I have not undertaken the ecclesiastical history of the schism; but

Rome, the object of these last chapters, is deeply interested in the

disputed succession of her sovereigns. The first counsels for the peace

and union of Christendom arose from the university of Paris, from the

faculty of the Sorbonne, whose doctors were esteemed, at least in the

Gallican church, as the most consummate masters of theological science.

[72] Prudently waiving all invidious inquiry into the origin and merits

of the dispute, they proposed, as a healing measure, that the two

pretenders of Rome and Avignon should abdicate at the same time, after

qualifying the cardinals of the adverse factions to join in a legitimate

election; and that the nations should _subtract_ [73] their obedience,

if either of the competitor preferred his own interest to that of the

public. At each vacancy, these physicians of the church deprecated the

mischiefs of a hasty choice; but the policy of the conclave and

the ambition of its members were deaf to reason and entreaties; and

whatsoever promises were made, the pope could never be bound by the

oaths of the cardinal. During fifteen years, the pacific designs of the

university were eluded by the arts of the rival pontiffs, the scruples

or passions of their adherents, and the vicissitudes of French factions,

that ruled the insanity of Charles the Sixth. At length a vigorous

resolution was embraced; and a solemn embassy, of the titular patriarch

of Alexandria, two archbishops, five bishops, five abbots, three

knights, and twenty doctors, was sent to the courts of Avignon and Rome,

to require, in the name of the church and king, the abdication of

the two pretenders, of Peter de Luna, who styled himself Benedict the

Thirteenth, and of Angelo Corrario, who assumed the name of Gregory

the Twelfth. For the ancient honor of Rome, and the success of their

commission, the ambassadors solicited a conference with the magistrates

of the city, whom they gratified by a positive declaration, that the

most Christian king did not entertain a wish of transporting the holy

see from the Vatican, which he considered as the genuine and proper seat

of the successor of St. Peter. In the name of the senate and people, an

eloquent Roman asserted their desire to cooperate in the union of the

church, deplored the temporal and spiritual calamities of the long

schism, and requested the protection of France against the arms of the

king of Naples. The answers of Benedict and Gregory were alike edifying

and alike deceitful; and, in evading the demand of their abdication,

the two rivals were animated by a common spirit. They agreed on the

necessity of a previous interview; but the time, the place, and the

manner, could never be ascertained by mutual consent. "If the one

advances," says a servant of Gregory, "the other retreats; the one

appears an animal fearful of the land, the other a creature apprehensive

of the water. And thus, for a short remnant of life and power, will

these aged priests endanger the peace and salvation of the Christian

world." [74]

[Footnote 72: The leading and decisive part which France assumed in the

schism is stated by Peter du Puis in a separate history, extracted from

authentic records, and inserted in the seventh volume of the last and

best edition of his friend Thuanus, (P. xi. p. 110--184.)]

[Footnote 73: Of this measure, John Gerson, a stout doctor, was the

author of the champion. The proceedings of the university of Paris and

the Gallican church were often prompted by his advice, and are copiously

displayed in his theological writings, of which Le Clerc (BibliothËque

Choisie, tom. x. p. 1--78) has given a valuable extract. John Gerson

acted an important part in the councils of Pisa and Constance.]

[Footnote 74: Leonardus Brunus Aretinus, one of the revivers of classic

learning in Italy, who, after serving many years as secretary in the

Roman court, retired to the honorable office of chancellor of the

republic of Florence, (Fabric. Bibliot. Medii ∆vi, tom. i. p. 290.)

Lenfant has given the version of this curious epistle, (Concile de Pise,

tom. i. p. 192--195.)]

