There are no indications of the presence of the “Young
Turk” secret organization, but there is a growing
discontent with the present régime. This is caused (1)
by individual dissatisfaction with injustice, increased
taxation and harsh military service; (2) by the racial
ambition of Arabic speaking Moslems who regard the Turk
as a barbarian and of doubtful orthodoxy, and are restive
under Turkish rule which allots them few positions, civil
or military. Many Arabs wish the caliphate assumed by one
of their race and would bring the capital of Islam near
if not into Arabia, its cradle. This politico-religious
aspiration is ascribed to Midhat Pasha and has been
fostered, since his day, by pamphlets widely scattered
and by secret societies. (3) Discontent also results from
impotent rage at the waning political power of Islam
under Turkish leadership. Moslem supremacy has been lost
in Mount Lebanon, in most European provinces, in part of
Asia Minor, in Cyprus, Crete, Egypt, and is now imperilled
in North Africa. (4) Another cause of discontent is
realization of the fact that universal corruption is
sapping the vitality of the empire and dissipating its
resources. (5) To these causes is added knowledge that
other lands have secured improved material conditions
and equable justice without interference with religious
observances. This embitters by contrast their present
situation. Emigration, which has taken tens of thousands
of Christians from Syria, has lately begun to draw from
the Moslems. The letters of the absent and the influence
of those who have returned are factors of unrest. That any
or all of these elements of political ferment will produce
any revolt is improbable. No leader could expect success
with an unarmed and poor set of followers nor could he
unify and harmonize hostile sects.
—From “The Mohammedan World of To-day.”
The political situation in Turkey can well be summed up as “A fifteenth
century Oriental government in conflict with modern civilization.” This
condition is aggravated by the existence of European rivalries and
jealousies and Mohammedan fanaticism. The combination of these forces
is hard to analyze and its results even more difficult to forecast.
The first, and in some respects the most evident, difficulty especially
manifest to those who reside in the empire, is the intellectual,
social, and moral upheaval caused by the influence of Christian
civilization upon the people as a whole. New and, to that country,
startling ideas of religious freedom, human rights, and the true
functions of a government, have taken hold upon large numbers out of
every nationality and religion. So long as the government of Turkey
is conducted according to Oriental fifteenth century ideals, it is
inevitable that there must be a conflict, trying both to the government
and to the governed. So long as the people were densely ignorant,
knowing little of the world outside and far less of the principle that
governs civilized people, they made little complaint. As enlightenment
came to them from various sources, it was inevitable that unrest should
also come. Had Turkey been able to adjust herself to the new situation
and move forward in her administrative methods, keeping pace with the
growing intelligence of her subjects, she might have become one of the
strong, compact, and thrifty nations of the East.
She chose otherwise and began early to devise and put into execution
plans for the suppression of general education. At the same time, the
press was throttled by a severe censorship and all who were suspected
of thinking for themselves came under a ban. Turkey, in her feeble way,
attempted to follow the lead of Russia in this respect, and did so
undoubtedly under Russian advice. The failure to protect property has
discouraged the investment of capital. Industries languished and have
almost died out. Inevitably enterprising men would seek to emigrate.
When once outside the country few incline to return so long as present
conditions continue. In fact, the government discourages the return of
any who have been abroad, fearing the new ideas they acquired in Europe
and the United States. At the present time the government practically
forbids the return to Turkey of all who have been in civilized
countries, endeavoring to maintain a wall of seclusion against all
ideas of modern civilization. Turkey calls such people dangerous
characters and throws them into prison as revolutionists.
This dangerous class includes Albanians, Turks, Greeks, Syrians, and
Armenians. In most respects among these are found the most enlightened
people of the country. Some of the educated Turks have obtained their
new ideas from sources within the country, while others have studied in
Europe. Many of them have come into more modern ideas of a government
and its functions, and would gladly see changes made which would bring
Turkey into harmony with Europe. These are called the new Turks, and
are classified roughly together as the “New Turk party.” They are not
revolutionists in the ordinary sense of that word. They find no favor
with the reigning sultan, and are exiled and even executed without
trial. The party, although apparently not organized, is a fact, and the
spirit of reform is spreading among the Turks. Measures to suppress
this movement are generally secret and are seldom reported abroad. A
Turk once told the writer that “when outrages are perpetrated against
the Christians, the whole world lifts up its hands in horror and the
sultan is ordered to cease; but when the poor Turks are the victims,
where is there a voice raised in their defense?”
Naturally the Turkish government fears the Armenians since they have
made such rapid progress in education during the last eighty years.
