A LETTER OF MUCH IMPORT, WRITTEN BY JAMES STEPHENS, IN THE YEAR 1861.
Though I spoke of the McManus funeral before, I have now to speak of
it again. I find among my papers a letter written by James Stephens
to John O’Mahony, the week after the funeral took place in Dublin.
It deals trenchantly with the milk-and-water Irish patriots of that
time and even of this time who are ever telling us that “England’s
difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity,” and ever calling upon us to “bide
our time,” and do nothing until that time comes.
This is that letter:
BROTHER--Your last letter (30th Nov.) was placed in my
hand yesterday by Lieut. O’Connor. On the whole it is the
healthiest, and consequently the most pleasant communication
I have had from you for years. This is owing to its freedom
from what looked like a chronic disease in you--fault-finding
in general and a proneness to advice, and even lecturing, men
of ripe years who have proved themselves the only practical
workmen this country has produced in our time. I say this
without the most remote intention to hurt you in any way,
and solely that you may henceforth avoid what has been not
alone irritating to me, but calculated to lower you in the
estimation of men who would otherwise think highly of you.
Now, if ever, there should be a thorough understanding and
union between us, and to this end it is incumbent on us to cut
as little as possible against the grain. A word to the wise.
Even in this last letter, you complain of not having been
written to; from which it follows that you had not received a
letter of mine written immediately after the funeral. If the
post office has not begun to play on us, your complaint has
been proved a vain one long ago. The letter of mine alluded
to was a hurried answer to this constant complaint of yours
anent non-correspondence; but, if necessary, I could say a
great deal more than my letter contained. About the same time,
I sent you twenty copies of the _Irishman_, twenty of the
_Freeman’s Journal_ and twenty of the _Express_. These three
papers, as you are aware, represent three sets of opinions--the
National (for unfortunately or fortunately, as the case may
be, we have no other _national_ journal than that brassy,
mendacious, silly, sordid and malignant _Irishman_), the Whig
and the Tory; perhaps the article of the last organ is the
most telling of all. My letter, should you have received it,
gives a far more correct estimate of the power, feeling and
discipline manifested by us at the funeral; but should my
letter have gone astray, Jeremiah Kavanagh, who will hand you
this, can make up for everything. And here, I may as well say a
few words about the American Deputation. The Brothers, without
exception, have given thorough satisfaction; Jeremiah Kavanagh,
especially, has been of important service to us, owing not
only to his zeal and subordination, but also to his natural
talents as a ready and effective speaker. But I wish it to be
distinctly understood that I am thoroughly satisfied with all
the Brothers. On their return, they can be of much service to
us here, not only in the fulfilment of their usual duties, but
in holding up to just scorn and reprobation the vile press and
sham patriots we have to deal with--the brood who have so long
passed as the “Trusted Leaders” of the people. By Demas, we
have scared and routed them somewhat here; but the _coup de
grace_ can be given them yonder by the Deputation. As you are
wise and true--to yourself, to us, and to your country--do not
neglect to favor all willing hearts in this great duty.
Crisis or no Crisis?--_that_ is the question. Another question,
of far more importance to us, is this: If a _real_ crisis,
what will be its consequences to us? I shall offer a few
observations on these two points. If there be one thing, in
connection with the cause of Ireland, I more cordially detest
than any other, it is what scribblers or spouters call “a
Crisis.” It has been the chronic bane of Ireland--a more fatal
bane than famine or any other the enemy have had, to perpetuate
their rule. A bane--a scourge--a disease--a devil’s scourge
it has been to us. Its best known formula has resolved itself
into this: “England’s difficulty is Ireland’s opportunity.”
Blind, base and deplorable motto--rallying-cry--motive of
action--what you will. May it be accursed, it, its aiders
and abettors. Owing to it, and them, the work that should
_never_ have stood still, has been taken up in feverish fits
and starts, and always out of time, to fall into collapse
when the “opportunity,” predestined to escape them, had
slipped through their hands. Ireland’s trained and marshalled
manhood alone can _ever_ make--could ever have made--Ireland’s
opportunity. And this opportunity, the manhood of Ireland
alone, without the aid of any foreign power--without the aid
of even our exiled brothers, could have been _made_ any time
these thirty years; and, whether England was at peace or war,
with this manhood alone we could have won our own. But our
duped and victimized countrymen, giving ear to the imbecile or
knavish cry of “English difficulty,” stood, with mouth agape,
and over and over again, waiting--“biding their time”--till
the opportunity came, and left them as before. Accursed, I
say, be the barren, lunatic or knavish clods who raised this
dog souled cry--a cry to be heard even _now_, in the mouths
of the slanderous brood who, as you say, “first misled and
then abandoned a brave and devoted people.” They are, I say,
raising the cry once more--this cry of--a crisis--“England’s
difficulty.” By the time this reaches you--before it reaches
you--you shall have heard of the “Mass Meeting” at the Rotundo.
I shall speak of it myself by and by; but for the present, I
pass on to the--crisis! _Is_ it to be a _real_ crisis after
all? I am far from convinced of it. Nothing, far as I can see,
has taken place to preclude an arrangement--a compromise of
some sort. It seems to me that the reasons for this, especially
on the side of America, are very cogent. I waive the question
of the actual state of Jonathan--a state which, according
to your own account, bodes something like decomposition--a
crumbling into utter chaos. How would a war with England
set this to right? Are the men at Washington so ignorant of
human nature as to hope, even in the face of a foreign foe,
for a fusion with the South? Then look to Europe. There, the
feeling, and what is of far greater weight in human action, the
interests of all are decidedly with England. It is by no means
impossible--even improbable--that France will be thoroughly
with England. America cannot possibly be blind to this; if
blind now, her eyes will be opened, probably, in time to stave
off a collision. Granted, however, that human passions, human
blindness--shall hurry the States into this war with England,
and that we shall have a bona fide crisis. Granted, too, that
Europe shall rise above mere interest, stand aloof from the
fray, and leave England to fight it out single-handed. What
will then be the consequences to us? Do you hope for good
results? I am not by any means sanguine; or, to be thoroughly
outspoken, it seems to me--I apprehend--that, in the case in
question, far more evil than good shall accrue to us. Once
engaged with England, our communications with America are at
an end; at least, no men can come home, and even money, only
in an indirect and roundabout way. Then, the cry will be on
your side, “let us settle our own difficulties first--let us
drive the enemy from our shores, and then we shall do your
business for you.” How long will this state of things last?