The Christian world was at length provoked by their obstinacy and

fraud: they were deserted by their cardinals, who embraced each other

as friends and colleagues; and their revolt was supported by a numerous

assembly of prelates and ambassadors. With equal justice, the council of

Pisa deposed the popes of Rome and Avignon; the conclave was unanimous

in the choice of Alexander the Fifth, and his vacant seat was soon

filled by a similar election of John the Twenty-third, the most

profligate of mankind. But instead of extinguishing the schism, the

rashness of the French and Italians had given a third pretender to

the chair of St. Peter. Such new claims of the synod and conclave were

disputed; three kings, of Germany, Hungary, and Naples, adhered to the

cause of Gregory the Twelfth; and Benedict the Thirteenth, himself

a Spaniard, was acknowledged by the devotion and patriotism of that

powerful nation. The rash proceedings of Pisa were corrected by the

council of Constance; the emperor Sigismond acted a conspicuous part

as the advocate or protector of the Catholic church; and the number and

weight of civil and ecclesiastical members might seem to constitute the

states-general of Europe. Of the three popes, John the Twenty-third

was the first victim: he fled and was brought back a prisoner: the most

scandalous charges were suppressed; the vicar of Christ was only accused

of piracy, murder, rape, sodomy, and incest; and after subscribing his

own condemnation, he expiated in prison the imprudence of trusting

his person to a free city beyond the Alps. Gregory the Twelfth, whose

obedience was reduced to the narrow precincts of Rimini, descended with

more honor from the throne; and his ambassador convened the session, in

which he renounced the title and authority of lawful pope. To vanquish

the obstinacy of Benedict the Thirteenth or his adherents, the emperor

in person undertook a journey from Constance to Perpignan. The kings of

Castile, Arragon, Navarre, and Scotland, obtained an equal and honorable

treaty; with the concurrence of the Spaniards, Benedict was deposed by

the council; but the harmless old man was left in a solitary castle to

excommunicate twice each day the rebel kingdoms which had deserted his

cause. After thus eradicating the remains of the schism, the synod of

Constance proceeded with slow and cautious steps to elect the sovereign

of Rome and the head of the church. On this momentous occasion, the

college of twenty-three cardinals was fortified with thirty deputies;

six of whom were chosen in each of the five great nations of

Christendom,--the Italian, the German, the French, the Spanish, and

the _English_: [75] the interference of strangers was softened by their

generous preference of an Italian and a Roman; and the hereditary, as

well as personal, merit of Otho Colonna recommended him to the conclave.

Rome accepted with joy and obedience the noblest of her sons; the

ecclesiastical state was defended by his powerful family; and the

elevation of Martin the Fifth is the Êra of the restoration and

establishment of the popes in the Vatican. [76]

[Footnote 75: I cannot overlook this great national cause, which was

vigorously maintained by the English ambassadors against those

of France. The latter contended, that Christendom was essentially

distributed into the four great nations and votes, of Italy, Germany,

France, and Spain, and that the lesser kingdoms (such as England,

Denmark, Portugal, &c.) were comprehended under one or other of these

great divisions. The English asserted, that the British islands, of

which they were the head, should be considered as a fifth and coˆrdinate

nation, with an equal vote; and every argument of truth or fable was

introduced to exalt the dignity of their country. Including England,

Scotland, Wales, the four kingdoms of Ireland, and the Orkneys, the

British Islands are decorated with eight royal crowns, and discriminated

by four or five languages, English, Welsh, Cornish, Scotch, Irish, &c.

The greater island from north to south measures 800 miles, or 40 days'

journey; and England alone contains 32 counties and 52,000 parish

churches, (a bold account!) besides cathedrals, colleges, priories, and

hospitals. They celebrate the mission of St. Joseph of Arimathea, the

birth of Constantine, and the legatine powers of the two primates,

without forgetting the testimony of Bartholomey de Glanville, (A.D.

1360,) who reckons only four Christian kingdoms, 1. of Rome, 2. of

Constantinople, 3. of Ireland, which had been transferred to the English

monarchs, and 4, of Spain. Our countrymen prevailed in the council,

but the victories of Henry V. added much weight to their arguments.

