He might expect that the siege of a city so venerable on earth and

in heaven, so interesting to Europe and Asia, would rekindle the last

sparks of enthusiasm; and that, of sixty thousand Christians, every man

would be a soldier, and every soldier a candidate for martyrdom. But

Queen Sybilla trembled for herself and her captive husband; and the

barons and knights, who had escaped from the sword and chains of the

Turks, displayed the same factious and selfish spirit in the public

ruin. The most numerous portion of the inhabitants was composed of the

Greek and Oriental Christians, whom experience had taught to prefer the

Mahometan before the Latin yoke; [63] and the holy sepulchre attracted a

base and needy crowd, without arms or courage, who subsisted only on the

charity of the pilgrims. Some feeble and hasty efforts were made for the

defence of Jerusalem: but in the space of fourteen days, a victorious

army drove back the sallies of the besieged, planted their engines,

opened the wall to the breadth of fifteen cubits, applied their

scaling-ladders, and erected on the breach twelve banners of the prophet

and the sultan. It was in vain that a barefoot procession of the queen,

the women, and the monks, implored the Son of God to save his tomb and

his inheritance from impious violation. Their sole hope was in the mercy

of the conqueror, and to their first suppliant deputation that mercy was

sternly denied. "He had sworn to avenge the patience and long-suffering

of the Moslems; the hour of forgiveness was elapsed, and the moment

was now arrived to expiate, in blood, the innocent blood which had

been spilt by Godfrey and the first crusaders." But a desperate and

successful struggle of the Franks admonished the sultan that his triumph

was not yet secure; he listened with reverence to a solemn adjuration

in the name of the common Father of mankind; and a sentiment of human

sympathy mollified the rigor of fanaticism and conquest. He consented

to accept the city, and to spare the inhabitants. The Greek and Oriental

Christians were permitted to live under his dominion, but it was

stipulated, that in forty days all the Franks and Latins should evacuate

Jerusalem, and be safely conducted to the seaports of Syria and Egypt;

that ten pieces of gold should be paid for each man, five for each

woman, and one for every child; and that those who were unable to

purchase their freedom should be detained in perpetual slavery. Of some

writers it is a favorite and invidious theme to compare the humanity of

Saladin with the massacre of the first crusade. The difference would

be merely personal; but we should not forget that the Christians had

offered to capitulate, and that the Mahometans of Jerusalem sustained

the last extremities of an assault and storm. Justice is indeed due to

the fidelity with which the Turkish conqueror fulfilled the conditions

of the treaty; and he may be deservedly praised for the glance of pity

which he cast on the misery of the vanquished. Instead of a rigorous

exaction of his debt, he accepted a sum of thirty thousand byzants,

for the ransom of seven thousand poor; two or three thousand more were

dismissed by his gratuitous clemency; and the number of slaves was

reduced to eleven or fourteen thousand persons. In this interview

with the queen, his words, and even his tears suggested the kindest

consolations; his liberal alms were distributed among those who had been

made orphans or widows by the fortune of war; and while the knights

of the hospital were in arms against him, he allowed their more pious

brethren to continue, during the term of a year, the care and service

of the sick. In these acts of mercy the virtue of Saladin deserves our

admiration and love: he was above the necessity of dissimulation, and

his stern fanaticism would have prompted him to dissemble, rather than

to affect, this profane compassion for the enemies of the Koran. After

Jerusalem had been delivered from the presence of the strangers, the

sultan made his triumphal entry, his banners waving in the wind, and to

the harmony of martial music. The great mosque of Omar, which had

been converted into a church, was again consecrated to one God and his

prophet Mahomet: the walls and pavement were purified with rose-water;

and a pulpit, the labor of Noureddin, was erected in the sanctuary.

