CHAP. III.

[Sidenote] A revolution in England.

During the reign of the infatuated King James II. the English nation,

oppressed by a Popish faction, and apprehensive about their civil and

religious liberties, were ripe for a revolt; and, upon his abdication,

William Prince of Orange accepted of the English crown, on such terms as

the Parliament thought proper to offer it. Though history can furnish few

examples of a daughter conspiring with subjects to exclude her father

from the throne, and then accepting of a crown from his head; yet, by

this Revolution the long-contested boundaries between the prerogative of

the king and the rights and liberties of the people, were more clearly

marked and determined than they had been in any former period, to the

great relief and happiness of the nation. This event is distinguished in

the annals of England as the era of freedom; and it must be confessed,

that the change has been productive of many important and happy

consequences.

As nothing tends more to the increase of industry and commerce than

religious toleration, and great freedom to scrupulous consciences, soon

after the Revolution an act passed in parliament, for exempting his

majesty's Protestant subjects from the penalties of certain laws, under

which they had formerly suffered great severities. King William and his

council, at that juncture, wisely judged, that such a law might be of

excellent use in removing the complaints of many of his good subjects,

and uniting their minds in interest and affection. Though the variances

of Whigs and Tories may have sometimes obstructed the salutary effects of

this law, yet it must be acknowledged to have answered many wise and

valuable purposes to the nation.

[Sidenote] The French refugees meet with encouragement.

In the history of England, nothing is found to redound more to the honour

of the people than their signal and uncommon acts of generosity and

humanity. Even in the reign of King James large collections had been made

for the distressed French refugees. After King William's accession to the

throne, the parliament voted fifteen thousand pounds sterling to be

distributed among persons of quality, and all such as through age or

infirmities were unable to support themselves or families. To artificers

and manufacturers encouragement was offered in England and Ireland, who

have contributed not a little to the improvement of the silk and linen

manufactures of these kingdoms. To husbandmen and merchants agreeable

prospects were opened in the British colonies. In 1690, King William sent

a large body of these people to Virginia. Lands were allotted them on the

banks of St. James's river, which by their diligence and industry they

soon improved into excellent estates. Others purchased lands from the

proprietors of Carolina, transported themselves and families to that

quarter, and settled a colony on Santee river. Others, who were merchants

and mechanics, took up their residence in Charlestown, and followed their

different occupations. At this period these new settlers were a great

acquisition to Carolina. They had taken the oath of allegiance to the

king, and promised fidelity to the proprietors. They were disposed to

look on the colonists, whom they had joined, in the favourable light of

brethren and fellow-adventurers, and though they understood not the

English language, yet they were desirous of living in peace and harmony

with their neighbours, and willing to stand forth on all occasions of

danger with them for the common safety and defence.

[Sidenote] Philip Ludwell appointed governor.

About the same time Philip Ludwell, a gentleman from Virginia, being

appointed governor of Carolina, arrived in the province. Sir Nathaniel

Johnson, who had been general of the Leeward Islands in the reign of King

James, being created a Cassique of Carolina, after the Revolution retired

to that country, and took his seat as a member of the council. The

proprietors having found the fundamental constitutions disagreeable to

the people, and ineffectual for the purposes of government, repealed all

their former laws and regulations, excepting those called Agrarian Laws,

and sent out a new plan of government to Mr. Ludwell, consisting of

forty-three articles of instruction, for the better management of their

colony. The inhabitants, who had been long in a confused and turbulent

stare, were enjoined to obedience and submission. Liberty was granted to

the representatives of the people to frame such laws as they judged

necessary to the public welfare and tranquillity, which were to continue

in force for two years, but no longer, unless they were in the mean time

ratified and confirmed by the palatine and three more proprietors. Lands

for the cassiques and landgraves were ordered to be marked out in square

plats, and freedom was granted them to chuse their situation. Hitherto

the planters remained utter strangers to the value and fertility of the

low lands, the swamps were therefore carefully avoided, and large tracts

of the higher lands, which were esteemed more precious, were surveyed,

and marked out for estates by the provincial nobility.

[Sidenote] Harsh treatment of the colonists to the refugees.

Governor Ludwell, who was a man of great humanity, and considerable

knowledge and experience in provincial affairs, by those large estates

which were allowed the leading men, and the many indulgences he was

authorized to grant to others, had the good fortune to allay the ferment

among the people, and reconcile them to the proprietors. But this

domestic tranquility was of short duration. New sources of discontent

broke out from a different quarter. He had instructions to allow the

French colony settled in Craven county, the same privileges and liberties

with the English colonists. Several of the refugees being possessed of

considerable property in France, had sold it, and brought the money with

them to England. Having purchased large tracts of land with this money,

they sat down in more advantageous circumstances than the poorer part of

English emigrants. Some of them, who had gone to the northern provinces,

hearing of the kind treatment and great encouragement their brethren had

received in Carolina, came to southward and joined their countrymen.

Having clergymen of their own persuasion, for whom they entertained the

highest respect and veneration, they were disposed to encourage them as

much as their narrow circumstances would admit. Governor Ludwell received

the wandering foreigners with great civility, and was not a little

solicitous to provide them with settlements equal to their expectations.

While these refugees were entering on the hard task of clearing and

cultivating spots of land, encouraging and relieving each other as much

as was in their power, the English Settlers began to revive the odious

distinctions and rooted antipathies of the two nations, and to consider

them as aliens and foreigners, entitled by law to none of the privileges

and advantages of natural-born subjects. The governor had instructions to

allow them six representatives in assembly; this the Englishmen

considered as contrary to the laws of the land, and beyond the power of

the proprietors, who were subject to the laws, to grant. Instead of

considering these persecuted strangers in the enlarged light of brethren

descended from the same common parent, and entitled to the free blessings

of Providence; instead of taking compassion on men who had sought an

asylum from oppression in their country, whom they were bound to welcome

to it by every tie of humanity and interest; they began to execute the

laws of England respecting aliens in their utmost rigour against them.

Their haughty spirit could not brook the thoughts of sitting in assembly

with the rivals of the English nation for power and dominion, and of

receiving laws from Frenchmen, the favourers of a system of slavery and

absolute government. In this unfavourable light they were held forth to

the people, to the great prejudice of the refugees; which sentiments,

however narrow and improper, served to excite no small jealousies and

apprehensions in their minds, with respect to these unhappy foreigners.

Hard as this treatment was, this violent party did not stop here. They

insisted, that the laws of England allowed no foreigners to purchase

lands in any part of the empire under her supreme jurisdiction, and that

no authority but the house of commons in Britain could incorporate aliens

into their community, and make them partakers of the rights and

privileges of natural-born Englishmen; that they ought to have been

naturalized by parliament before they obtained grants of lands from the

proprietors; that the marriages performed by their clergymen, not being

ordained by a bishop, were unlawful; and that the children begotten in

those marriage could be considered in law in no other light as bastards.

In short, they averred, that aliens were not only denied a seat in

parliament, but also a voice in all elections of members to serve in it;

and that they could neither be returned on any jury, nor sworn for the

trial of issues between subject and subject.

The refugees, alarmed at these proceedings, and discouraged at the

prospects of being deprived of all the rights and liberties of British

subjects, began to suspect that the opposition of England would fall

heavier upon them than that of France from which they had fled. Dejected

at the thoughts of labouring they knew not for whom, if their children

could not reap the fruits of their labours, or if their estates should

escheat to the proprietors at their decease, they could consider

themselves only as deceived and imposed upon by false promises and

prospects. After holding several consultations among themselves about

their deplorable circumstances, they agreed to state their case before

the proprietors, and beg their advice. In answer to which the Proprietors

instructed Governor Ludwell to inform them, that they would enquire what

does in law qualify an alien born for the enjoyment of the rights and

privileges of English subjects, and in due time let them know; that, for

their part, they would take no advantages of the present grievous

circumstances of the refugees; that their lands should descend to such

persons as they thought proper to bequeath them; that the children of

such as had been married in the same way were not deemed bastards in

England, nor could they be considered as such in Carolina, where such

unlimited toleration was allowed to all men by their charter. Though this

served in some measure to compose the minds of the refugees, yet while

the people harboured prejudices against them the relief was only partial;

and, at the next election of members to serve in assembly, Craven county,

in which they lived, was not allowed a single representative.

[Sidenote] The manner of obtaining lands.