The adverse pleadings were found at Constance by Sir Robert Wingfield,

ambassador of Henry VIII. to the emperor Maximilian I., and by him

printed in 1517 at Louvain. From a Leipsic MS. they are more correctly

published in the collection of Von der Hardt, tom. v.; but I have only

seen Lenfant's abstract of these acts, (Concile de Constance, tom. ii.

p. 447, 453, &c.)]

[Footnote 76: The histories of the three successive councils, Pisa,

Constance, and Basil, have been written with a tolerable degree of

candor, industry, and elegance, by a Protestant minister, M. Lenfant,

who retired from France to Berlin. They form six volumes in quarto;

and as Basil is the worst, so Constance is the best, part of the

Collection.]

Chapter LXX: Final Settlement Of The Ecclesiastical State.--Part IV.

The royal prerogative of coining money, which had been exercised near

three hundred years by the senate, was _first_ resumed by Martin the

Fifth, [77] and his image and superscription introduce the series of the

papal medals. Of his two immediate successors, Eugenius the Fourth was

the _last_ pope expelled by the tumults of the Roman people, [78] and

Nicholas the Fifth, the _last_ who was importuned by the presence of

a Roman emperor. [79] I. The conflict of Eugenius with the fathers of

Basil, and the weight or apprehension of a new excise, emboldened and

provoked the Romans to usurp the temporal government of the city. They

rose in arms, elected seven governors of the republic, and a constable

of the Capitol; imprisoned the pope's nephew; besieged his person in the

palace; and shot volleys of arrows into his bark as he escaped down the

Tyber in the habit of a monk. But he still possessed in the castle of

St. Angelo a faithful garrison and a train of artillery: their batteries

incessantly thundered on the city, and a bullet more dexterously pointed

broke down the barricade of the bridge, and scattered with a single shot

the heroes of the republic. Their constancy was exhausted by a rebellion

of five months. Under the tyranny of the Ghibeline nobles, the wisest

patriots regretted the dominion of the church; and their repentance

was unanimous and effectual. The troops of St. Peter again occupied the

Capitol; the magistrates departed to their homes; the most guilty were

executed or exiled; and the legate, at the head of two thousand foot and

four thousand horse, was saluted as the father of the city. The synods

of Ferrara and Florence, the fear or resentment of Eugenius, prolonged

his absence: he was received by a submissive people; but the pontiff

understood from the acclamations of his triumphal entry, that to secure

their loyalty and his own repose, he must grant without delay the

abolition of the odious excise. II. Rome was restored, adorned, and

enlightened, by the peaceful reign of Nicholas the Fifth. In the midst

of these laudable occupations, the pope was alarmed by the approach of

Frederic the Third of Austria; though his fears could not be justified

by the character or the power of the Imperial candidate. After drawing

his military force to the metropolis, and imposing the best security of

oaths [80] and treaties, Nicholas received with a smiling countenance the

faithful advocate and vassal of the church. So tame were the times,

so feeble was the Austrian, that the pomp of his coronation was

accomplished with order and harmony: but the superfluous honor was so

disgraceful to an independent nation, that his successors have excused

themselves from the toilsome pilgrimage to the Vatican; and rest their

Imperial title on the choice of the electors of Germany.

[Footnote 77: See the xxviith Dissertation of the Antiquities of

Muratori, and the 1st Instruction of the Science des Medailles of the

PËre Joubert and the Baron de la Bastie. The Metallic History of Martin

V. and his successors has been composed by two monks, Moulinet, a

Frenchman, and Bonanni, an Italian: but I understand, that the first

part of the series is restored from more recent coins.]

[Footnote 78: Besides the Lives of Eugenius IV., (Rerum Italic. tom.

iii. P. i. p. 869, and tom. xxv. p. 256,) the Diaries of Paul Petroni

and Stephen Infessura are the best original evidence for the revolt of

the Romans against Eugenius IV. The former, who lived at the time and on

the spot, speaks the language of a citizen, equally afraid of priestly

and popular tyranny.]