But when the golden cross that glittered on the dome was cast down,

and dragged through the streets, the Christians of every sect uttered

a lamentable groan, which was answered by the joyful shouts of the

Moslems. In four ivory chests the patriarch had collected the crosses,

the images, the vases, and the relics of the holy place; they were

seized by the conqueror, who was desirous of presenting the caliph

with the trophies of Christian idolatry. He was persuaded, however,

to intrust them to the patriarch and prince of Antioch; and the pious

pledge was redeemed by Richard of England, at the expense of fifty-two

thousand byzants of gold. [64]

[Footnote 63: Renaudot, Hist. Patriarch. Alex. p. 545.]

[Footnote 64: For the conquest of Jerusalem, Bohadin (p. 67--75) and

Abulfeda (p. 40--43) are our Moslem witnesses. Of the Christian, Bernard

Thesaurarius (c. 151--167) is the most copious and authentic; see

likewise Matthew Paris, (p. 120--124.)]

The nations might fear and hope the immediate and final expulsion of the

Latins from Syria; which was yet delayed above a century after the death

of Saladin. [65] In the career of victory, he was first checked by the

resistance of Tyre; the troops and garrisons, which had capitulated,

were imprudently conducted to the same port: their numbers were adequate

to the defence of the place; and the arrival of Conrad of Montferrat

inspired the disorderly crowd with confidence and union. His father, a

venerable pilgrim, had been made prisoner in the battle of Tiberias; but

that disaster was unknown in Italy and Greece, when the son was urged

by ambition and piety to visit the inheritance of his royal nephew,

the infant Baldwin. The view of the Turkish banners warned him from the

hostile coast of Jaffa; and Conrad was unanimously hailed as the prince

and champion of Tyre, which was already besieged by the conqueror of

Jerusalem. The firmness of his zeal, and perhaps his knowledge of a

generous foe, enabled him to brave the threats of the sultan, and to

declare, that should his aged parent be exposed before the walls, he

himself would discharge the first arrow, and glory in his descent from a

Christian martyr. [66] The Egyptian fleet was allowed to enter the harbor

of Tyre; but the chain was suddenly drawn, and five galleys were either

sunk or taken: a thousand Turks were slain in a sally; and Saladin,

after burning his engines, concluded a glorious campaign by a

disgraceful retreat to Damascus. He was soon assailed by a more

formidable tempest. The pathetic narratives, and even the pictures, that

represented in lively colors the servitude and profanation of Jerusalem,

awakened the torpid sensibility of Europe: the emperor Frederic

Barbarossa, and the kings of France and England, assumed the cross; and

the tardy magnitude of their armaments was anticipated by the maritime

states of the Mediterranean and the Ocean. The skilful and provident

Italians first embarked in the ships of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice. They

were speedily followed by the most eager pilgrims of France, Normandy,

and the Western Isles. The powerful succor of Flanders, Frise, and

Denmark, filled near a hundred vessels: and the Northern warriors

were distinguished in the field by a lofty stature and a ponderous

battle-axe. [67] Their increasing multitudes could no longer be confined

within the walls of Tyre, or remain obedient to the voice of Conrad.

They pitied the misfortunes, and revered the dignity, of Lusignan, who

was released from prison, perhaps, to divide the army of the Franks. He

proposed the recovery of Ptolemais, or Acre, thirty miles to the south

of Tyre; and the place was first invested by two thousand horse and

thirty thousand foot under his nominal command. I shall not expatiate

on the story of this memorable siege; which lasted near two years, and

consumed, in a narrow space, the forces of Europe and Asia. Never did

the flame of enthusiasm burn with fiercer and more destructive rage; nor

could the true believers, a common appellation, who consecrated their

own martyrs, refuse some applause to the mistaken zeal and courage of

their adversaries. At the sound of the holy trumpet, the Moslems of

Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and the Oriental provinces, assembled under the

servant of the prophet: [68] his camp was pitched and removed within a

few miles of Acre; and he labored, night and day, for the relief of his

brethren and the annoyance of the Franks. Nine battles, not unworthy

of the name, were fought in the neighborhood of Mount Carmel, with such

vicissitude of fortune, that in one attack, the sultan forced his way

into the city; that in one sally, the Christians penetrated to the royal

tent. By the means of divers and pigeons, a regular correspondence was

maintained with the besieged; and, as often as the sea was left open,

the exhausted garrison was withdrawn, and a fresh supply was poured

into the place. The Latin camp was thinned by famine, the sword and the

climate; but the tents of the dead were replenished with new pilgrims,

who exaggerated the strength and speed of their approaching countrymen.