From the first settlement of the colony, the common method of obtaining

lands in it was by purchase, either from the Proprietors themselves, or

from officers commissioned by them, who disposed of them agreeable to

their directions. Twenty pounds sterling for a thousand acres of land,

and more or less, in proportion to the quantity, was commonly demanded,

although the proprietors might accept of any acknowledgment they thought

proper. The emigrants having obtained warrants, had liberty to go in

search of vacant ground, and to pitch upon such spots as they judged most

valuable and convenient. This was surveyed, and marked out to them,

according to the extent of their purchase, and plats and grants were

signed, registered and delivered to them, reserving one shilling quitrent

for every hundred acres, to be paid annually to the Proprietors. Such

persons as could not advance the sum demanded by way of purchase,

obtained lands on condition of paying one penny annual-rent for every

acre to the landlords. The former, however, was the common method of

obtaining landed estates in Carolina, and the tenure was a freehold. The

refugees having purchased their estates, and meeting with such harsh

treatment from the colonists, were greatly discouraged, and apprehensive,

notwithstanding the fair promises of the Proprietors, they had escaped

one abyss of misery only to plunge themselves deeper into another.

[Sidenote] Juries chosen by ballot.

The manner of impannelling juries in Carolina being remarkably fair and

equitable, justly claims our particular notice. Juries here are not

returned by sheriffs, whose ingenuity and integrity are well known,

particularly in England; but according to an article in the fundamental

constitutions. The names of all the freemen in the colony being taken

down on small pieces of parchment of equal size, they are put into a

ballot-box, which is shaken on purpose to mix them, and out of which

twenty-four names are drawn, at every precinct court before it rises, by

the first boy under ten year of age that appears; which names are put

into another box, and twelve out of the twenty-four are drawn by another

boy under the same age, and summoned to appear at the next meeting of

court; which persons are the jury, provided no exceptions are taken

against any of them. If any of them are challenged by the prisoner, the

boy continues drawing other names till the jury be full. In this mild and

fair manner prisoners are tried, which allows them every chance for life

humanity can suggest or require: for after the most careful examination

of witnesses, and the fullest debate on both sides from the bar, the jury

have instructions about the evidences given, and the point of law which

is to guide them in their decision, from the bench; and are shut up in a

room, where they must remain until they agree, and return their unanimous

verdict, guilty or not guilty.

[Sidenote] Pirates favored by the colonists.

Notwithstanding the excellence of this form of trial, it must be

confessed that justice has not always had its free course, nor been

administered with impartiality by the officers and judges appointed by

the proprietors for this purpose. Pirates, for instance, are a body of

men whom all civilized nations are bound in honour and justice to crush;

yet, instead of this, by bribery and corruption they often found favour

with the provincial juries, and by this means escaped the hands of

justice. About this time forty men arrived in a privateer called the

Royal Jamaica, who had been engaged in a course of piracy, and brought

into the country treasures of Spanish gold and silver. These men were

allowed to enter into recognizance for their peaceable and good behaviour

for one year, with securities, till the governor should hear whether the

proprietors would grant them a general indemnity. At another time a

vessel was shipwrecked on the coast, the crew of which openly and boldly

confessed, they had been in the Red sea plundering the dominions of the

Great Mogul. The gentleness of government towards those public robbers,

and the civility and friendship with which they were treated by the

people, were evidences of the licentious spirit which prevailed in the

colony. For although all men ought to be tender of the lives of their

fellow-creatures, and permit ten guilty persons to escape rather than one

innocent man should suffer; yet, to bring pirates to justice is a duty

which both national honour and the common welfare of society necessarily

require. For if we allow such public robbers to escape with impunity, it

may be attended with serious and fatal consequences; it may prove the

occasion of war and bloodshed to nations in general, to the prejudice of

navigation, and the destruction of many innocent lives, which might have

been prevented by proper and legal punishments. The Proprietors were

disposed to consider piracy in this dangerous light, and therefore

instructed Governor Ludwell to change the form of electing juries, and

required that all pirates should be tried and punished by the laws of

England made for the suppression of piracy. Before such instructions

reached Carolina, the pirates, by their money and freedom of intercourse

with the people, had so ingratiated themselves into the public favour,

that it was become no easy matter to bring them to trial, and dangerous

to punish them as they deserved. The courts of law became scenes of

altercation, discord, and confusion. Bold and seditious speeches were

made from the bar, in contempt of the Proprietors and their government.

Since no pardons could be obtained but such as they had authorised the

governor to grant, the assembly took the matter under deliberation, and

fell into hot debates among themselves about a bill of indemnity. When

they found the governor disposed to refute his assent to such a bill,

they made a law impowering magistrates and judges to put in force the

_habeas corpus_ act made in England. Hence it happened, that several of

those pirates escaped, purchased lands from the colonists, and took up

their residence in the country. While money flowed into the colony in

this channel, the authority of government was a barrier too feeble to

stem the fide, and prevent such illegal practices. At length the

proprietors, to gratify the people, granted an indemnity to all the

pirates, excepting those who had been plundering the Great Mogul, most of

whom also found means of making their escape out of the country.

In this community there subsisted a constant struggle between the people

and the officers of the Proprietors: the former claimed great exemptions

and indulgences, on account of their indigent and dangerous

circumstances; the latter were anxious to discharge the duties of their

trust, and to comply with the instructions of their superiors. When

quitrents were demanded some refused payment, others had nothing to

offer. When actions were brought against all those who were in arrears,

the poor planters murmured and complained among themselves, and were

discontented at the terms of holding their lands, though, comparatively

speaking, easy and advantageous. It was impossible for any governor to

please both parties. The fees also of their courts and sheriffs were

such, that, in all actions of small value, they exceeded the debt to be

recovered by them. To remedy this inconvenience, the assembly made a law

for empowering justices of the peace to hear, and finally to determine,

all causes of forty shillings sterling value and under. This was equally

agreeable to the people, as it was otherwise to the officers of justice.

At length, to humour the planters, the governor proposed to the assembly,

to consider of a new form of a deed for holding lands, by which he

encroached on the prerogative of the proprietors, who had referred to

themselves the sole power of judging in such a case, incurred their

displeasure, and was soon after removed from the government.

[Sidenote] Thomas Smith appointed governor.

To find another man equally well qualified for the trust, was a matter at

this time of no small difficulty to the Proprietors. Thomas Smith was a

man possessed of considerable property, much esteemed by the people for

his wisdom and sobriety; such a person they deemed would be the most

proper to succeed Ludwell, as he would naturally be both zealous and

active in promoting the prosperity and peace of the settlement.

Accordingly a patent was sent out to him creating him a landgrave, and,

together with it, a commission investing him with the government of the

colony. Mr. Ludwell returned to Virginia, happily relieved from a

troublesome office, and Landgrave Smith, under all possible advantages,

entered on it. He was previously acquainted with the state of the colony,

and with the tempers and complexions of the leading men in it. He knew

that the interest of the Proprietors, and the prosperity of the

settlement were inseparably connected. He was disposed to allow the

people, struggling under many hardships, every indulgence consistent with

the duties of his trust. No stranger could have been appointed to the

government that could boast of being in circumstances equally favourable

and advantageous.

[Sidenote] The planting of rice introduced.

About this time a fortunate accident happened, which occasioned the

introduction of rice into Carolina, a commodity which was afterwards

found very suitable to the climate and soil of the country. A brigantine

from the island of Madagascar touching at that place in her way to

Britain, came to anchor off Sullivan's island. There Landgrave Smith,

upon an invitation from the captain, paid him a visit, and received from

him a present of a bag of seed rice, which he said he had seen growing in

eastern countries, where it was deemed excellent food, and produced an

incredible increase. The governor divided his bag of rice between Stephen

Bull, Joseph Woodward, and some other friends, who agreed to make the

experiment, and planted their small parcels in different soils. Upon

trial they found it answered their highest expectations. Some years

afterwards, Mr. Du Bois, treasurer to the East-India Company, sent a bag

of seed rice to Carolina, which, it is supposed, gave rise to the

distinction of red and white rice, which are both cultivated in that

country. Several years, however, elapsed, before the planters found out

the art of beating and cleaning it to perfection, and that the lowest and

richest lands were best adapted to the nature of the grain; yet, from

this period, the colonists persevered in planting it, and every year

brought them greater encouragement. From this small beginning did the

staple commodity of Carolina take its rife, which soon became the chief

support of the colony, and its great source of opulence. Besides

provisions for man and beast, as rice employs a number of hands in trade,

it became also a source of naval strength to the nation, and of course

more beneficial to it, than foreign mines of silver and gold. From the

success attending this inconsiderable beginning, projectors of new

schemes for improvement may draw some useful lessons, especially where

lands are good, and the climate favourable to vegetation.

[Sidenote] Occasions a necessity for employing negroes.

With the introduction of rice planting into this country, and the fixing

upon it as its staple commodity, the necessity of employing Africans for

the purpose of cultivation was doubled. So laborious is the task of

raising, beating, and cleaning this article, that though it had been

possible to obtain European servants in numbers sufficient for attacking

the thick forest and clearing grounds for the purpose, thousands and ten

thousands must have perished in the arduous attempt. The utter inaptitude

of Europeans for the labour requisite in such a climate and soil, is

obvious to every one possessed of the smallest degree of knowledge

respecting the country; white servants would have exhausted their

strength in clearing a spot of land for digging their own graves, and

every rice plantation would have served no other purpose than a burying

ground to its European cultivators. The low lands of Carolina, which are

unquestionably the richest grounds in the country, must long have

remained a wilderness, had not Africans, whose natural constitutions were

suited to the clime and work, been employed in cultivating this useful

article of food and commerce.

