This bad example of the Portuguese was soon followed by some evil

disposed Englishmen; for the same captain Towerson relates,[A] "That in

the course of his voyage, he perceived the natives, near D'Elmina,

unwilling to come to him, and that he was at last attacked by them;

which he understood was done in revenge for the wrong done them the year

before, by one captain Gainsh, who had taken away the Negro captain's

son, and three others, with their gold, &c. This caused them to join the

Portuguese, notwithstanding their hatred of them, against the English."

The next year captain Towerson brought these men back again; whereupon

the Negroes shewed him much kindness.[B] Quickly after this, another

instance of the same kind occurred, in the case of captain George

Fenner, who being on the coast, with three vessels, was also attacked by

the Negroes, who wounded several of his people, and violently carried

three of his men to their town. The captain sent a messenger, offering

any thing they desired for the ransom of his men: but they refused to

deliver them, letting him know, "_That three weeks before, an English

ship, which came in the road, had carried off three of their people; and

that till they were brought again, they would not restore his men, even

tho' they should give their three ships to release them_." It was

probably the evil conduct of these, and some other Englishmen, which was

the occasion of what is mentioned in Hill's naval history, viz. "That

when captain Hawkins returned from his first voyage to Africa, Queen

Elizabeth sent for him, when she expressed her concern, lest any of the

African Negroes should be carried off without their free consent; which

she declared would be detestable, and would call down the vengeance of

heaven upon the undertakers." Hawkins made great promises, which

nevertheless he did not perform; for his next voyage to the coast

appears to have been principally calculated to procure Negro slaves, in

order to sell them to the Spaniards in the West Indies; which occasioned

the same author to use these remarkable words: "_Here began the horrid

practice of forcing the Africans into slavery: an injustice and

barbarity, which, so sure as there is vengeance in heaven for the worst

of crimes, will some time be the destruction of all who act or who

encourage it_." This captain Hawkins, afterwards sir John Hawkins, seems

to have been the first Englishman who gave public countenance to this

wicked traffic: For Anderson, before mentioned, at page 401, says, "That

in the year 1562, captain Hawkins, assisted by subscription of sundry

gentlemen, now fitted out three ships; and having learnt that Negroes

were a very good commodity in Hispaniola, he sailed to the coast of

Guinea, took in Negroes, and sailed with them for Hispaniola, where he

sold them, and his English commodities, and loaded his three vessels

with hides, sugar and ginger, &c. with which he returned home anno 1563,

making a prosperous voyage." As it proved a lucrative business, the

trade was continued both by Hawkins and others, as appears from the

naval chronicle, page 55, where it is said, "That on the 18th of

October, 1564, captain John Hawkins, with two ships of 700 and 140 tuns,

sailed for Africa; that on the 8th of December they anchored to the

South of Cape Verd, where the captain manned the boat, and sent eighty

men in armour into the country, to see if they could take some Negroes;