The vulgar was astonished by the report, that the pope himself, with an

innumerable crusade, was advanced as far as Constantinople. The march

of the emperor filled the East with more serious alarms: the obstacles

which he encountered in Asia, and perhaps in Greece, were raised by the

policy of Saladin: his joy on the death of Barbarossa was measured by

his esteem; and the Christians were rather dismayed than encouraged

at the sight of the duke of Swabia and his way-worn remnant of five

thousand Germans. At length, in the spring of the second year, the royal

fleets of France and England cast anchor in the Bay of Acre, and the

siege was more vigorously prosecuted by the youthful emulation of the

two kings, Philip Augustus and Richard Plantagenet. After every resource

had been tried, and every hope was exhausted, the defenders of Acre

submitted to their fate; a capitulation was granted, but their lives and

liberties were taxed at the hard conditions of a ransom of two hundred

thousand pieces of gold, the deliverance of one hundred nobles, and

fifteen hundred inferior captives, and the restoration of the wood of

the holy cross. Some doubts in the agreement, and some delay in the

execution, rekindled the fury of the Franks, and three thousand Moslems,

almost in the sultan's view, were beheaded by the command of the

sanguinary Richard. [69] By the conquest of Acre, the Latin powers

acquired a strong town and a convenient harbor; but the advantage was

most dearly purchased. The minister and historian of Saladin computes,

from the report of the enemy, that their numbers, at different periods,

amounted to five or six hundred thousand; that more than one hundred

thousand Christians were slain; that a far greater number was lost by

disease or shipwreck; and that a small portion of this mighty host could

return in safety to their native countries. [70]

[Footnote 65: The sieges of Tyre and Acre are most copiously described

by Bernard Thesaurarius, (de Acquisitione TerrÊ SanctÊ, c. 167--179,)

the author of the Historia Hierosolymitana, (p. 1150--1172, in

Bongarsius,) Abulfeda, (p. 43--50,) and Bohadin, (p. 75--179.)]

[Footnote 66: I have followed a moderate and probable representation of

the fact; by Vertot, who adopts without reluctance a romantic tale the

old marquis is actually exposed to the darts of the besieged.]

[Footnote 67: Northmanni et Gothi, et cÊteri populi insularum quÊ

inter occidentem et septentrionem sitÊ sunt, gentes bellicosÊ, corporis

proceri mortis intrepidÊ, bipennibus armatÊ, navibus rotundis, quÊ

YsnachiÊ dicuntur, advectÊ.]

[Footnote 68: The historian of Jerusalem (p. 1108) adds the nations of

the East from the Tigris to India, and the swarthy tribes of Moors and

Getulians, so that Asia and Africa fought against Europe.]

[Footnote 69: Bohadin, p. 180; and this massacre is neither denied nor

blamed by the Christian historians. Alacriter jussa complentes, (the

English soldiers,) says Galfridus ‡ Vinesauf, (l. iv. c. 4, p. 346,) who

fixes at 2700 the number of victims; who are multiplied to 5000 by Roger

Hoveden, (p. 697, 698.) The humanity or avarice of Philip Augustus was

persuaded to ransom his prisoners, (Jacob ‡ Vitriaco, l. i. c. 98, p.

1122.)]