[Sidenote] Perpetual slavery repugnant to the principles of humanity

and Christianity.

So much may be said for the necessity of employing Africans in the

cultivation of rice; but great is the difference between employing

negroes in clearing and improving those rich plains, and that miserable

state of hardship and slavery to which they are there devoted, and which

has been tolerated and established by the law of the land. If we view

this race, first ranging over the hills of Africa, equally free and

independent as other rude nations on earth, and from thence inveigled by

frauds or compelled by force, and then consigned over to a state of

endless slavery, we must confess the change is great and deplorable,

especially to an impartial and disinterested eye. Without them, it is

acknowledged, slow must have been the progress of cultivation in

Carolina; but, from such a confederation, what man will presume to

vindicate the policy of keeping those rational creatures in perpetual

exile and slavery. Nature had given them an equal right to liberty as to

life, and the general law of self-preservation was equally concerned for

the preservation of both. We would be glad then to know, upon what

principle of equity and justice the English traders found their right to

deprive the freeborn inhabitants of Africa of their natural liberty and

native country; or on what grounds the planter afterwards founds his

right to their service during life, and that of all their posterity, to

the latest generation. Can the particular laws of any country supersede

the general laws of nature? Can the local circumstances of any province

upon earth be pled in excuse for such a violent trade, and for such

endless slavery in consequence of it? Besides, has not this trade a

tendency to encourage war and plunder among the natives of Africa? to set

one tribe against another, to catch and trepan their neighbours, on

purpose to barter them for European trinkets to the factories? Nor is the

traffic confined to the captives of war alone, who have been subjected to

slavery by many nations; for so ardently do they covet the pernicious

liquors and trifling commodities carried to them from Europe, that,

without scruple, they will part with their nearest relations, their wives

and children not excepted, to procure them. Thus civilized nations, by

such a traffic, have made barbarians more barbarous, and tempted them to

commit the most cruel and unnatural actions.

Nothing can be more evident, than that such a trade is tolerated and

carried on in violation of the grand rule of equity prescribed to

Christians. For example, let us suppose the people of Africa had

discovered an island, such as Newfoundland, in a climate too cool for the

natives of that continent to cultivate, and that the inhabitants of the

north of Europe were alone adapted to the work. In consequence of this

discovery, were they to sail to Britain with a cargo of their gold dust,

and stir up one county to wage war with another for the sake of captives

were they to tempt the father to dispose of his son, the mother of her

daughter, the husband of his wife, and the nearest friends, first to

steal and kidnap, and then barter each other, for Africa's golden idol:

we may with justice put the question, Ye inhabitants of England, what

would ye think of such a traffic? We will readily own, there are few

nations upon earth more fond of gold dust than you, or have gone farther

lengths in the commercial way to procure it; yet, fond as ye are of this

favourite metal, we must do so much justice to your humanity as to

believe, that your nation would resound with complaints against a traffic

so unjust and cruel. Yet certainly the African's natural right to pursue

it is equally well grounded as that of the European. What principle of

Christianity can you then plead in its vindication? Your superior power,

avarice, and craft, the African acknowledges to his sad experience; but

he complains of being made absolute property, such as cattle, goods and

chattels, and subject to be seized, levied upon, and tossed from hand to

hand for the payment of commercial debts, by the laws of your realm, to

which he never owed any subjection or obedience. He complains of the

means used to bring him into such grievous and deplorable circumstances,

as unfair and iniquitous. He complains, that his utmost labour and

industry for any limited time will not be accepted by the master he

serves, as a compensation for the expence of his purchase, and that he

and all his generation must remain slaves for ever, without hope of

redemption or deliverance. And, without doubt, hard is his case, and well

grounded are his complaints. Indeed the planter's concern only commences

with the arrival of these slaves, and his contract made with the

merchant, who, under the colour and authority of the laws, brought them

into the country where he lives. For the purchase he makes he has also

the sanction and countenance of law, which is in some measure a

justification of his conduct. On provincial regulations, with respect to

the subsequent management and treatment of negroes, we shall afterwards

take occasion to make some remarks. At present we shall only add, that in

no instance can it be said to be a more plain and lamentable truth, that

the love of money is the root of all evil, than when it urges men to

trade in the bodies and souls of their fellow-creatures.

[Sidenote] Foreign colonies encouraged from views of commercial

advantage.

During the period of the usurpation in England, when the great councils

of the nation were under the direction of men of mean birth and little

education, the considerations of mercantile profit became connected with

those of dominion and the higher springs of government. After the

conquest of Jamaica, it was resolved, that the nation should make a

commercial profit of every colony that had been, or should be, planted in

the western world. At the Restoration the same turn in politics was also

adopted, and the parliament which brought about that great event made a

law, by which it was enacted, that no sugar, cotton, wool, indigo,

ginger, fustic, or other dying wood, of the growth of any English

plantation in Asia, Africa, or America, should be transported to any

other place than to some English plantation, or to England, Ireland,

Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed, upon pain of forfeiture of ship and goods;

that, for every vessel sailing from England, Ireland, Wales, and Berwick

upon Tweed, bond shall be given, with security of one or two thousand

pounds sterling, money of Great Britain, that if she load any of the said

commodities at such plantations, she shall bring them to some port of

these English dominions. And for every vessel coming to the said

plantations the governor shall, before she be permitted to load, take

such bond as aforesaid, that she shall carry such commodities to England,

Ireland, Wales, or Berwick upon Tweed. This laid the foundation of what

was afterwards called _enumerated commodities_; and to these already

mentioned, rice, hemp, copper ore, beaver skins, and naval stores, were

afterwards added, and, with some exceptions, subjected to the same

restraint.

This navigation law, though it cramped the trade of the colonies, yet it

has been attended with many beneficial consequences to Britain: and while

she maintained the supreme power of legislation throughout the empire,

and wisely regulated the trade and commerce of her foreign settlements,

she might reap many and substantial advantages from them. She might

render them a market for her manufactures, and at the same time supply

herself with such commodities as her northern climate refused, and

obliged her to purchase from other nations. By such means she might

enlarge her commerce and trade, at the same time she increased her naval

strength. It was her interest in a particular manner to encourage

settlements in a different climate, the productions of which luxury had

made necessary to the support of her domestic dominions. Their articles

of product interfered not with those of Britain, and were in no danger of

rivalling her at any market. But should the planters in these colonies

begin to think themselves entitled to the privileges of raising what

productions they please, and of sending them to any market they judged

most advantageous to themselves, they would then become colonies equally

useful to all the world; and the mother country, who discovered, peopled

and protected them, would share no more advantage from them than rival

states around her. On this principle Great Britain grounds her right to

expect a market for her manufactures in the colonies she planted and

nursed, and to regulate their produce and trade in such a channel as to

render them only subservient to her own interest. Without this right they

would not only be useless to her, but very prejudicial. Colonies planted

in the same latitude with the parent state, raising the same productions,

and enjoying the same privileges, must in time be both detrimental and

dangerous; for while they drain her of inhabitants, they are growing

strong upon her ruins. They meet her at the same market with the same

commodities, a competition arises between them, and occasions jealousies,

quarrels, and animosities. Then she will become sensible of the bad

policy of having promoted such colonies, when they prove dangerous rivals

in trade and commerce, and when perhaps it is become too late to remedy

the evil: for a rival daughter often becomes the more abusive and

troublesome, in proportion as she is better acquainted than strangers

with the natural fondness and indulgent temper of a tender mother.

From Carolina indeed Britain had less to fear than from the more northern

colonies, as the latitude was more remote, and the climate and soil

better suited to different productions. Here the people naturally engaged

in pursuits different from those of the mother country, and a mutual

exchange of commodities and good offices would of consequence the more

necessarily take place. They might barter their skins, furs, and naval

stores, for clothes, arms, ammunition, and utensils necessary for

cultivation, imported from England. They might send their provisions,

lumber, and Indian captives to the West Indies, and receive the luxuries

of these islands, and the refuse of their cargoes of slaves, in return,

without any prejudice to Britain: for as the two climates differed

greatly, they were of consequence adapted to different articles of

produce. To such staples the first views of the planters ought to have

been chiefly directed, and, for their encouragement in raising them,

premiums from the Proprietors might have been attended with the most

beneficial effects.

[Sidenote] A.D. 1693. Indians complain of injustice.