[Footnote 79: The coronation of Frederic III. is described by Lenfant,

(Concile de Basle, tom. ii. p. 276--288,) from ∆neas Sylvius, a

spectator and actor in that splendid scene.]

[Footnote 80: The oath of fidelity imposed on the emperor by the pope is

recorded and sanctified in the Clementines, (l. ii. tit. ix.;) and ∆neas

Sylvius, who objects to this new demand, could not foresee, that in

a few years he should ascend the throne, and imbibe the maxims, of

Boniface VIII.]

A citizen has remarked, with pride and pleasure, that the king of the

Romans, after passing with a slight salute the cardinals and prelates

who met him at the gate, distinguished the dress and person of the

senator of Rome; and in this last farewell, the pageants of the empire

and the republic were clasped in a friendly embrace. [81] According to

the laws of Rome, [82] her first magistrate was required to be a doctor

of laws, an alien, of a place at least forty miles from the city; with

whose inhabitants he must not be connected in the third canonical degree

of blood or alliance. The election was annual: a severe scrutiny was

instituted into the conduct of the departing senator; nor could he be

recalled to the same office till after the expiration of two years. A

liberal salary of three thousand florins was assigned for his expense

and reward; and his public appearance represented the majesty of the

republic. His robes were of gold brocade or crimson velvet, or in the

summer season of a lighter silk: he bore in his hand an ivory sceptre;

the sound of trumpets announced his approach; and his solemn steps were

preceded at least by four lictors or attendants, whose red wands were

enveloped with bands or streamers of the golden color or livery of the

city. His oath in the Capitol proclaims his right and duty to observe

and assert the laws, to control the proud, to protect the poor, and to

exercise justice and mercy within the extent of his jurisdiction. In

these useful functions he was assisted by three learned strangers; the

two _collaterals_, and the judge of criminal appeals: their frequent

trials of robberies, rapes, and murders, are attested by the laws; and

the weakness of these laws connives at the licentiousness of private

feuds and armed associations for mutual defence. But the senator was

confined to the administration of justice: the Capitol, the treasury,

and the government of the city and its territory, were intrusted to

the three _conservators_, who were changed four times in each year: the

militia of the thirteen regions assembled under the banners of

their respective chiefs, or _caporioni_; and the first of these was

distinguished by the name and dignity of the _prior_. The popular

legislature consisted of the secret and the common councils of the

Romans. The former was composed of the magistrates and their immediate

predecessors, with some fiscal and legal officers, and three classes of

thirteen, twenty-six, and forty, counsellors: amounting in the whole

to about one hundred and twenty persons. In the common council all

male citizens had a right to vote; and the value of their privilege

was enhanced by the care with which any foreigners were prevented from

usurping the title and character of Romans. The tumult of a democracy

was checked by wise and jealous precautions: except the magistrates,

none could propose a question; none were permitted to speak, except from

an open pulpit or tribunal; all disorderly acclamations were suppressed;

the sense of the majority was decided by a secret ballot; and their

decrees were promulgated in the venerable name of the Roman senate and

people. It would not be easy to assign a period in which this theory of

government has been reduced to accurate and constant practice, since the

establishment of order has been gradually connected with the decay

of liberty. But in the year one thousand five hundred and eighty the

ancient statutes were collected, methodized in three books, and adapted

to present use, under the pontificate, and with the approbation, of

Gregory the Thirteenth: [83] this civil and criminal code is the modern

law of the city; and, if the popular assemblies have been abolished,

a foreign senator, with the three conservators, still resides in the

palace of the Capitol. [84] The policy of the CÊsars has been repeated

by the popes; and the bishop of Rome affected to maintain the form of

a republic, while he reigned with the absolute powers of a temporal, as

well as a spiritual, monarch.