but the natives flying from them, they returned to their ships, and

proceeded farther down the coast. Here they staid certain days, sending

their men ashore, in order (as the author says) to burn and spoil their

towns and take the inhabitants. The land they observed to be well

cultivated, there being plenty of grain, and fruit of several sorts, and

the towns prettily laid out. On the 25th, being informed by the

Portugueze of a town of Negroes called Bymba, where there was not only a

quantity of gold, but an hundred and forty inhabitants, they resolved to

attack it, having the Portugueze for their guide; but by mismanagement

they took but ten Negroes, having seven of their own men killed, and

twenty-seven wounded. They then went farther down the coast; when,

having procured a number of Negroes, they proceeded to the West Indies,

where they sold them to the Spaniards." And in the same naval chronicle,

at page 76, it is said, "That in the year 1567, Francis Drake, before

performing his voyage round the world, went with Sir John Hawkins in his

expedition to the coast of Guinea, where taking in a cargo of slaves,

they determined to steer for the Caribbee islands." How Queen Elizabeth

suffered so grievous an infringement of the rights of mankind to be

perpetrated by her subjects, and how she was persuaded, about the 30th

year of her reign, to grant patents for carrying on a trade from the

North part of the river Senegal, to an hundred leagues beyond Sierra

Leona, which gave rise to the present African company, is hard to

account for, any otherwise than that it arose from the misrepresentation

made to her of the situation of the Negroes, and of the advantages it

was pretended they would reap from being made acquainted with the

christian religion. This was the case of Lewis the XIIIth, King of

France, who, Labat, in his account of the isles of America, tells us,

"Was extremely uneasy at a law by which the Negroes of his colonies were

to be made slaves; but it being strongly urged to him as the readiest

means for their conversion to christianity, he acquiesced therewith."

Nevertheless, some of the christian powers did not so easily give way in

this matter; for we find,[C] "That cardinal Cibo, one of the Pope's

principal ministers of state, wrote a letter on behalf of the college of

cardinals, or great council at Rome, to the missionaries in Congo,

complaining that the pernicious and abominable abuse of selling slaves

was yet continued, requiring them to remedy the same, if possible; but

this the missionaries saw little hopes of accomplishing, by reason that

the trade of the country lay wholly in slaves and ivory."

[Footnote A: Collection, vol. 1. p. 148.]

[Footnote B: Ibid. 157.]

[Footnote C: Collection, vol. 3, page 164.]

From the foregoing accounts, as well as other authentic publications of

this kind, it appears that it was the unwarrantable lust of gain, which

first stimulated the Portugueze, and afterwards other Europeans, to

engage in this horrid traffic. By the most authentic relations of those

early times, the natives were an inoffensive people, who, when civilly

used, traded amicably with the Europeans. It is recorded of those of

Benin, the largest kingdom in Guinea,[A]_That they were a gentle, loving

people_; and Reynold says,[B] "_They found more sincere proofs of love

and good will from the natives, than they could find from the Spaniards

and Portugueze, even tho' they had relieved them from the greatest

misery_." And from the same relations there is no reason to think

otherwise, but that they generally lived in peace amongst themselves;

for I don't find, in the numerous publications I have perused on this

subject, relating to these early times, of there being wars on that

coast, nor of any sale of captives taken in battle, who would have been

otherwise sacrificed by the victors:[C] Notwithstanding some modern

authors, in their publications relating to the West Indies, desirous of

throwing a veil over the iniquity of the slave trade, have been hardy

enough, upon meer supposition or report, to assert the contrary.

[Footnote A: Collection, vol. 1, page 202.]

[Footnote B: Idem, page 245.]

[Footnote C: Note, This plea falls of itself, for if the Negroes

apprehended they should be cruelly put to death, if they were not sent

away, why do they manifest such reluctance and dread as they generally

do, at being brought from their native country? William Smith, at page

28, says, "_The Gambians abhor slavery, and will attempt any thing, tho'

never so desperate, to avoid it_," and Thomas Philips, in his account of

a voyage he performed to the coast of Guinea, writes, "_They, the

Negroes, are so loth to leave their own country, that they have often

leaped out of the canoe, boat, or ship, into the sea, and kept under

water till they were drowned, to avoid being taken up_."]

It was long after the Portugueze had made a practice of violently

forcing the natives of Africa into slavery, that we read of the

different Negroe nations making war upon each other, and selling their

captives. And probably this was not the case, till those bordering on

the coast, who had been used to supply the vessels with necessaries, had

become corrupted by their intercourse with the Europeans, and were

excited by drunkenness and avarice to join them in carrying on those

wicked schemes, by which those unnatural wars were perpetrated; the

inhabitants kept in continual alarms; the country laid waste; and, as

William Moor expresses it, _Infinite numbers sold into slavery_. But

that the Europeans are the principal cause of these devastations, is

particularly evidenced by one, whose connexion with the trade would

rather induce him to represent it in the fairest colours, to wit,

William Smith, the person sent in the year 1726 by the African company

to survey their settlements, who, from the information he received of

one of the factors, who had resided ten years in that country, says,[A]

"_That the discerning natives account it their greatest unhappiness,

that they were ever visited by the Europeans."--"That we christians

introduced the traffick of slaves; and that before our coming they lived

in peace_."