Before this time the Carolineans had found out the policy of setting one

tribe of Indians against another, on purpose to save themselves. By

trifling presents they purchased the friendship of some tribes, whom they

employed to carry on war with others, which not only diverted their

attention from them, but encouraged them to bring captives to

Charlestown, for the purpose of transportation to the West Indies, and

the advantage of trade. In the year 1693, twenty Cherokee chiefs waited

on Governor Smith, with presents and proposals of friendship, craving the

protection of government against the Esaw and Congaree Indians, who had

destroyed several of their towns, and taken a number of their people

prisoners. They complained also of the outrages of the Savanna Indians

for selling their countrymen, contrary to former regulations established

among the different tribes; and begged the governor to restore their

relations, and protect them against such insidious enemies. Governor

Smith declared to them, that there was nothing he wished for more than

friendship and peace with the Cherokee warriors, and would do every thing

in his power for their defence: that the prisoners were already gone, and

could not be recalled; but that he would for the future take care that a

stop should be put to the custom of sending them off the country. At the

same time the Chihaw king complained of the cruel treatment he had

received from John Palmer who had barbarously beat and cut him with his

broad-sword. In answer to which charge Palmer was insolent and

contumacious, and protested, in defiance and contempt of both governor

and council, he would again treat him in like manner upon the same

provocation; for which he was ordered into custody, until he asked pardon

of the house, and found security for his future peaceable behaviour to

Indians. Such instances of harsh treatment serve to account for many

outrages of Indian nations, who were neither insensible to the common

feelings of human nature, nor ignorant of the grievous frauds and

impositions they suffered in the course of traffic. By some planters

indeed they were used with greater humanity, and employed as servants to

cultivate their lands, or hunt for fresh provisions to their families;

and as the woods abounded with deer, rabbits, turkeys, geese, ducks,

snipes, etc. which were all accounted game, an expert hunter was of great

service in a plantation, and could furnish a family with more provisions

than they could consume.

[Sidenote] The troubles among the settlers continue.

With respect to government Carolina still remained in a confused and

turbulent state. Complaint from every quarter was made to the governor,

who was neither able to quiet the minds of the people, nor afford them

the relief they wanted. The French refugees were uneasy that there was no

provincial law to secure their estates to the heirs of their body, or the

next in kin, and afraid that their lands at their death would escheat to

the Proprietors, and their children become beggars, notwithstanding their

utmost industry and application; and, in such a case, the sooner they

removed from the colony the better it would be for themselves and their

posterity. The English colonists, not only kept up variances among

themselves, bur also perplexed the governor with their complaints of

hardships and grievances. At last Landgrave Smith wrote the Proprietors,

and frankly told them, that he despaired of ever uniting the people in

interest and affection; that he and many more, weary of the fluctuating

state of public affairs, had resolved to leave the province; and that he

was convinced nothing would bring the settlers to a state of tranquillity

and harmony, unless they sent out one of the Proprietors, with full

powers to redress grievances, and settle differences prevailing and

likely to prevail more in their colony.

[Sidenote] John Archdale appointed governor.

The Proprietors, astonished at the discontented and turbulent spirit of

the people, yet anxious to prevent the settlement from being deserted and

ruined, resolved to try the remedy Landgrave Smith had suggested; and

accordingly pitched on Lord Ashley, an ingenious and bright young

nobleman, to go to Carolina, and invested him with full powers, after

viewing the posture of affairs on the spot, to establish such regulations

as he judged most conducive to the peace and welfare of the colony. Lord

Ashley, however, having either little inclination to the voyage, or being

detained in England by business of greater consequence, John Archdale

agreed to embark in his place. Archdale was a man of considerable

knowledge and discretion, a Quaker, and a Proprietor; great trust was

reposed in him, and much was expected from his negociations.

In the mean time Landgrave Smith having resigned his charge, Daniel Blake

was chosen governor, until the pleasure of the Proprietors was known. So

great was the antipathy of the English settlers to the French refugees

now grown, that they insisted on their total exclusion from a voice in

the legislature. For this purpose an address was prepared and signed by a

great number of them, and presented to Governor Blake, praying, that the

refugees might not only be denied the privilege of sitting as members of

the legislative body, but also of a vote at their election, and that the

assembly might be composed only of English members, chosen by Englishmen.

Their request, however, being contrary to the instructions of the

Proprietors, Blake, it is probable, judged beyond his power to grant, and

therefore matters relating to them continued in the same unsettled state,

until the arrival of Governor Archdale, which happened about the middle

of the year 1695.

[Sidenote] Archdales's arrival, and new regulations.

The arrival of this pious man occasioned no small joy among all the

settlers, who crowded about him, each expecting some favour or

indulgence. Amidst the general joy, private animosities and civil discord

seemed for a while to be buried in oblivion. The governor soon found,

that three interesting matters demanded his particular attention. The

first was, to restore harmony and peace among the colonists themselves;

the second, to reconcile them to the jurisdiction and authority of the

Proprietors; and the third, to regulate their policy and traffic with the

Indian tribes. For these purposes he summoned his council for advice, and

the commissions to the different deputies were read. The members

appointed were Joseph Blake, Stephen Bull, James Moore, Paul Grimball,

Thomas Carey, John Beresford, and William Hawett. All former judges of

the courts, officers of the militia, and justices of the peace, were

continued in their respective offices. But such was the national

antipathy of the English settlers to the poor French refugees, that

Archdale found their total exclusion from all concern in legislature was

absolutely necessary to the peaceable convocation of the delegates, and

therefore issued writs directing them only to Berkley and Colleton

counties. Ten members for the one, and ten for the other, all Englishmen,

were accordingly chosen by the freemen of the same nation. At their

meeting the governor made a seasonable speech to both houses, acquainting

them with the design of his appointment, his regard for the colony, and

great desire of contributing towards its peace and prosperity. They, in

return, presented affectionate addresses to him, and entered on public

business with great temper and unanimity. Matters of general moment and

concern Governor Archdale, by his extensive powers and great discretion

settled to the satisfaction of all, excepting the French refugees. The

price of lands and the form of conveyances were fixed by law. Three years

rent was remitted to those who held land by grant, and four years to such

as held them by survey, without grant. Such lands as had escheated to the

Proprietors, were ordered to be let out or sold for their Lordships

benefit. It was agreed to take the arrears of quitrents either in money

or commodities, as should be most easy and convenient for the planters.

Magistrates were appointed, for hearing all causes between the settlers

and Indians, and finally determining all differences between them. Public

roads were ordered to be made, and water passages cut, for the more easy

conveyance of produce to the market. Some former laws were altered, and

such new statutes made as were judged requisite for the good government

and peace of the colony. In short, public affairs began to put on an

agreeable aspect, and to promise fair towards the future progress and

welfare of the settlement. But as for the French refugees, all the

governor could do for them was, to recommend it to the English

freeholders to consider them in the most friendly and compassionate point

of light, and to treat them with lenity and moderation.

[Sidenote] Treats Indians with humanity.

No man could entertain more benevolent sentiments, with respect to the

ignorant heathen savages, than Governor Archdale; his compassion for them

was probably one of the weighty motives which induced him to undertake

the voyage to this country. To protect them against insults, and

establish a fair trade and friendly intercourse with them, were

regulations which both humanity required and sound policy dictated. But

such was the rapacious spirit of individuals, that it could be curbed by

no authority. Many advantages were taken of the ignorance of Indians in

the way of traffic. The liberty of seizing their persons, and selling

them for slaves to the West-India planters, the colonists could not be

prevailed on entirely to resign, without much reluctance. At this time a

war raged between two Indian nations, the one living in the British, the

other in the Spanish territories. The Yamassees, a powerful tribe in

Carolina, having made an incursion into Florida, took a number of Indians

prisoners, whom they brought to Charlestown for sale to the provincial

traders to Jamaica and Barbadoes. Governor Archdale no sooner heard of

their arrival, than he ordered the Spanish Indians to be brought to him,

and finding that they had been instructed in the rites and principles of

the Catholic religion, he could not help considering it as an atrocious

crime to sell Christians of any denomination. To maintain a good

understanding between the two provinces, he sent the prisoners to

Augustine, and along with them the Yamassee warriors, to treat of peace

with the Indians of Florida. The Spanish governor wrote a letter to Mr.

Archdale, thanking him for his humanity, and expressing a desire to live

on terms of friendship and peace with the Carolineans. In consequence of

which, Governor Archdale issued orders to all Indians in the British

interest, to forbear molesting those under the jurisdiction of Spain. The

two kings being at that time confederates, the like orders were issued at

St. Augustine, and in a short time they were attended with beneficial

effects. Such wise steps served not only to prevent slaughter and misery

among these savages themselves, but an English vessel being accidentally

shipwrecked on the coast of Florida, the Indians did the crew no harm,

but, on the contrary, conducted them safe to Augustine, where the

commandant furnished them with provisions, and sent them to the English

settlements.

Nor did Governor Archdale confine his views to the establishment of a

good correspondence with the Indian nations on the south of this

settlement, but extended them also to those on the north side of it.

