though it extends but about 170 miles on the sea, yet spreads so far
inland, as to be esteemed the most potent kingdom in Guinea. By
accounts, the soil and produce appear to be in a great measure like
those before described; and the natives are represented as a reasonable
good-natured people. Artus says,[A] "They are a sincere, inoffensive
people, and do no injustice either to one another, or to strangers."
William Smith[B] confirms this account, and says, "That the inhabitants
are generally very good-natured, and exceeding courteous and civil. When
the Europeans make them presents, which in their coming thither to trade
they always do, they endeavour to return them doubly."
[Footnote A: Collection. vol. 3, page 228.]
[Footnote B: Smith, page 228.]
Bosman tells us,[A] "That his countrymen the Dutch, who were often
obliged to trust them till they returned the next year, were sure to be
honestly paid their whole debts."
[Footnote A: W. Bosman, page 405.]
There is in Benin a considerable order in government. Theft, murther,
and adultery, being severely punished. Barbot says,[A] "If a man and a
woman of any quality be surprized in adultery, they are both put to
death, and their bodies are thrown on a dunghill, and left there a prey
to wild beasts." He adds, "The severity of the laws in Benin against
adultery,[B] amongst all orders of people, deters them from venturing,
so that it is but very seldom any persons are punished for that crime."
Smith says, "Their towns are governed by officers appointed by the King,
who have power to decide in civil cases, and to raise the public taxes;
but in criminal cases, they must send to the King's court, which is held
at the town of Oedo, or Great Benin. This town, which covers a large
extent of ground, is about sixty mile from the sea."[C] Barbot tells us,
"That it contains thirty streets, twenty fathom wide, and almost two
miles long, commonly, extending in a straight line from one gate to
another; that the gates are guarded by soldiers; that in these streets
markets are held every day, for cattle, ivory, cotton, and many sorts of
European goods. This large town is divided into several wards, or
districts, each governed by its respective King of a street, as they
call them; to administer justice, and to keep good order. The
inhabitants are very civil and good natured, condescending to what the
Europeans require of them in a civil way." The same author confirms what
has been said by others of their justice in the payment of their debts;
and adds, "That they, above all other Guineans, are very honest and just
in their dealings; and they have such an aversion for theft, that by the
law of the country it is punished with death." We are told by the same
author,[D] "That the King of Benin is able upon occasion to maintain an
army of a hundred thousand men; but that, for the most part, he does not
keep thirty thousand." William Smith says, "The natives are all free
men; none but foreigners can be bought and sold there.[E] They are very
charitable, the King as well as his subjects." Bosman confirms this,[F]
and says, "The King and great Lords subsist several poor at their place
of residence on charity, employing those who are fit for any work, and
the rest they keep for God's sake; so that here are no beggars."
[Footnote A: Barbot, page 237.]
[Footnote B: By this account of the punishment inflicted on adulterers
in this and other parts of Guinea, it appears the Negroes are not
insensible of the sinfulness of such practices. How strange must it then
appear to the serious minded amongst these people, (nay, how
inconsistent is it with every divine and moral law amongst ourselves)
that those christian laws which prohibit fornication and adultery, are
in none of the English governments extended to them, but that they are
allowed to cohabit and separate at pleasure? And that even their masters
think so lightly of their marriage engagements, that, when it suits with
their interest, they will separate man from wife, and children from
both, to be sold into different, and even distant parts, without regard
to their sometimes grievous lamentations; whence it has happened, that
such of those people who are truly united in their marriage covenant,
and in affection to one another, have been driven to such desperation,
as either violently to destroy themselves, or gradually to pine away,
and die with mere grief. It is amazing, that whilst the clergy of the
established church are publicly expressing a concern, that these
oppressed people should be made acquainted with the christian religion,
they should be thus suffered, and even forced, so flagrantly to infringe
one of the principal injunctions of our holy religion!]
[Footnote C: J. Barbot, page 358, 359.]
[Footnote D: Barbot, page 369.]
[Footnote E: W. Smith, page 369.]
[Footnote F: Bosman, page 409.]
As to religion, these people believe there is a God, the efficient cause
of all things; but, like the rest of the Guineans, they are
superstitiously and idolatrously inclined.
The last division of Guinea from which slaves are imported, are the
kingdoms of Kongo and Angola: these lie to the South of Benin, extending
with the intermediate land about twelve hundred miles on the coast.
Great numbers of the natives of both these kingdoms profess the
christian religion, which was long since introduced by the Portugueze,
who made early settlements in that country.
In the Collection it is said, that both in Kongo and Angola, the soil is
in general fruitful, producing great plenty of grain, Indian corn, and
such quantities of rice, that it hardly bears any price, with fruits,
roots, and palm oil in plenty.
The natives are generally a quiet people, who discover a good
understanding, and behave in a friendly manner to strangers, being of a
mild conversation, affable, and easily overcome with reason.