[Footnote A: William Smith, page 266.]

In the accounts relating to the African trade, we find this melancholy

truth farther asserted by some of the principal directors in the

different factories; particularly A. Brue says,[A] "_That the Europeans

were far from desiring to act as peace-makers amongst the Negroes; which

would be acting contrary to their interest, since the greater the wars,

the more slaves were procured_," And William Bosman also remarks,[B]

"That one of the former commanders _gave large sums of money to the

Negroes of one nation, to induce them to attack some of the neighbouring

nations, which occasioned a battle which was more bloody than the wars

of the Negroes usually are_." This is confirmed by J. Barbot, who says,

"_That the country of D'Elmina, which was formerly very powerful and

populous, was in his time so much drained of its inhabitants by the

intestine wars fomented amongst the Negroes by the Dutch, that there did

not remain inhabitants enough to till the country_."

[Footnote A: Collection, vol. 2, page 98.]

[Footnote B: Bosman, page 31.]

CHAP. VI.

The conduct of the Europeans and Africans compared. Slavery more

tolerable amongst the antients than in our colonies. As christianity

prevailed amongst the barbarous nations, the inconsistency of slavery

became more apparent. The charters of manumission, granted in the early

times of christianity, founded on an apprehension of duty to God. The

antient Britons, and other European nations, in their original state, no

less barbarous than the Negroes. Slaves in Guinea used with much greater

lenity than the Negroes are in the colonies.--Note. How the slaves are

treated in Algiers, as also in Turkey.

Such is the woeful corruption of human nature, that every practice which

flatters our pride and covetousness, will find its advocates! This is

manifestly the case in the matter before us; the savageness of the

Negroes in some of their customs, and particularly their deviating so

far from the feelings of humanity, as to join in captivating and selling

each other, gives their interested oppressors a pretence for

representing them as unworthy of liberty, and the natural rights of

mankind. But these sophisters turn the argument full upon themselves,

when they instigate the poor creatures to such shocking impiety, by

every means that fantastic subtilty can suggest; thereby shewing in

their own conduct, a more glaring proof of the same depravity, and, if

there was any reason in the argument, a greater unfitness for the same

precious enjoyment: for though some of the ignorant Africans may be thus

corrupted by their intercourse with the baser of the European natives,

and the use of strong liquors, this is no excuse for high-professing

christians; bred in a civilized country, with so many advantages unknown

to the Africans, and pretending to a superior degree of gospel light.

Nor can it justify them in raising up fortunes to themselves from the

misery of others, and calmly projecting voyages for the seizure of men

naturally as free as themselves; and who, they know, are no otherwise to

be procured than by such barbarous means, as none but those hardened

wretches, who are lost to every sense of christian compassion, can make

use of. Let us diligently compare, and impartially weigh, the situation

of those ignorant Negroes, and these enlightened christians; then lift

up the scale and say, which of the two are the greater savages.

Slavery has been of a long time in practice in many parts of Asia; it

was also in usage among the Romans when that empire flourished; but,

except in some particular instances, it was rather a reasonable

servitude, no ways comparable to the unreasonable and unnatural service

extorted from the Negroes in our colonies. A late learned author,[A]

speaking of those times which succeeded the dissolution of that empire,

acquaints us, that as christianity prevailed, it very much removed those

wrong prejudices and practices, which had taken root in darker times:

after the irruption of the Northern nations, and the introduction of the

feudal or military government, whereby the most extensive power was

lodged in a few members of society, to the depression of the rest, the

common people were little better than slaves, and many were indeed such;

but as christianity gained ground, the gentle spirit of that religion,

together with the doctrines it teaches, concerning the original equality

of mankind, as well as the impartial eye with which the Almighty regards

men of every condition, and admits them to a participation of his

benefits; so far manifested the inconsistency of slavery with

christianity, that to set their fellow christians at liberty was deemed

an act of piety, highly meritorious and acceptable to God.[B]

Accordingly a great part of the charters granted for the manumission or

freedom of slaves about that time, are granted _pro amore Dei, for the

love of God, pro mercede animae, to obtain mercy to the soul_.