Stephen Bull, a member of the council and an Indian trader, at his

request entered into a treaty of friendship with the Indians living on

the coast of North Carolina. This proved also favourable for some

adventurers from New England, who were soon after the conclusion of the

treaty shipwrecked on that coast. These emigrants got all safe to land,

but finding themselves surrounded by barbarians, expected nothing but

instant death. However, to defend themselves in the best manner they

could, they encamped in a body on the shore, and threw up an entrenchment

around them. There they remained until their small stock of provisions

was almost exhausted. The Indians, by making signs of friendship,

frequently invited them to quit their camp; but they were afraid to trust

them, until hunger urged them to run the hazard at all events. After they

came out, the Indians received them with great civility, and not only

furnished them with provisions, but also permitted some of them peaceably

to travel over land to Charlestown, to acquaint the governor with their

misfortune. Upon which a vessel was sent to North Carolina, which brought

them to Cooper river, on the north side of which lands were allotted them

for their accommodation and they formed that settlement afterwards known

by the name of Christ's-church parish.

About the same time, two Indians of different tribes being intoxicated

with liquor, a vice which they learned from the English settlers,

quarrelled at Charlestown, and the one murdered the other. Among these

barbarians, not to avenge the death of a friend is considered as

pusillanimous, and whenever death ensues, drunkenness, accident, or even

self-defence, are in their eyes no extenuation of the crime. The

relations of the deceased, hearing of his death, immediately came to

Charlestown, and demanded satisfaction. Governor Archdale, who had

confined the murderer, being desirous to save his life, offered them a

compensation; but they refused it, and insisted on blood for blood and

death for death, according to the law of retaliation. To prevent the

quarrel spreading wider among them, he was obliged to deliver the

prisoner up to punishment and death. While they were conducting him to

the place of execution, his king, coming up to him, enjoined him, since

he must die, to stand and die like a man; adding, at the same time, that

he had often warned him of the danger of rum, and now he must lose his

life for neglecting his counsel. When he had advanced to the stake to

which he was to be fastened, he desired that they would not bind him,

promising not to stir a foot from the spot; and accordingly he did not,

but with astounding resolution braved the terrors of death, and fell a

sacrifice to justice, the frequent wages of blind drunkenness and mad

excess.

[Sidenote] The Proprietors shamefully neglected agriculture.

It may now be thought a matter of surprise by some men, especially by

such as know the advantages of agriculture, that the Proprietors of

Carolina, who were men of knowledge, and zealous for the interest and

improvement of the colony, paid so little regard to the only thing upon

which the subsistence of the inhabitants and the success of the

settlement depended. Instead of framing codes of laws, and modelling the

government of the country on principles of speculation, in which men are

always in danger of error, especially when living in a different climate,

far remote from the country they mean to govern; had they established a

plantation in it for the particular purpose of making experiments, to

find out what productions were most suitable to the soil and climate;

this would have been of more real use than all the visionary laws they

ever framed. The first planters were men of little knowledge or

substance, many of them utter strangers to the arts of agriculture; and

those who had been accustomed to husbandry in Europe, followed the same

rules, and planted the same grain in Carolina, as they had formerly done

in England; which were by no means adapted to the climate. They moved on

in the old line, exhausted their strength in fruitless efforts, without

presuming to imagine, that different articles of produce, and a deviation

from the eastern modes of cultivation, could be beneficial. Hence the

planters, though they had lands on the easiest terms, remained poor; and

the fault was occasioned more by their ignorance and inexperience than by

the climate or soil. It was the business of the Proprietors to have

directed their views to such productions as were best suited to the

nature of their lands, and most likely to reward their toil; and not to

have left a matter of such importance to chance, or the ingenuity of poor

labourers. Agriculture was certainly an object of the highest consequence

to the settlers, and of course also to the Proprietors of the country.

[Sidenote] Archdale returns to England, and leaves Joseph Blake

governor.

Governor Archdale having finished his negociations in Carolina, made

preparations for returning to Britain. During his time though the

government had acquired considerable respect and stability, yet the

differences among the people still remained. Former flames were rather

smothered for a while than extinguished, and were ready on the first

occasion to break out again and burn with greater violence. Before he

embarked, the council presented to him an address, to be transmitted to

the Proprietors, expressing the deep sense they had of their Lordships

paternal care for their colony, in the appointment of a man of such

abilities and integrity to the government who had been so happily

instrumental in establishing its peace and security. They told them, they

had now no contending factions in government, or clashing interests among

the people, excepting what respected the French refugees, who were

unhappy at their not being allowed all the privileges and liberties of

English subjects, particularly those of sitting in assembly, and voting

at the election of its members, which could not be granted them without

losing the affections of the English settlers, and involving the colony

in civil broils; that Governor Archdale, by the advice of his council,

had chose rather to refuse them those privileges than disoblige the bulk

of the British settlers; that, by his wise conduct, they hoped all

misunderstandings between their Lordships and the colonists were now

happily removed; that they would for the future cheerfully concur with

them in every measure for the speedy population and improvement of the

country; that they were now levying money for building fortifications, to

defend the province against foreign attacks, and that they would strive

to maintain harmony and peace among themselves. Governor Archdale

received this address with peculiar satisfaction, and promised to present

it to the Proprietors on his arrival in England. Being impowered to

nominate a lieutenant-governor, he made choice of Joseph Blake for his

successor, and embarked for Britain about the close of the year 1696.

After Mr. Archdale's arrival in England, he laid this address, together

with a state of the country, and the regulations he had established in

it, before the Proprietors, and showed them the necessity of abolishing

many articles in the constitutions, and framing a new plan of government.

Accordingly, they began to compile new constitutions; from his

information and intelligence forty-one different articles were drawn up

and sent out by Robert Daniel, for the better government of the colony.

But when the governor laid these new laws before the assembly for their

assent and approbation, recommending the careful perusal and

consideration of them, they treated them as they had done the former

constitutions, and, instead of taking them under deliberation, modestly

laid them aside.

[Sidenote] A colony of French in Florida.

Mean while France, having thought proper to recognize King William in the

quality of king of Great Britain and Ireland, a treaty of peace was

concluded between the two nations. After which, a project was formed by

Lewis XIV. for establishing a colony of his people at the mouth of the

great river Mississipi. To that immense territory lying to the eastward

of that river, and extending along the back of the Appalachian mountains,

from the Mexican seas to his dominions in Canada, he laid claim, which,

in honour of him, was afterwards called Louisiana. Some discerning men in

England early warned the nation of danger to the British settlements from

a French colony established on this quarter; yet many years elapsed

before they began to feel the inconveniences and troubles arising from

it. It was foreseen, that, besides the Spaniards, another competitor for

power and dominion would spring up, in a situation where they had a fair

opportunity of engrossing the trade and affections of Indian tribes, and

harassing the weakest frontiers of the British colonies: and doubtless,

from the influence and address of the Frenchmen among Indians, the

English settlers had more to fear, than from the religious zeal and

bigotry of indolent Spanish friars.

John Earl of Bath having succeeded Lord Craven as Palatine, several

persons of character and influence in Carolina were by him created

landgraves; among whom were Edmund Ballenger, John Bayley, and Robert

Daniel; Edmund Bohun was appointed Chief Justice of the colony. About the

same time Nicholas Trott, a learned and ambitious man, left the Bahama

islands, and took up his residence in Carolina. Numbers from different

quarters continued to resort to this country, and, notwithstanding its

warm and unhealthy climate, the flattering prospects of landed estates

induced men to run every risque; and the Proprietors neglected no means

which they judged conducive towards its speedy population.

[Sidenote] The French refugees incorporated by law.

With respect to the French refugees, the national antipathies among the

colonists now began to abate, who, from their quiet and inoffensive

behaviour, entertained daily more favourable sentiments of them. Along

with their neighbours they had defied the dangers of the desert, and

given ample proofs of their fidelity to the Proprietors, their love to

the people, and their zeal for the success of the colony. They had

cleared little spots of land for raising the necessaries of life, and in

some measure surmounted the difficulties of the first state of

colonization. Yet none of them could boast of great success, excepting

one man who had taught the Indians dancing and music, for which arts they

discovered an amazing fondness, and liberally rewarded him for his

instructions. At this favourable juncture the refugees, by the advice of

the governor and other friends, petitioned the legislature to be

incorporated with the freemen of the colony, and allowed the same

privileges and liberties with those born of English parents. Accordingly

an act passed for making all aliens free, for enabling them to hold

lands, and to claim the same as heirs to their ancestors, who should take

the oath of allegiance to King William. With this condition the refugees

joyfully complied, and the Proprietors, without scruple, ratified the

law; in consequence of which, the French and English settlers, united in

interest and affection, have ever since lived together in harmony and

peace.