In the government of Kongo, the King appoints a judge in every
particular division, to hear and determine disputes and civil causes;
the judges imprison and release, or impose fines, according to the rule
of custom; but in weighty matters, every one may appeal to the King,
before whom all criminal causes are brought, in which he giveth
sentence; but seldom condemneth to death.
The town of Leango stands in the midst of four Lordships, which abound
in corn, fruit, &c. Here they make great quantities of cloth of divers
kinds, very fine and curious; the inhabitants are seldom idle; they even
make needle-work caps as they walk in the streets.
The slave trade is here principally managed by the Portugueze, who carry
it far up into the inland countries. They are said to send off from
these parts fifteen thousand slaves each year.
At Angola, about the 10th degree of South latitude, ends the trade for
slaves.
CHAP. IV.
The antientest accounts of the Negroes is from the Nubian Geography, and
the writings of Leo the African. Some account of those authors. The
Arabians pass into Guinea. The innocency and simplicity of the natives.
They are subdued by the Moors. Heli Ischia shakes off the Moorish yoke.
The Portugueze make the first descent in Guinea. From whence they carry
off some of the natives. More incursions of the like kind. The
Portugueze erect the first fort at D'Elmina. They begin the slave trade.
Cada Mosto's testimony. Anderson's account to the same purport. De la
Casa's concern for the relief of the oppressed Indians. Goes over into
Spain to plead their cause. His speech before Charles the Fifth.
The most antient account we have of the country of the Negroes,
particularly that part situate on and between the two great rivers of
Senegal and Gambia, is from the writings of two antient authors, one an
Arabian, and the other a Moor. The first[A] wrote in Arabic, about the
twelfth century. His works, printed in that language at Rome, were
afterwards translated into Latin, and printed at Paris, under the
patronage of the famous Thuanus, chancellor of France, with the title of
_Geographica Nubiensis_, containing an account or all the nations lying
on the Senegal and Gambia. The other wrote by John Leo,[B] a Moor, born
at Granada, in Spain, before the Moors were totally expelled from that
kingdom. He resided in Africa; but being on a voyage from Tripoli to
Tunis, was taken by some Italian Corsairs, who finding him possessed of
several Arabian books, besides his own manuscripts, apprehended him to
be a man of learning, and as such presented him to Pope Leo the Tenth.
This Pope encouraging him, he embraced the Romish religion, and his
description of Africa was published in Italian. From these writings we
gather, that after the Mahometan religion had extended to the kingdom of
Morocco, some of the promoters of it crossing the sandy desarts of
Numidia, which separate that country from Guinea, found it inhabited by
men, who, though under no regular government, and destitute of that
knowledge the Arabians were favoured with, lived in content and peace.
The first author particularly remarks, "That they never made war, or
travelled abroad, but employed themselves in tending their herds, or
labouring in the ground." J. Leo says, page 65. "That they lived in
common, having no property in land, no tyrant nor superior lord, but
supported themselves in an equal state, upon the natural produce of the
country, which afforded plenty of roots, game, and honey. That ambition
or avarice never drove them into foreign countries to subdue or cheat
their neighbours. Thus they lived without toil or superfluities." "The
antient inhabitants of Morocco, who wore coats of mail, and used swords
and spears headed with iron, coming amongst these harmless and naked
people, soon brought them under subjection, and divided that part of
Guinea which lies on the rivers Senegal and Gambia into fifteen parts;
those were the fifteen kingdoms of the Negroes, over which the Moors
presided, and the common people were Negroes. These Moors taught the
Negroes the Mahometan religion, and arts of life; particularly the use
of iron, before unknown to them. About the 14th century, a native Negro,
called Heli Ischia, expelled the Moorish conquerors; but tho' the
Negroes threw off the yoke of a foreign nation, they only changed a
Libyan for a Negroe master. Heli Ischia himself becoming King, led the
Negroes on to foreign wars, and established himself in power over a very
large extent of country." Since Leo's time, the Europeans have had very
little knowledge of those parts of Africa, nor do they know what became
of his great empire. It is highly probable that it broke into pieces,
and that the natives again resumed many of their antient customs; for in
the account published by William Moor, in his travels on the river
Gambia, we find a mixture of the Moorish and Mahometan customs, joined
with the original simplicity of the Negroes. It appears by accounts of
antient voyages, collected by Hackluit, Purchas, and others, that it was
about fifty years before the discovery of America, that the Portugueze
attempted to sail round Cape Bojador, which lies between their country
and Guinea; this, after divers repulses occasioned by the violent
currents, they effected; when landing on the western coasts of Africa,
they soon began to make incursions into the country, and to seize and
carry off the native inhabitants. As early as the year 1434, Alonzo
Gonzales, the first who is recorded to have met with the natives, being
on that coast, pursued and attacked a number of them, when some were