Manumission was frequently granted on death-beds, or by latter wills. As

the minds of men are at that time awakened to sentiments of humanity and

piety, these deeds proceeded from religious motives. The same author

remarks, That there are several forms of those manumissions still

extant, all of them founded _on religious considerations_, and _in order

to procure the favour of God_. Since that time, the practice of keeping

men in slavery gradually ceased amongst christians, till it was renewed

in the case before us. And as the prevalency of the spirit of

christianity caused men to emerge from the darkness they then lay under,

in this respect; so it is much to be feared that so great a deviation

therefrom, by the encouragement given to the slavery of the Negroes in

our colonies, if continued, will, by degrees, reduce those countries

which support and encourage it but more immediately those parts of

America which are in the practice of it, to the ignorance and barbarity

of the darkest ages.

[Footnote A: See Robertson's history of Charles the 5th.]

[Footnote B: In the years 1315 and 1318, Louis X. and his brother

Philip, Kings of France, issued ordonnances, declaring, "That as all men

were by nature free-born, and as their kingdom was called the kingdom of

Franks, they determined that it should be so in reality, as well as in

name; therefore they appointed that enfranchisements should be granted

throughout the whole kingdom, upon just and reasonable conditions."

"These edicts were carried into immediate execution within the royal

domain."--"In England, as the spirit of liberty gained ground, the very

name and idea of personal servitude, without any formal interposition of

the legislature to prohibit it, was totally banished." "The effects of

such a remarkable change in the condition of so great a part of the

people, could not fail of being considerable and extensive. The

husbandman, master of his own industry, and secure of reaping for

himself the fruits of his labour, became farmer of the same field where

he had formerly been compelled to toil for the benefit of another. The

odious name of master and of slave, the most mortifying and depressing

of all distinctions to human nature, were abolished. New prospects

opened, and new incitements to ingenuity and enterprise presented

themselves, to those who were emancipated. The expectation of bettering

their fortune, as well as that of raising themselves to a more

honourable condition, concurred in calling forth their activity and

genius; and a numerous class of men, who formerly had no political

existence, and were employed merely as instruments of labour, became

useful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting the force or riches

of the society, which adopted them as members." William Robertson's

history of Charles the 5th, vol. 1, P. 35. ]

If instead of making slaves of the Negroes, the nations who assume the

name and character of christians, would use their endeavours to make the

nations of Africa acquainted with the nature of the christian religion,

to give them a better sense of the true use of the blessings of life,

the more beneficial arts and customs would, by degrees, be introduced

amongst them; this care probably would produce the same effect upon

them, which it has had on the inhabitants of Europe, formerly as savage

and barbarous as the natives of Africa. Those cruel wars amongst the

blacks would be likely to cease, and a fair and honorable commerce, in

time, take place throughout that vast country. It was by these means

that the inhabitants of Europe, though formerly a barbarous people,

became civilized. Indeed the account Julius Caesar gives of the ancient

Britons in their state of ignorance, is not such as should make us proud

of ourselves, or lead us to despise the unpolished nations of the earth;

for he informs us, "That they lived in many respects like our Indians,

being clad with skins, painting their bodies, &c." He also adds, "That

they, brother with brother, and parents with children, had wives in

common." A greater barbarity than any heard of amongst the Negroes. Nor

doth Tacitus give a more honourable account of the Germans, from whom

the Saxons, our immediate ancestors, sprung. The Danes, who succeeded

them (who may also be numbered among our progenitors) were full as bad,

if not worse.