[Footnote 81: Lo senatore di Roma, vestito di brocarto con quella

beretta, e con quelle maniche, et ornamenti di pelle, co' quali va alle

feste di Testaccio e Nagone, might escape the eye of ∆neas Sylvius,

but he is viewed with admiration and complacency by the Roman citizen,

(Diario di Stephano Infessura, p. 1133.)]

[Footnote 82: See, in the statutes of Rome, the _senator and three

judges_, (l. i. c. 3--14,) the _conservators_, (l. i. c. 15, 16, 17,

l. iii. c. 4,) the _caporioni_ (l. i. c. 18, l. iii. c. 8,) the _secret

council_, (l. iii. c. 2,) the _common council_, (l. iii. c. 3.) The

title of _feuds_, _defiances_, _acts of violence_, &c., is spread

through many a chapter (c. 14--40) of the second book.]

[Footnote 83: _Statuta alm Urbis Rom Auctoritate S. D. N. Gregorii XIII

Pont. Max. a Senatu Populoque Rom. reformata et edita. Rom, 1580, in

folio_. The obsolete, repugnant statutes of antiquity were confounded in

five books, and Lucas PÊtus, a lawyer and antiquarian, was appointed to

act as the modern Tribonian. Yet I regret the old code, with the rugged

crust of freedom and barbarism.]

[Footnote 84: In my time (1765) and in M. Grosley's, (Observations sur

l'Italie torn. ii. p. 361,) the senator of Rome was M. Bielke, a noble

Swede and a proselyte to the Catholic faith. The pope's right to appoint

the senator and the conservator is implied, rather than affirmed, in the

statutes.]

It is an obvious truth, that the times must be suited to extraordinary

characters, and that the genius of Cromwell or Retz might now expire

in obscurity. The political enthusiasm of Rienzi had exalted him to a

throne; the same enthusiasm, in the next century, conducted his imitator

to the gallows. The birth of Stephen Porcaro was noble, his reputation

spotless: his tongue was armed with eloquence, his mind was enlightened

with learning; and he aspired, beyond the aim of vulgar ambition, to

free his country and immortalize his name. The dominion of priests is

most odious to a liberal spirit: every scruple was removed by the recent

knowledge of the fable and forgery of Constantine's donation; Petrarch

was now the oracle of the Italians; and as often as Porcaro revolved the

ode which describes the patriot and hero of Rome, he applied to himself

the visions of the prophetic bard. His first trial of the popular

feelings was at the funeral of Eugenius the Fourth: in an elaborate

speech he called the Romans to liberty and arms; and they listened with

apparent pleasure, till Porcaro was interrupted and answered by a

grave advocate, who pleaded for the church and state. By every law the

seditious orator was guilty of treason; but the benevolence of the new

pontiff, who viewed his character with pity and esteem, attempted by an

honorable office to convert the patriot into a friend. The inflexible

Roman returned from Anagni with an increase of reputation and zeal; and,

on the first opportunity, the games of the place Navona, he tried to

inflame the casual dispute of some boys and mechanics into a general

rising of the people. Yet the humane Nicholas was still averse to accept

the forfeit of his life; and the traitor was removed from the scene of

temptation to Bologna, with a liberal allowance for his support, and the

easy obligation of presenting himself each day before the governor of

the city. But Porcaro had learned from the younger Brutus, that with

tyrants no faith or gratitude should be observed: the exile declaimed

against the arbitrary sentence; a party and a conspiracy were gradually

formed: his nephew, a daring youth, assembled a band of volunteers;