[Footnote 70: Bohadin, p. 14. He quotes the judgment of Balianus, and

the prince of Sidon, and adds, ex illo mundo quasi hominum paucissimi

redierunt. Among the Christians who died before St. John d'Acre, I find

the English names of De Ferrers earl of Derby, (Dugdale, Baronage, part

i. p. 260,) Mowbray, (idem, p. 124,) De Mandevil, De Fiennes, St. John,

Scrope, Bigot, Talbot, &c.]

Chapter LIX: The Crusades.--Part III.

Philip Augustus, and Richard the First, are the only kings of France and

England who have fought under the same banners; but the holy service

in which they were enlisted was incessantly disturbed by their national

jealousy; and the two factions, which they protected in Palestine, were

more averse to each other than to the common enemy. In the eyes of the

Orientals; the French monarch was superior in dignity and power; and, in

the emperor's absence, the Latins revered him as their temporal chief.

[71] His exploits were not adequate to his fame. Philip was brave,

but the statesman predominated in his character; he was soon weary of

sacrificing his health and interest on a barren coast: the surrender

of Acre became the signal of his departure; nor could he justify this

unpopular desertion, by leaving the duke of Burgundy with five hundred

knights and ten thousand foot, for the service of the Holy Land. The

king of England, though inferior in dignity, surpassed his rival in

wealth and military renown; [72] and if heroism be confined to brutal and

ferocious valor, Richard Plantagenet will stand high among the heroes

of the age. The memory of _Cur de Lion_, of the lion-hearted prince, was

long dear and glorious to his English subjects; and, at the distance of

sixty years, it was celebrated in proverbial sayings by the grandsons of

the Turks and Saracens, against whom he had fought: his tremendous name

was employed by the Syrian mothers to silence their infants; and if

a horse suddenly started from the way, his rider was wont to exclaim,

"Dost thou think King Richard is in that bush?" [73] His cruelty to the

Mahometans was the effect of temper and zeal; but I cannot believe that

a soldier, so free and fearless in the use of his lance, would have

descended to whet a dagger against his valiant brother Conrad of

Montferrat, who was slain at Tyre by some secret assassins. [74] After

the surrender of Acre, and the departure of Philip, the king of England

led the crusaders to the recovery of the sea-coast; and the cities

of CÊsarea and Jaffa were added to the fragments of the kingdom of

Lusignan. A march of one hundred miles from Acre to Ascalon was a great

and perpetual battle of eleven days. In the disorder of his troops,

Saladin remained on the field with seventeen guards, without lowering

his standard, or suspending the sound of his brazen kettle-drum: he

again rallied and renewed the charge; and his preachers or heralds

called aloud on the _unitarians_, manfully to stand up against

the Christian idolaters. But the progress of these idolaters was

irresistible; and it was only by demolishing the walls and buildings of

Ascalon, that the sultan could prevent them from occupying an important

fortress on the confines of Egypt. During a severe winter, the armies

slept; but in the spring, the Franks advanced within a day's march

of Jerusalem, under the leading standard of the English king; and

his active spirit intercepted a convoy, or caravan, of seven thousand

camels. Saladin [75] had fixed his station in the holy city; but the

city was struck with consternation and discord: he fasted; he prayed;

he preached; he offered to share the dangers of the siege; but his

Mamalukes, who remembered the fate of their companions at Acre, pressed

the sultan with loyal or seditious clamors, to reserve _his_ person and

_their_ courage for the future defence of the religion and empire.

[76] The Moslems were delivered by the sudden, or, as they deemed, the

miraculous, retreat of the Christians; [77] and the laurels of Richard

were blasted by the prudence, or envy, of his companions. The hero,

ascending a hill, and veiling his face, exclaimed with an indignant

voice, "Those who are unwilling to rescue, are unworthy to view, the

sepulchre of Christ!" After his return to Acre, on the news that Jaffa

was surprised by the sultan, he sailed with some merchant vessels, and

leaped foremost on the beach: the castle was relieved by his presence;

and sixty thousand Turks and Saracens fled before his arms. The

discovery of his weakness, provoked them to return in the morning; and

they found him carelessly encamped before the gates with only seventeen

knights and three hundred archers. Without counting their numbers, he

sustained their charge; and we learn from the evidence of his enemies,

that the king of England, grasping his lance, rode furiously along their

front, from the right to the left wing, without meeting an adversary who

dared to encounter his career. [78] Am I writing the history of Orlando

or Amadis?