It is usual for people to advance as a palliation in favour of keeping

the Negroes in bondage, that there are slaves in Guinea, and that those

amongst us might be so in their own country; but let such consider the

inconsistency of our giving any countenance to slavery, because the

Africans, whom we esteem a barbarous and savage people, allow of it, and

perhaps the more from our example. Had the professors of christianity

acted indeed as such, they might have been instrumental to convince the

Negroes of their error in this respect; but even this, when inquired

into, will be to us an occasion of blushing, if we are not hardened to

every sense of shame, rather than a _palliation_ of our iniquitous

conduct; as it will appear that the slavery endured in Guinea, and other

parts of Africa, and in Asia,[A] is by no means so grievous as that in

our colonies. William Moor, speaking of the natives living on the river

Gambia,[B] says, "Tho' some of the Negroes have many house slaves, which

are their greatest glory; that those slaves live so well and easy, that

it is sometimes a hard matter to know the slaves from their masters or

mistresses. And that though in some parts of Africa they sell their

slaves born in the family, yet on the river Gambia they think it a very

wicked thing." The author adds, "He never heard of but one that ever

sold a family slave, except for such crimes as they would have been sold

for if they had been free." And in Astley's collection, speaking of the

customs of the Negroes in that large extent of country further down the

coast, particularly denominated the coast of Guinea, it is said,[C]

"They have not many slaves on the coast; none but the King or nobles are

permitted to buy or sell any; so that they are allowed only what are

necessary for their families, or tilling the ground." The same author

adds, "_That they generally use their slaves well, and seldom correct

them_."

[Footnote A: In the history of the piratical states of Barbary, printed

in 1750, _said to be_ wrote by a person who resided at Algiers, in a

public character, at page 265 the author says, "The world exclaims

against the Algerines for their cruel treatment of their slaves, and

their employing even tortures to convert them to mahometism: but this is

a vulgar error, artfully propagated for selfish views. So far are their

slaves from being ill used, that they must have committed some very

great fault to suffer any punishment. Neither are they forced to work

beyond their strength, but rather spared, lest they should fall sick.

Some are so pleased with their situation, that they will not purchase

their ransom, though they are able." It is the same generally through

the Mahometan countries, except in some particular instances, as that of

Muley Ishmael, late Emperor of Morocco, who being naturally barbarous,

frequently used both his subjects and slaves with cruelty. Yet even

under him the usage the slaves met with was, in general, much more

tolerable than that of the Negroe slaves in the West Indies. Captain

Braithwaite, an author of credit, who accompanied consul general Russel

in a congratulatory ambassy to Muley Ishmael's successor, upon his

accession to the throne, says, "The situation of the christian slaves in

Morocco was not near so bad as represented.--That it was true they were

kept at labour by the late Emperor, but not harder than our daily

labourers go through.--Masters of ships were never obliged to work, nor

such as had but a small matter of money to give the Alcaide.--When sick,

they had a religious house appointed for them to go to, where they were

well attended: and whatever money in charity was sent them by their

friends in Europe, was their own." Braithwaite's revolutions of Morocco.

Lady Montague, wife of the English ambassador at Constantinople, in her

letters, vol. 3. page 20, writes, "I know you expect I should say

something particular of the slaves; and you will imagine me half a Turk,

when I do not speak of it with the same horror other christians have

done before me; but I cannot forbear applauding the humanity of the

Turks to these creatures; they are not ill used; and their slavery, in

my opinion, is no worse than servitude all over the world. It is true

they have no wages, but they give them yearly cloaths to a higher value

than our salaries to our ordinary servants." ]

[Footnote B: W. Moor, p. 30]

[Footnote C: Collection vol. 2. p. 647.]

CHAP. VII.

Montesquieu's sentiments on slavery. Moderation enjoined by the Mosaic

law in the punishment of offenders. Morgan Godwyn's account of the

contempt and grievous rigour exercised upon the Negroes in his time.

Account from Jamaica, relating to the inhuman treatment of them there.

Bad effects attendant on slave-keeping, as well to the masters as the

slaves. Extracts from several laws relating to Negroes. Richard Baxter's

sentiments on slave-keeping.

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