maryland and Virginia tobacco. He did not even receive a reply to his
letters.” Nevertheless, he continued to send out ships laden with
supplies, all through the spring and summer, receiving from his agents
alone information of their safe arrival.
The failure of Congress to ratify the conditions offered by its
commissioner would have brought to ruin the commercial house of
Roderigue Hortalès et Cie. in spite of the subsidy of two millions with
which it had been founded, had not the Government again come to its
assistance. But though the ministers in general, and Vergennes in
particular, never entirely deserted Beaumarchais, other and wholly
different measures for aiding the Americans were now seriously occupying
their attention. The colonies in declaring themselves free from British
rule had forced upon France the necessity of coming to some definite
decision. This she was slow in doing, but so inevitable was it that she
should take an active part in the great struggle that already the
measures necessary for the arming and equipping of her forces were being
discussed in her councils, while the nation, gone mad with enthusiasm,
was urging her forward in the pathway which could lead to nothing but
open war.
[Illustration: LAFAYETTE]