wounded, as was also one of the Portugueze; which the author records as
the first blood spilt by christians in those parts. Six years after, the
same Gonzales again attacked the natives, and took twelve prisoners,
with whom he returned to his vessels; he afterwards put a woman on
shore, in order to induce the natives to redeem the prisoners; but the
next day 150 of the inhabitants appeared on horses and camels, provoking
the Portugueze to land; which they not daring to venture, the natives
discharged a volley of stones at them, and went off. After this, the
Portugueze still continued to send vessels on the coast of Africa;
particularly we read of their falling on a village, whence the
inhabitants fled, and, being pursued, twenty-five were taken: "_He that
ran best_," says the author, "_taking the most_. In their way home they
killed some of the natives, and took fifty-five more prisoners.[C]
Afterwards Dinisanes Dagrama, with two other vessels, landed on the
island Arguin, where they took fifty-four Moors; then running along the
coast eighty leagues farther, they at several times took fifty slaves;
but here seven of the Portugueze were killed. Then being joined by
several other vessels, Dinisanes proposed to destroy the island, to
revenge the loss of the seven Portugueze; of which the Moors being
apprized, fled, so that no more than twelve were found, whereof only
four could be taken, the rest being killed, as also one of the
Portugueze." Many more captures of this kind on the coast of Barbary and
Guinea, are recorded to have been made in those early times by the
Portugueze; who, in the year 1481, erected their first fort at D'Elmina
on that coast, from whence they soon opened a trade for slaves with the
inland parts of Guinea.
[Footnote A: See Travels into different parts of Africa, by Francis
Moor, with a letter to the publisher.]
[Footnote B: Ibid.]
[Footnote C: Collection, vol. 1, page 13.]
From the foregoing accounts, it is undoubted, that the practice of
making slaves of the Negroes, owes its origin to the early incursions of
the Portugueze on the coast of Africa, solely from an inordinate desire
of gain. This is clearly evidenced from their own historians,
particularly _Cada Mosto_, about the year 1455, who writes,[A] "That
before the trade was settled for purchasing slaves from the Moors at
Arguin, sometimes four, and sometimes more Portugueze vessels, were used
to come to that gulph, well armed; and landing by night, would surprize
some fishermen's villages: that they even entered into the country, and
carried off Arabs of both sexes, whom they sold in Portugal." And also,
"That the Portugueze and Spaniards, settled on four of the Canary
islands, would go to the other island by night, and seize some of the
natives of both sexes, whom they sent to be sold in Spain."
[Footnote A: Collection vol. 1, page 576.]
After the settlement of America, those devastations, and the captivating
the miserable Africans, greatly increased.
Anderson, in his history of trade and commerce, at page 336, speaking of
what passed in the year 1508, writes, "That the Spaniards had by this
time found that the miserable Indian natives, whom they had made to work
in their mines and fields, were not so robust and proper for those
purposes as Negroes brought from Africa; wherefore they, about that
time, began to import Negroes for that end into Hispaniola, from the
Portugueze settlements on the Guinea coasts; and also afterwards for
their sugar works." This oppression of the Indians had, even before this
time, rouzed the zeal, as well as it did the compassion, of some of the
truly pious of that day; particularly that of Bartholomew De las Casas,
bishop of Chapia; whom a desire of being instrumental towards the
conversion of the Indians, had invited into America. It is generally
agreed by the writers of that age, that he was a man of perfect
disinterestedness, and ardent charity; being affected with this sad
spectacle, he returned to the court of Spain, and there made a true
report of the matter; but not without being strongly opposed by those
mercenary wretches, who had enslaved the Indians; yet being strong and
indefatigable, he went to and fro between Europe and America, firmly
determined not to give over his pursuit but with his life. After long
solicitation, and innumerable repulses, he obtained leave to lay the
matter before the Emperor Charles the Fifth, then King of Spain. As the
contents of the speech he made before the King in council, are very
applicable to the case of the enslaved Africans, and a lively evidence
that the spirit of true piety speaks the same language in the hearts of
faithful men in all ages, for the relief of their fellow creatures from
oppression of every kind, I think it may not be improper here to
transcribe the most interesting parts of it. "I was," says this pious
bishop, "one of the first who went to America; neither curiosity nor
interest prompted me to undertake so long and dangerous a voyage; the
saving the souls of the heathen was my sole object. Why was I not
permitted, even at the expence of my blood, to ransom so many thousand
souls, who fell unhappy victims to avarice or lust? I have been an eye
witness to such cruel treatment of the Indians, as is too horrid to be
mentioned at this time.--It is said that barbarous executions were
necessary to punish or check the rebellion of the Americans;--but to
whom was this owing? Did not those people receive the Spaniards, who
first came amongst them, with gentleness and humanity? Did they not shew
more joy, in proportion, in lavishing treasure upon them, than the