Though every person enjoyed liberty of conscience with respect to

religion, yet as the Proprietors were Episcopalians, the tendency of

their government leaned towards that mode of religious worship. Governor

Blake, though a dissenter himself, possessed the most liberal sentiments

towards men of a different persuasion. During his time a bill was brought

into the assembly, for allowing the Episcopal minister of Charlestown,

and his successors for ever, a salary of one hundred and fifty pounds

sterling, together with a house, glebe, and two servants. Samuel Marshal,

a pious and learned man, being the Episcopal minister at that time, whose

prudence and ability had gained him great esteem from Christians of all

denominations, the bill passed with the less opposition. Dissenters in

general, a large body of the people, conscious of the amiable character

and great merit of the man, acquiesced in the measure; and as no motion

had been made respecting any established church, they seemed apprehensive

of no ill consequences from it. However, soon after this, when the design

of the Proprietors became more plain, this party, jealous above all

things of their religious liberties, took the alarm, and opposed the

establishment of the church of England in the colony with such violence,

as occasioned no small ferment for many years in the settlement.

[Sidenote] Depredations of pirates.

About this time the coast of Carolina was infested with pirates, who

hovered about the mouth of Ashley river, and obstructed the freedom of

trade. In the last year of the seventeenth century, the planters had

raised more rice than they could find vessels to export. Forty-five

persons from different nations, Englishmen, Frenchmen, Portuguese, and

Indians, had manned a ship at the Havanna, and entered on a cruise of

piracy. While they were on the coast of Carolina, the people felt

severely the pernicious effects of that lawless trade, which in former

times they were too apt to encourage. Several ships belonging to

Charlestown were taken by those public robbers, who sent the crews

ashore, but kept the vessels as their prizes. At last having quarrelled

among themselves about the division of the spoil, as frequently happens

among such free-booters, the Englishmen proving the weaker party, were

turned adrift in a long-boat. They landed at Sewee bay, and from thence

travelled over land to Charlestown, giving out that they had been

shipwrecked, and fortunately escaped to shore in their boat. But, to

their sad disappointment and surprise, no less than three masters of

ships happened to be at Charlestown at the time, who had been taken by

them, and knew them; upon whose testimony the pirates were instantly

taken up, tried and condemned, and seven out of nine suffered death.

[Sidenote] A hurricane,

During the autumn of the same year, a dreadful hurricane happened at

Charlestown, which did great damage, and threatened the total destruction

of the town. The lands on which it is built being low and level, and not

many feet above high-water mark, the swelling sea rushed in with amazing

impetuosity, and obliged the inhabitants to fly for shelter to the second

stories of their houses. Happily few lives were lost in town; but a large

vessel, called the Rising Sun, belonging to Glasgow, and commanded by

James Gibson, which had come from Darien with part of the unfortunate

Scotch settlers, at the time of the storm rode at anchor off the bar.

This ship the hurricane drove from her anchor, and dashed to pieces

against the sand-banks, and every person on board perished. Archibald

Stobo, a Presbyterian clergyman, Lieutenant Graham, and several more

belonging to the ship, being accidentally on shore during the tempest,

escaped the disaster. These men going next day in search of their

unfortunate countrymen, found the corpses of the greatest part of them

driven ashore on James's island, where they spent a whole day in burying

them, the last act of humanity they could then perform to their beloved

companions.

[Sidenote] and other public calamities, visit the province.

Nor was this the only disaster which distinguished this year in the

annals of Carolina. A fire broke also out in Charlestown, and laid the

most of it in ashes. The small-pox raged through the town, and proved

fatal to multitudes of the rising generation. To complete their distress,

an infectious distemper broke out, and carried off an incredible number

of people, among whom were Chief Justice Bohun, Samuel Marshal the

Episcopal clergyman, John Ely the receiver-general, Edward Rawlins the

provost-martial, and almost one half of the members of assembly. Never

had the colony been visited with such general distress and mortality. Few

families escaped a share of the public calamities. Almost all were

lamenting the loss, either of their habitations by the devouring flames,

or of friends or relations by the infectious and loathsome maladies.

Discouragement and despair sat on every countenance. Many of the

survivors could think of nothing but abandoning a country on which the

judgments of heaven seemed to fall so heavy, and in which there was so

little prospect of success, health, or happiness. They had heard of

Pennsylvania, and how pleasant and flourishing a province it was

described to be, and therefore were determined to embrace the first

opportunity that offered of retiring to it with the remainder of their

families and effects.

Governor Blake, deeply sensible of the public distress, tried every art

for alleviating the misery of the people, and encouraging them to

perseverance; but the members of assembly who survived, became so

negligent about public affairs, that he found himself under a necessity

of dissolving the house, and calling another, hoping that they might be

more zealous and active in concerting measures for the public relief. Of

this new assembly Nicholas Trott, whose talents had raised him above the

level of his fellow-representatives, was made speaker, and who warmly

espoused the cause of the people, in opposition to the interest of the

proprietors. The governor and council claimed the privilege of nominating

public officers, particularly a receiver-general, until the pleasure of

the proprietors was known. The assembly, on the other hand, insisted that

it belonged to them. This occasioned several messages between the two

houses, and much altercation. However, the upper house appointed their

man. The lower house resolved, that the person appointed by them was no

public receiver, and that whoever should presume to pay money to him as

such, should be deemed an infringer of the privileges of assembly, and an

enemy to the country. Trott flatly denied they could be called an upper

house, though they thus styled themselves, as they differed in the most

essential circumstances from the house of lords in England; and therefore

led the assembly to call them the Proprietors deputies, and to treat them

with indignity and contempt, by limiting them to a day to pass their

bills, and to an hour to answer their messages. At this time Trott was

eager in the pursuit of popularity, and by his uncommon abilities and

address succeeded in a wonderful manner. Never had any man there, in so

short a time, so thoroughly engrossed the public favour and esteem, or

carried matters with so high a hand, in opposition to the proprietary

counsellors.

[Sidenote] James Moore chosen governor.

About the close of the year 1700, Governor Blake died, and a dispute

arose in the upper house about the succession to the government. Joseph

Morton, as eldest landgrave, claimed the preference, until the pleasure

of the Palatine was known. But James Moore, a needy, forward and

ambitious man, stood forth in competition, and, by activity and art,

gained a number over in support of his pretensions. He objected to

Landgrave Morton, because he had accepted a commission from King William

to be judge of the court of vice-admiralty, while, at the same time, he

held one of the Proprietors to the same office: this Moore and his

friends declared to be a breach of the trust reposed in him; and that he

might with equal propriety have accepted of a commission from King

William to be governor; while he held that office of the Proprietors.

Landgrave Morton replied, that there was a necessity for holding a

commission from the king to be judge of the court of vice-admiralty,

because it did not appear from the charter that the Proprietors could

impower their judge to try persons for acts committed without the bounds

of their colony, and that with such jurisdiction the judge of the

admiralty ought for many reasons always to be vested. However, the upper

house deemed the objection of force sufficient to set Morton aside, and

James Moore was chosen successor to Governor Blake. From which period the

colony may date the beginning of further jealousies and troubles, which

continued for several years, and obstructed its progress in improvement.

Various intrigues crept into the seat of government, and several

encroachments were made on the liberties and privileges of the people,

both civil and religious.

[Sidenote] Lord Granville Palatine.

King William, though he maintained the power of the established church,

yet he often discovered a secret attachment to Presbyterians, and on all

occasions treated them with lenity and moderation. Hence many of the more

zealous friends to the church of England, alarmed at the prospects of its

dangerous situation, became eagerly bent not only in support of its

constitution, but even of its minutest forms, usages, and vestments. Lord

Granville among the rest, after he was called up to the house of peers,

had there distinguished himself as an inflexible bigot for the

High-church, having been early taught to entertain the most supercillous

contempt for Dissenters of all denominations. Being now also Palatine of

Carolina, he soon discovered that the establishment of Episcopacy, and

the suppression of all other modes of religious worship, in that country,

was the chief object of his zeal and attention. James Moore being

considered as a man more fit than Landgrave Morton for assisting him in

the accomplishment of his favourite design, the more easily obtained a

confirmation of his election to the government.

[Sidenote] King William's charter to the society for propagating the

gospel.

Here it may not be improper to observe, that several eminent men had

appeared in England, who, pitying the miserable state of the western

world with respect to religion, had proposed some public-spirited design

for the propagation of the gospel among the heathens on that vast

continent. Robert Boyle, no less distinguished for his eminent piety than

universal learning, had been appointed by Charles II. governor of a

corporation established for the propagation of the Christian religion

among Indians, the natives of New England and parts adjacent, in America.

Queen Mary afterwards discovered a great desire for enlarging their plan,

and for this purpose gave a bounty of two hundred pounds sterling

annually to support missionaries in that quarter. Dr. Compton, bishop of

London, was at pains to procure a state of religion among the English

colonies, from a persuasion of the necessity and propriety of beginning

this charitable work among them; and Dr. Thomas Bray, his commissary in

Maryland, furnished him with one suited to excite sympathy and compassion

in every pious and generous breast. At length Dr. Tennison, archbishop of

Canterbury, undertook the laudable design, applied to the crown, and

obtained a charter incorporating a society for the propagation of the

gospel in foreign parts. The nation in general entered into the design

with their usual ardour for all benevolent and charitable institutions.