and on the appointed evening a feast was prepared at his house for the

friends of the republic. Their leader, who had escaped from Bologna,

appeared among them in a robe of purple and gold: his voice, his

countenance, his gestures, bespoke the man who had devoted his life or

death to the glorious cause. In a studied oration, he expiated on the

motives and the means of their enterprise; the name and liberties of

Rome; the sloth and pride of their ecclesiastical tyrants; the active

or passive consent of their fellow-citizens; three hundred soldiers, and

four hundred exiles, long exercised in arms or in wrongs; the license

of revenge to edge their swords, and a million of ducats to reward their

victory. It would be easy, (he said,) on the next day, the festival of

the Epiphany, to seize the pope and his cardinals, before the doors, or

at the altar, of St. Peter's; to lead them in chains under the walls of

St. Angelo; to extort by the threat of their instant death a surrender

of the castle; to ascend the vacant Capitol; to ring the alarm bell; and

to restore in a popular assembly the ancient republic of Rome. While he

triumphed, he was already betrayed. The senator, with a strong guard,

invested the house: the nephew of Porcaro cut his way through the crowd;

but the unfortunate Stephen was drawn from a chest, lamenting that his

enemies had anticipated by three hours the execution of his design.

After such manifest and repeated guilt, even the mercy of Nicholas was

silent. Porcaro, and nine of his accomplices, were hanged without the

benefit of the sacraments; and, amidst the fears and invectives of the

papal court, the Romans pitied, and almost applauded, these martyrs of

their country. [85] But their applause was mute, their pity ineffectual,

their liberty forever extinct; and, if they have since risen in a

vacancy of the throne or a scarcity of bread, such accidental tumults

may be found in the bosom of the most abject servitude.

[Footnote 85: Besides the curious, though concise, narrative of

Machiavel, (Istoria Florentina, l. vi. Opere, tom. i. p. 210, 211, edit.

Londra, 1747, in 4to.) the Porcarian conspiracy is related in the Diary

of Stephen Infessura, (Rer. Ital. tom. iii. P. ii. p. 1134, 1135,) and

in a separate tract by Leo Baptista Alberti, (Rer. Ital. tom. xxv. p.

609--614.) It is amusing to compare the style and sentiments of

the courtier and citizen. Facinus profecto quo.... neque periculo

horribilius, neque audaci‚ detestabilius, neque crudelitate tetrius, a

quoquam perditissimo uspiam excogitatum sit.... Perdette la vita quell'

huomo da bene, e amatore dello bene e libert‡ di Roma.]

But the independence of the nobles, which was fomented by discord,

survived the freedom of the commons, which must be founded in union. A

privilege of rapine and oppression was long maintained by the barons of

Rome; their houses were a fortress and a sanctuary: and the ferocious

train of banditti and criminals whom they protected from the law repaid

the hospitality with the service of their swords and daggers. The

private interest of the pontiffs, or their nephews, sometimes involved

them in these domestic feuds. Under the reign of Sixtus the Fourth, Rome

was distracted by the battles and sieges of the rival houses: after the

conflagration of his palace, the prothonotary Colonna was tortured and

beheaded; and Savelli, his captive friend, was murdered on the spot, for

refusing to join in the acclamations of the victorious Ursini. [86]

But the popes no longer trembled in the Vatican: they had strength

to command, if they had resolution to claim, the obedience of their

subjects; and the strangers, who observed these partial disorders,

admired the easy taxes and wise administration of the ecclesiastical

state. [87]

[Footnote 86: The disorders of Rome, which were much inflamed by the

partiality of Sixtus IV. are exposed in the Diaries of two spectators,

Stephen Infessura, and an anonymous citizen. See the troubles of the

year 1484, and the death of the prothonotary Colonna, in tom. iii. P.

ii. p. 1083, 1158.]

[Footnote 87: Est toute la terre de l'Èglise troublÈe pour cette

partialitÈ (des Colonnes et des Ursins) come nous dirions Luce et

Grammont, ou en Hollande Houc et Caballan; et quand ce ne seroit ce

diffÈrend la terre de l'Èglise seroit la plus heureuse habitation pour

les sujets qui soit dans toute le monde (car ils ne payent ni tailles ni

guËres autres choses,) et seroient toujours bien conduits, (car toujours

les papes sont sages et bien consellies;) mais trËs souvent en advient

de grands et cruels meurtres et pilleries.]

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