Since Bulgaria became practically an independent state, Turkey has
tightened its hold upon Armenia. At the same time, the Armenians,
seeing the great freedom and prosperity enjoyed by the Bulgarians,
have cherished dreams of the time when they too might be free. While
all Armenians have at times indulged in such visions, but few have
ever seriously considered the proposition a practicable one. Only the
most rattle-headed of them declare such a plan possible and only such
are advocating revolutionary measures to that end. Armenia (a name not
permitted in Turkey) can hardly be erected into an independent nation,
although it would be impossible to convince Sultan Hamid II of that
fact. He governs as if he expected hourly that Armenia may rise and
demand its freedom, although the Mohammedans are everywhere greatly in
the majority.
There are, however, a considerable number of Armenians who have been
driven to desperation by the injustice and cruelty of the government.
Aware that they are powerless to reform Turkey, they declare their
inability longer to endure. These resort to acts of desperation with
the hope that Europe will become aroused, as it did in the case of
Bulgaria, and interfere in the interests of the oppressed. Small
revolutionary parties called by various names have been organized
in Macedonia, in Armenia, and especially in border countries like
Bulgaria, Russia, and Persia, for the secretly avowed purpose of
compelling the attention and interference of Europe. They have stirred
the Turks to acts of extreme cruelty, but have egregiously failed to
accomplish their purpose.
These internal affairs which disturb and vex the people almost beyond
endurance are allowed to continue, unchecked by European interference,
because the nations of Europe cannot agree to act together, nor can
they trust any one to act for the rest. England’s influence, which
was supreme when the Treaty of Berlin was signed, has been superseded
by Russia, and she in turn has taken, more recently, second place
to Germany. The sultan, most astute of all, is able to set rivalry,
jealousy, and suspicion against suspicion, jealousy and rivalry, and
while they quarrel over methods and precedents, he works his will.
No diplomat is able to cope with the sultan of Turkey, because his
statements cannot be relied upon, while his promises are meaningless.
Every ambassador and minister learns this to his sorrow, but is
powerless to meet the conditions created by it. To call the sovereign
of a state to which he is accredited “a falsifier” would not be
diplomatic, and might strain existing relations, and to meet falsehood
with falsehood is against the principles of representatives of the
Christian nations. While the foreign legations are considering these
problems the sultan continues his own way.
The present unsettled condition in Russia and the defeat of that
country by the Japanese will undoubtedly weaken her influence over the
sultan. The emperor of Germany, while maintaining friendly relations
with Hamid II, does not seem to attempt to restrain him in his acts of
violence against his own subjects. If he would, it is believed by many
that Emperor William might accomplish much in bringing about reform
measures in Turkey, if the other Powers of Europe would permit him to
do so.
Financially Turkey seems to be upon the verge of bankruptcy. Her system
of assessing taxes, paralyzing industry, and her method of often
collecting from the poor taxpayer many times the amount due, have
impoverished the country. The occasional general massacres in different
sections have been terribly destructive to national wealth, striking
directly at its sources. The strained political situation is due in no
small measure to the economic conditions of that country, accompanied
by the unjust administration of the government. If Turkey could afford
her subjects of all classes a safe and just government, it might soon
be one of the most prosperous and thrifty countries in Asia, comparing
favorably with the governments of Europe.
What the future will bring forth for Turkey no one can predict. Some
twelve years ago the writer asked an old and experienced diplomat at
Constantinople what was to be the outcome of the then threatening
conditions in the country. His reply was, “I have studied Turkey from
within and without for thirty years, and have carefully weighed the
diverse forces that are operating in the empire. I have come to one
clear and final conclusion which I am certain will stand the test of
time, and that is that I do not know anything about what the future
will produce here.”
One thing is sure, the methods of government which were successful
there six centuries ago cannot be continued indefinitely. Modern
thought and ideas will not submit in patience and quietness forever
to the oppressive measures of the middle ages. Dawn is breaking and
it is useless for the night to rail at its coming. Intelligent belief
will win in the end, and justice and righteousness must triumph. This
may cost the shedding of blood, but indications do not point that way.
A mighty revolution is already in progress which will accomplish its
purpose, in time, by the simple laws of God wrought out by the lives
and acts of intelligent and righteous men. The forces of reform are
in operation, not only in institutions, but in the hearts and in the
longings, and in the purposes, of men of all classes and races. It
propagates itself as it moves from coast to coast, and from plain to
mountain fastness, gaining in force and depth and breadth with every
decade. Present conditions cannot indefinitely continue. Times may be
worse before they are better, but even greater changes are inevitable
and at no remotely distant day. God is in his heavens and he is guiding
the affairs of the Turkish empire.