From different parts large benefactions were received by this society,

and it was soon enabled to support a number of missionaries in the

plantations. Religious books were purchased and sent out to different

provinces, and Carolina among the rest received a number of them. A law

passed for instituting a public library in the province, to remain under

the care and custody of the Episcopal minister of Charlestown. Edward

Marston at this time took the charge of it, and was disposed to

contribute every thing in his power towards rendering it generally

useful. But the Dissenters, from the choice of the books, most of which

were wrote by Episcopal divines, and in defence of the doctrine,

discipline and worship of the church of England, soon perceived the

intention of the society, and a library framed on such a narrow

foundation was treated with neglect, and proved utterly ineffectual for

promoting the desired end, I mean, the religious instruction of the

people.

About this time the number of inhabitants in the colony amounted to

between five and six thousand, besides Indians and negroes. In

Charlestown they had one minister of the church of England, and another

of the church of Scotland; but in the country there was no such thing as

public worship, nor schools for the education of children; and people

living thus scattered through a forest, were likely in time to sink by

degrees into the same state of ignorance and barbarism with the natural

inhabitants of the wilderness. To supply these destitute colonists with

proper means of instruction, called for the first attention of the

society; for as Indians and negroes would naturally take their first

religious impressions from their neighbours, to begin at this place was

like paving the way for extending wider the benefits of instruction. In

what manner the colony was supplied with ministers from this society, and

how far the interest of religion in that country was promoted by it, we

shall afterwards have occasion more particularly to narrate.

[Sidenote] An established church projected by the Palatine.

To prepare the province for the charitable assistance of this society, it

was judged necessary to have the church of England established in it by a

provincial law, and the country divided into different parishes, The

Palatine imagined that these internal troubles and differences, by which

the colony had hitherto been agitated, and the government rendered feeble

and fluctuating, were occasioned by the clashing sentiments of the people

with respect to religion. To remedy this evil, he perceived that some

bond of union was necessary, to carry on public measures with ease and

success; and religion had been deemed the firmest cement of every state.

He knew that the Episcopal form of church government was more favourable

to monarchy and the civil constitution than the Presbyterian, as in it a

chain of dependence subsists, from the highest to the lowest in the

church. While therefore he instructed Governor Moore to study all

possible means of persuading the assembly to acquiesce in that form

contained in the fundamental constitutions, he was equally zealous for an

established church, that the wheels of their government might be no more

clogged by religious dissentions.

[Sidenote] But disliked by the majority of the people.

But as a great majority of the colonists were Dissenters, who fled from

England on account of rigorous acts of uniformity, their minds were ill

disposed to admit of any establishment. Their former prejudices they had

not yet thrown aside; their hardships in England they had not yet forgot.

Their private opinions respecting religion were various as their

different complexions, and unlimited toleration was granted to all by the

charter. They could hear of no proposals about an established church, and

the Palatine at such an unreasonable time, shewed more zeal than prudence

or good policy in attempting to introduce it among them. The governor

found them inflexible and obstinate in opposing such a measure; and the

people even began to repent of having passed a law for fixing a salary

for ever on the rector of the Episcopal church, and considered it as a

step preparatory to further encroachments.

[Sidenote] Governor Moore resolves to get riches.

The great object with Governor Moore was to improve his time, not knowing

how long his precarious power might last, for bettering his low and

indigent circumstances. It appeared to him, that the traffic in Indians

was the shortest way to riches. He therefore granted commissions to

several persons, to assault, trepan and captivate as many Indians as they

could, and resolved to turn the profits of such trade to his own private

emolument. Not contented with this cruel method of acquiring wealth, he

formed a design for engrossing the whole advantages arising to the colony

from their commerce with Indian nations. For this purpose a bill was

brought into the assembly for regulating the Indian trade, and drawn up

in such a manner as would cause all the profits of it to center in his

hands. But Nicholas Trott, Robert Stephen, and others, proved to the

assembly the pernicious tendency of such a bill, and therefore it was

thrown out. At which Governor Moore being highly offended, dissolved the

house, in hopes of procuring another more favourable to his private views

and interests.

[Sidenote] Encourages irregularities at elections.

At the election of the next assembly the governor and his friends exerted

all their power and influence to bring in men of their own complexion, I

mean such as would be most compliant with Moor's instructions from

England, and most ready to assist him in advancing his interest. Nicholas

Trott, who had hitherto shone like a star of the first magnitude on the

opposite side, being now appointed Attorney-general, threw all his

influence and weight into the scale of government, turned his back on his

former friends, and strongly supported that tottering fabric which he had

formerly endeavoured to pull down. Charlestown, where all freeholders met

to give their suffrages, at the time of this election was a scene of

riot, intemperance, and confusion. The sheriff, having instructions so to

do, admitted every person to vote; the members of Colleton county say,

even common sailors, servants, foreigners, and mallattoes. Such

freeholders as stood forth in opposition to the governor's party, were

abused and insulted. At length, when the poll was closed, one half of the

persons elected were found to be men of neither sense nor credit; but

being the chosen creatures of the governor, it was his business to

prevent all inquiry into the conduct of the sheriff, and the

qualifications of such members.

Ar this time Carteret county was inhabited only by Indians; but in

Colleton county there were no less than two hundred freeholders, who had

a right to vote for delegates to assembly. The principal plantations in

it were those of the late Sir John Yeamans, Landgraves Morton, Ballenger

and Axtell, and those of Blake, Boone, Gibbes, Schinking, and others. The

people of this county being highly offended at the manner of election,

particularly the arts and intrigues practised, and the riot and

intemperance permitted at it, drew up a representation of the whole

transaction, and transmitted it to the Proprietors in England: but the

Palatine was too deeply concerned in promoting those measures of which

they complained, to grant them any favourable answer. In Berkley county

the principal settlements were those of Sir Nathanial Johnson, Governor

Moore, Landgraves West, Smith, Bayley, and Daniel; together with those

belonging to Godfrey, Mathews, Izard, Colleton, Grimball, _&c._; several

of whom were also dissatisfied with the public proceedings. But Craven

county being composed of French refugees, who having little knowledge of

the English language, were easily managed; many of whom supported the

governor purely out of affection to the Proprietors. In short, the house

consisted of thirty members, one half of whom were elected from the dregs

of the people, utter strangers to public affairs, and in every respect

unqualified for fitting as provincial legislators.

[Sidenote] Proposes an expedition against Augustine.

In the mean time, a rupture rook place in Europe between England and

Spain, which turned the attention of the colony to a different object,

and afforded Governor Moore an opportunity of exercising his military

talents, and a new prospect of enriching himself by Spanish plunder or

Indian captives. Accordingly, instead of private disputes among

themselves, he proposed to the assembly an expedition against the Spanish

settlement at Augustine. Many of the people, from mercenary motives,

applauded the proposal; however, men of cool reflection, having yet had

no intelligence of the declaration of war were averse from rushing into

any hazardous enterprize, until they had certain advice of it from

England. As the expedition was projected, contrary to the opinion and

inclination of many Carolineans, without any recent provocation from the

Spanish garrison; it is probable that the governor engaged in it chiefly

from views of private emolument. Florida, he assured the people would be

an easy conquest; and treasures of gold and silver were held out to them

as the rewards of valour. In vain did some members of the assembly oppose

it, by representing the province as weak, and ill provided for warlike

enterprises, and by hinting at the many hazards and difficulties always

attending them; in vain did they urge the strength of the Spanish fort,

and the expenses incurred by a fruitless and perhaps bloody expedition:

such men were called enemies and traitors to their country, and

represented as timid and pusillanimous wretches, who were utter strangers

to great and glorious undertakings. Accordingly, a great majority of the

assembly declared for the expedition, and a sum of two thousand pounds

sterling was voted for the service of the war. Six hundred Indians were

engaged, who, being fond of warlike exploits, gladly accepted of arms and

ammunition offered them for their aid and assistance. Six hundred

provincial militia were raised, and schooners and merchant ships were

impressed, for transports to carry the forces. Port-Royal was fixed upon

as the place of general rendezvous, and there, in September 1702, the

governor at the head of his warriors, embarked in an expedition equally

rash and fool-hardy on one side, as it was well known and unprovoked on

the other.

[Sidenote] Which proves abortive.

While these preparations were going on in Carolina, the Spaniards,

apprised of the governor's design, were making ready for their defence.