[Footnote 71: Magnus hic apud eos, interque reges eorum tum virtute tum

majestate eminens.... summus rerum arbiter, (Bohadin, p. 159.) He does

not seem to have known the names either of Philip or Richard.]

[Footnote 72: Rex AngliÊ, prÊstrenuus.... rege Gallorum minor apud eos

censebatur ratione regni atque dignitatis; sed tum divitiis florentior,

tum bellic‚ virtute multo erat celebrior, (Bohadin, p. 161.) A stranger

might admire those riches; the national historians will tell with what

lawless and wasteful oppression they were collected.]

[Footnote 73: Joinville, p. 17. Cuides-tu que ce soit le roi Richart?]

[Footnote 74: Yet he was guilty in the opinion of the Moslems, who

attest the confession of the assassins, that they were sent by the king

of England, (Bohadin, p. 225;) and his only defence is an absurd and

palpable forgery, (Hist. de l'AcadÈmie des Inscriptions, tom. xv. p.

155--163,) a pretended letter from the prince of the assassins, the

Sheich, or old man of the mountain, who justified Richard, by assuming

to himself the guilt or merit of the murder. * Note: Von Hammer

(Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 202) sums up against Richard, Wilken

(vol. iv. p. 485) as strongly for acquittal. Michaud (vol. ii. p. 420)

delivers no decided opinion. This crime was also attributed to Saladin,

who is said, by an Oriental authority, (the continuator of Tabari,) to

have employed the assassins to murder both Conrad and Richard. It is a

melancholy admission, but it must be acknowledged, that such an act

would be less inconsistent with the character of the Christian than of

the Mahometan king.--M.]

[Footnote 75: See the distress and pious firmness of Saladin, as they

are described by Bohadin, (p. 7--9, 235--237,) who himself harangued

the defenders of Jerusalem; their fears were not unknown to the enemy,

(Jacob. ‡ Vitriaco, l. i. c. 100, p. 1123. Vinisauf, l. v. c. 50, p.

399.)]

[Footnote 76: Yet unless the sultan, or an Ayoubite prince, remained

in Jerusalem, nec Curdi Turcis, nec Turci essent obtemperaturi Curdis,

(Bohadin, p. 236.) He draws aside a corner of the political curtain.]

[Footnote 77: Bohadin, (p. 237,) and even Jeffrey de Vinisauf, (l.

vi. c. 1--8, p. 403--409,) ascribe the retreat to Richard himself;

and Jacobus ‡ Vitriaco observes, that in his impatience to depart, in

alterum virum mutatus est, (p. 1123.) Yet Joinville, a French knight,

accuses the envy of Hugh duke of Burgundy, (p. 116,) without supposing,

like Matthew Paris, that he was bribed by Saladin.]

[Footnote 78: The expeditions to Ascalon, Jerusalem, and Jaffa, are

related by Bohadin (p. 184--249) and Abulfeda, (p. 51, 52.) The author

of the Itinerary, or the monk of St. Alban's, cannot exaggerate the

cadhi's account of the prowess of Richard, (Vinisauf, l. vi. c. 14--24,

p. 412--421. Hist. Major, p. 137--143;) and on the whole of this war

there is a marvellous agreement between the Christian and Mahometan

writers, who mutually praise the virtues of their enemies.]

During these hostilities, a languid and tedious negotiation [79] between

the Franks and Moslems was started, and continued, and broken, and again

resumed, and again broken. Some acts of royal courtesy, the gift of snow

and fruit, the exchange of Norway hawks and Arabian horses, softened the

asperity of religious war: from the vicissitude of success, the monarchs

might learn to suspect that Heaven was neutral in the quarrel; nor,

after the trial of each other, could either hope for a decisive victory.