Spaniards did greediness in receiving it?--But our avarice was not yet
satisfied;--tho' they gave up to us their land and their riches, we
would tear from them their wives, their children and their
liberties.--To blacken these unhappy people, their enemies assert, that
they are scarce human creatures?--but it is we that ought to blush, for
having been less men, and more barbarous, than they.--What right have we
to enslave a people who are born free, and whom we disturbed, tho' they
never offended us?--They are represented as a stupid people, addicted to
vice?--but have they not contracted most of their vices from the example
of the christians? And as to those vices peculiar to themselves, have
not the christians quickly exceeded them therein? Nevertheless it must
be granted, that the Indians still remain untainted with many vices
usual amongst the Europeans; such as ambition, blasphemy, treachery, and
many like monsters, which have not yet took place with them; they have
scarce an idea of them; so that in effect, all the advantage we can
claim, is to have more elevated notions of things, and our natural
faculties more unfolded and more cultivated than theirs.--Do not let us
flatter our corruptions, nor voluntarily blind ourselves; _all_ nations
are equally _free_; one nation has no right to infringe upon the freedom
of any other; let us do towards these people as we would have them to
have done towards us, if they had landed upon our shore, with the same
superiority of strength. And indeed, why should not things be equal on
both sides? How long has the right of the strongest been allowed to be
the balance of justice? What part of the gospel gives a sanction to such
a doctrine? In what part of the whole earth did the apostles and the
first promulgators of the gospel ever claim a right over the lives, the
freedom, or the substance of the Gentiles? What a strange method this is
of propagating the gospel, that holy law of grace, which, from being,
slaves to Satan, initiates us into the freedom of the children of
God!--Will it be possible for us to inspire them with a love to its
dictates, while they are so exasperated at being dispossessed of that
invaluable blessing, _Liberty?_ The apostles submitted to chains
themselves, but loaded no man with them. Christ came to free, not to
enslave us.--Submission to the faith he left us, ought to be a voluntary
act, and should be propagated by persuasion, gentleness, and reason."
"At my first arrival in Hispaniola, (added the bishop) it contained a
million of inhabitants; and now (viz. in the space of about twenty
years) there remains scarce the hundredth part of them; thousands have
perished thro' want, fatigue, merciless punishment, cruelty, and
barbarity. If the blood of _one_ man unjustly shed, calls loudly for
vengeance; how strong must be the cry of that of so _many_ unhappy
creatures which is shedding daily?"--The good bishop concluded his
speech, with imploring the King's clemency for subjects so unjustly
oppressed; and bravely declared, that heaven would one day call him to
an account, for the numberless acts of cruelty which he might have
prevented. The King applauded the bishop's zeal; promised to second it;
but so many of the great ones had an interest in continuing the
oppression, that nothing was done; so that all the Indians in
Hispaniola, except a few who had hid themselves in the most inaccessible
mountains, were destroyed.
CHAP. V.
First account of the English trading to Guinea. Thomas Windham and
several others go to that coast. Some of the Negroes carried off by the
English. Queen Elizabeth's charge to Captain Hawkins respecting the
natives. Nevertheless he goes on the coast and carries off some of the
Negroes. Patents are granted. The King of France objects to the Negroes
being kept in slavery. As do the college of Cardinals at Rome. The
natives, an inoffensive people; corrupted by the Europeans. The
sentiments of the natives concerning the slave-trade, from William
Smith: Confirmed by Andrew Brue and James Barbot.
It was about the year 1551, towards the latter end of the reign of King
Edward the Sixth, when some London merchants sent out the first English
ship, on a trading voyage to the coast of Guinea; this was soon followed
by several others to the same parts; but the English not having then any
plantations in the West Indies, and consequently no occasion for
Negroes, such ships traded only for gold, elephants teeth, and Guinea
pepper. This trade was carried on at the hazard of losing their ships
and cargoes, if they had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese, who
claimed an exclusive right of trade, on account of the several
settlements they had made there.[A] In the year 1553, we find captain
Thomas Windham trading along the coast with 140 men, in three ships, and
sailing as far as Benin, which lies about 3000 miles down the coast, to
take in a load of pepper.[B] Next year John Lock traded along the coast
of Guinea, as far as D'Elmina, when he brought away considerable
quantities of gold and ivory. He speaks well of the natives, and
says,[C] "_That whoever will deal with them must behave civilly, for
they will not traffic if ill used_." In 1555, William Towerson traded in
a peaceable manner with the natives, who made complaint to him of the
Portuguese, who were then settled in their castle at D'Elmina, saying,
"_They were bad men, who made them slaves if they could take them,
putting irons on their legs_."
[Footnote A: Astley's collection, vol. 1. page 139.]
[Footnote B: Collection vol. 1. p. 148.]
[Footnote C: Ibid. 257.]