In the plan of operations it had been agreed, that Colonel Daniel, who

was an officer of spirit, should go by the inland passage with a party of

militia and Indians, and make a descent on the town from the land, while

the governor with the main body should proceed by sea, and block up the

harbour. Colonel Daniel lost no time, but advanced against the town,

entered and plundered it before the governor got forward to his

assistance. But the Spaniards having laid up provisions for four months

in the castle, on his approach retired to it with all their money and

most valuable effects. Upon the arrival of Governor Moore, the place was

invested with a force against which the Spaniards could not appear, and

therefore kept themselves shut up in their strong hold. The governor

finding it impossible to dislodge them without such artillery as are

necessary to a siege, dispatched a sloop to Jamaica, on purpose to bring

cannon, bombs, and mortars, for attacking the castle; and Colonel Daniel

embarked and sailed with the greatest expedition to bring them. During

his absence two Spanish ships, the one of 22 guns and the other of 16,

appearing off the mouth of the harbour, struck such a panic into the

governor, that he instantly raised the siege, abandoned his ships, and

made a precipitate retreat to Carolina by land. In consequence of which

the Spaniards in the garrison were not only relieved, but the ships,

provisions, and ammunition, belonging to the Carolineans, fell also into

their hands. Colonel Daniel, on his return, standing in for the harbour

of Augustine, found to his surprise the siege raised, and made a narrow

escape from the enemy.

Military expeditions rashly undertaken, conducted by a headstrong and

unexperienced officer, and executed by raw and ill-disciplined troops,

seldom succeed. We are not able to account for the governor's conduct. In

raising this siege, after he had been a month in possession of the town,

unless he was in immediate want of provisions or ammunition, or his men,

having little confidence in his abilities, threatened to desert him: for

if the Spanish ships drew more than ten feet water, which it is probable

they must have done, they could not come over the bar to injure him: if

they landed their men, yet still his force was superior to that of the

enemy, and he might at least have risked a battle on such grounds, before

he made an inglorious retreat. The Indians were averse from leaving the

field, without scalps, plunder, or glory. It is true, the Spanish ships

of war might have prevented Colonel Daniel from getting into the harbour

with the supply of military stores, yet the coast was large, and afforded

many more places for landing them. The governor had Indians to hunt for

provisions to his men, and it was by no means impossible to have starved

the garrison, and compelled them to surrender. What then shall we think

of a commander, who, on the first appearance of a little danger, abandons

his station, however advantageous, and tamely yields up, not only the

town, but also his own ships and provisions to the enemy?

[Sidenote] The first paper currency made.

Upon his return to Carolina many severe reflections were thrown out

against him, as might naturally have been expected; but especially by

that party who opposed the enterprise. It is true, it proved not a bloody

expedition, the governor having lost no more than two men in it; yet it

entailed a debt of six thousand pounds sterling on a poor colony, which,

at that period, was a grievous burden. The provincial assembly, who,

during the absence of the governor had been under prorogation, now met,

to concert ways and means for discharging this public debt. Great

dissensions and confusion prevailed among them; but the governor, having

a number of men under arms to whom the country stood indebted, despised

all opposition, and silenced the malecontents by threats and compulsion.

A bill was brought into the assembly for stamping bills of credit, to

answer the public expence, which were to be sunk in three years by a duty

laid upon liquors, skins, and furs. In this measure all parties

acquiesced, as it fell easy on private persons, at the same time that it

satisfied the public creditors. This was the first paper money issued in

Carolina, and, for five or six years after the emission, it passed in the

country at the same value and rate with the sterling money of England.

How, in process of time, it increased in quantity and sunk in value; how

it was deemed useful by debtors and prejudicial by creditors, we shall

afterwards have occasion more particularly to demonstrate. At present it

may suffice to observe, that it was absolutely necessary to support the

public credit, and the most practicable method the colony had of

defraying the expences incurred by the unsuccessful expedition.

[Sidenote] The expedition against the Appalachian Indians.

Notwithstanding his past misfortunes, Governor Moore, fond of warlike

exploits, had still in view the striking some blow that might distinguish

his administration. The Appalachian Indians, by their connection with the

Spaniards, had become insolent and troublesome. Mr. Moore determined to

chastise them, and for this purpose marched at the head of a body of

white men and Indian allies, into the heart of their settlements.

Where-ever he went he carried fire and sword along with him, and struck a

terror into his enemies. The towns of those tribes who lived between the

rivers Alatamaha and Savanna he laid in ashes, captivated many savages,

and obliged others to submit to the English government. This exertion of

power in that quarter was attended with good effects, as it filled the

savages with terror of the British arms, and helped to pave the way for

the English colony afterwards planted between these rivers. The governor

received the thanks of the Proprietors for his patriotism and courage,

who acknowledged that the success of his arms had gained their province a

reputation; but, what was of greater consequence to him, he wiped off the

ignominy of the Augustine expedition, and procured a number of Indian

slaves, whom he employed to cultivate his fields, or sold for his own

profit and advantage.

[Sidenote] The culture of silk.

About this time Sir Nathaniel Johnson introduced the raising of silk into

the country, which is an article of commerce exceedingly profitable, and,

by proper encouragement, might have been made very beneficial both to the

colony and the mother country. Mulberry trees grew spontaneously in the

woods, and thrived as well as other natural productions. The great demand

for silk in Britain made it an object of the highest consequence. About

the beginning of March the worms are hatched from the eggs; nature having

wisely so ordered it, that the silk-worms should come into life at the

time mulberry leaves, on which they feed, begin to open. The feeding and

cleaning them required rather skill than strength. Young persons might

have been employed in furnishing leaves; one man of judgment and skill

might have attended a large house full of worms; and in six weeks their

whole operations are over. An article so profitable, and so easily

raised, ought to have engaged the attention of the Proprietors, and

induced them to give premiums to such men as should bring to market the

greatest quantities of it. Men of knowledge and skill from Europe ought

to have been hired and sent out by them, for instructing the colonists in

the management of the worms and winding of the silk. Where the climate

was so well adapted to the purpose, could any article of improvement be

conceived more likely to reward them for their expence? However, Sir

Nathaniel Johnson, after all his pains, rather shewed what might have

been done towards the culture of silk in that province, than made such

progress in it as to render the commodity of national advantage.

[Sidenote] And of cotton.

To the culture of cotton the climate and soil were equally favourable. It

might have been planted on lands newly cleared, or on light and sandy

grounds, such as the maritime parts of Carolina, which are by no means

unsuitable to the production. The seeds are commonly sown about two feet

and a half asunder, and grow up like other plants. Indeed the fields

require to be kept clean, and the fresh earth carefully thrown around the

plant, to defend it against the winds; but this is no difficult task, and

might be performed by hands incapable of more severe labour. When the

pods burst, cotton is gathered, and separated from the seeds; which is

the most tedious and troublesome part of the business requisite. This

article also, though not of importance enough to have engrossed the whole

attention of the colonists, might nevertheless, in conjunction with other

staples, have been rendered profitable and useful.

[Sidenote] Rice fixed on by the planters as a staple commodity.

Instead of these and several other articles, to which the views of the

planters in the weaker and earlier state of the colony ought to have been

turned in some degree, we find from this period the culture of rice

engrossing their whole strength and attention, This commodity being an

article of provision, was indeed likely always to find a good market; yet

it was scarcely possible to have fixed on a staple which required more

severe labour during the whole process of its preparation. The warm

climate and low lands were doubtless well adapted to the nature of the

grain, after experience had taught the husbandman to clear and cultivate

the swampy grounds for that purpose: yet it is certain that the planters

long went on with this article, and exhausted their strength in raising

it on higher lands, which poorly rewarded them for their toil. After

clearing the lands they commonly plant it in furrows made with a hoe,

about eighteen inches asunder. When the seed is sown the fields must be

carefully kept clear of noxious weeds, which retard its growth, and the

earth must also be laid up to the root of the rice, to facilitate its

progress. No work can be imagined more pernicious to health, than for men

to stand in water mid leg high, and often above it, planting and weeding

rice; while the scorching heat of the sun renders the air they breathe

ten or twenty degrees hotter than the human blood, and the putrid and

unwholesome effluvia from an oozy bottom and stagnated water poison the

atmosphere. They sow it in April, or early in May, and reap in the latter

end of August, or in the month of September. After which it is dried and

carried to the barn-yard, and built in stacks, in like manner as the corn

in Europe. After this it is threshed, winnowed, and ground in mills made

of wood, to free the rice from the husk. Then it is winnowed again, and

put into a wooden mortar, and beat with large wooden pestles, which

labour is so oppressive and hard, that the firmest nerves and most

vigorous constitutions sink under it. To free it from the dust and flour

occasioned by pounding, it is sifted first through one sieve, and then,

to separate the small and broken rice from the large, through another.

Last of all, it is put into large barrels of enormous weight, and carried

to the market. During the whole tedious process of its preparation, much

care and great strength are requisite, and many thousands of lives from

Africa have been sacrificed, in order to furnish the world with this

commodity.