[80] The health both of Richard and Saladin appeared to be in a declining

state; and they respectively suffered the evils of distant and domestic

warfare: Plantagenet was impatient to punish a perfidious rival who

had invaded Normandy in his absence; and the indefatigable sultan was

subdued by the cries of the people, who was the victim, and of the

soldiers, who were the instruments, of his martial zeal. The first

demands of the king of England were the restitution of Jerusalem,

Palestine, and the true cross; and he firmly declared, that himself and

his brother pilgrims would end their lives in the pious labor, rather

than return to Europe with ignominy and remorse. But the conscience

of Saladin refused, without some weighty compensation, to restore the

idols, or promote the idolatry, of the Christians; he asserted, with

equal firmness, his religious and civil claim to the sovereignty of

Palestine; descanted on the importance and sanctity of Jerusalem; and

rejected all terms of the establishment, or partition of the Latins.

The marriage which Richard proposed, of his sister with the sultan's

brother, was defeated by the difference of faith; the princess abhorred

the embraces of a Turk; and Adel, or Saphadin, would not easily renounce

a plurality of wives. A personal interview was declined by Saladin,

who alleged their mutual ignorance of each other's language; and the

negotiation was managed with much art and delay by their interpreters

and envoys. The final agreement was equally disapproved by the zealots

of both parties, by the Roman pontiff and the caliph of Bagdad. It was

stipulated that Jerusalem and the holy sepulchre should be open, without

tribute or vexation, to the pilgrimage of the Latin Christians; that,

after the demolition of Ascalon, they should inclusively possess the

sea-coast from Jaffa to Tyre; that the count of Tripoli and the prince

of Antioch should be comprised in the truce; and that, during three

years and three months, all hostilities should cease. The principal

chiefs of the two armies swore to the observance of the treaty; but the

monarchs were satisfied with giving their word and their right hand; and

the royal majesty was excused from an oath, which always implies some

suspicion of falsehood and dishonor. Richard embarked for Europe, to

seek a long captivity and a premature grave; and the space of a few

months concluded the life and glories of Saladin. The Orientals describe

his edifying death, which happened at Damascus; but they seem ignorant

of the equal distribution of his alms among the three religions, [81] or

of the display of a shroud, instead of a standard, to admonish the East

of the instability of human greatness. The unity of empire was dissolved

by his death; his sons were oppressed by the stronger arm of their uncle

Saphadin; the hostile interests of the sultans of Egypt, Damascus,

and Aleppo, [82] were again revived; and the Franks or Latins stood and

breathed, and hoped, in their fortresses along the Syrian coast.

[Footnote 79: See the progress of negotiation and hostility in Bohadin,

(p. 207--260,) who was himself an actor in the treaty. Richard declared

his intention of returning with new armies to the conquest of the Holy

Land; and Saladin answered the menace with a civil compliment, (Vinisauf

l. vi. c. 28, p. 423.)]

[Footnote 80: The most copious and original account of this holy war is

Galfridi ‡ Vinisauf, Itinerarium Regis Anglorum Richardi et aliorum

in Terram Hierosolymorum, in six books, published in the iid volume

of Gale's Scriptores Hist. AnglicanÊ, (p. 247--429.) Roger Hoveden and

Matthew Paris afford likewise many valuable materials; and the former

describes, with accuracy, the discipline and navigation of the English

fleet.]

[Footnote 81: Even Vertot (tom. i. p. 251) adopts the foolish notion

of the indifference of Saladin, who professed the Koran with his last

breath.]

[Footnote 82: See the succession of the Ayoubites, in Abulpharagius,

(Dynast. p. 277, &c.,) and the tables of M. De Guignes, l'Art de

VÈrifier les Dates, and the BibliothËque Orientale.]

History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire — Volume 6(#895) · 第 3 / 58 段