How many of the best of our race shall be sacrificed in this
way? And they, poor dupes and victims, shall be all the while
dreaming that they are serving their native land! Then, again,
some popular soldier, gifted with more heart than brain, or
without much of either, may get it into his head to prepare
an expedition, “homeward bound.” Let us suppose he has forced
the double blockade--yonder and here--and that he has actually
set foot on Irish soil. He landed where he could; but, for
the sake of argument, I suppose he landed on some point where
we are strong. To suppose the contrary would be to talk of
utter ruin to us and the cause of Ireland forevermore. For we
have but this one chance. Any man who holds the contrary, is
incapable of making up the sum--two and two are four. There he
is, then, on some favorable point. How many men could he bring
to us under the circumstances? Granted--again for the sake of
argument--that the number is considerable. As we have had no
understanding with him--as he takes us as much by surprise as
the enemy--we have only to make the most of the--shall I call
it Godsend? Then again--but I will not go on in this stain of
conjecture. I shall merely say that I augur no good for us
from this war, so much desired by certain Irish patriots. The
consummation most devoutly to be wished for by us is this:
An arrangement or compromise of some kind between North and
South, and the consequent disbandment of the army. Then, as
well as meantime, our communications would be open with you;
money and men might be coming over to us, and we would choose
our own time for the first blow. Indeed, the advantages to us
appear to me so manifest, in this latter case--that of England
keeping out of the struggle--that it would be boresome to you
to point them out. Were we in the field, it would be clearly
an advantage to us to have England in a death struggle with
America; but I am more than doubtful of the advantages to be
gained by us should this struggle begin before we rise. But
of course--or is it so?--we can do nothing to bring about or
prevent this war. You say that, should it take place, “your
purpose is to offer your own services and those of your friends
to the United States government to serve against England, in
Ireland if possible, but if not, anywhere.” I look upon this
as wise, and fully approve of it. You will recollect that, in
my letter of the 8th of June last, I counselled you to make
yourself thoroughly aware of the spirit and action of those
amongst whom you were living, and then take action yourself,
always aiming at the greatest service to Ireland. Now, in case
of a war with England, all the Irish race on the American
continent will be into it; so that you could not stand aloof
without the utter loss of your influence. Clearly you must to
the field, and the more prominent your position, the better
for Ireland. Granted, then, that you are in the field, and in
a foremost position, I would not allow myself, even then, to
be too hasty in urging on an expedition. I should keep up my
correspondence with home, and be sure that everything was right
there, convinced that, without a vast power of trained men at
home, armed already, or to be provided with arms by me, the
expedition--if not far beyond anything that has ever in that
way steered for the Irish shore--could only compromise the last
chance like every preceding one. I would not, like so many
ignorant or silly men, fancy that 10,000 or 20,000, or even
30,000 Irish-Americans, could if landed on our shores, give
freedom to my country, unless, as already said, a vast power of
trained men, armed already, or to be armed by me, were ready to
fly to my standard. I would not allow myself to be deluded by
the lunatic dream, that a mob, however numerous or numberless,
could make victory a certain or even a probable thing. I would
believe, on the other hand, that a trained power at home--say
of 100,000 men--already armed, or for whom I bought arms,
could--nay would--be sure to do more with the aid of so small a
number as 1,000, than an auxiliary force of even 30,000 could
ever effect, if backed by a mere mob, whatever its number. I
would therefore and as already said, be sure that there was
at home a strong power of trained men to coöperate with the
force brought by me, and till I was sure of this, nothing could
force me to undertake a descent on the Irish shores, convinced
that such descent, so far from serving my country, would only
deprive her of the last chance of freedom. These are amongst
the many things sure to be suggested to me, should I ever find
myself in the position I supposed you in _toute a l’heure_. Let
us be provided against all contingencies.
In haste, yours faithfully
J. KELLY, (JAMES STEPHENS).
That is a letter entitled to serious consideration from the Irish
newspaper men of Ireland and America who occasionally write of
“England’s difficulty being Ireland’s opportunity.” And much more is it
a letter worthy of serious consideration from the patriotic Irishmen
enrolled in military regiments, and military companies, connected with
Irish societies in America. Those men have the proper Irish spirit--the
spirit to become proficient as soldiers--with the hope that some day an
opportunity may come to them to fight for the freedom of their native
land. But this thing of waiting for that opportunity, instead of making
it, (which Irishmen could do, and should do) has taken many an Irish
soldier to his grave without doing any fighting for Ireland.
If the Irish men and Irish societies and Irish soldiers of the world
do nothing to make “difficulties” for England but what they are doing
at the present day, I, too, have little hope but that I will be in my
“long home” before I see Ireland free. For I, too, from my earliest
days, and all the days of my life, desired to be a soldier for
Ireland--desired to be among the men who would be at the front in the
face of danger, daring and doing all that brave men could dare and do
for their country’s freedom.
When John O’Leary was writing his “Recollections of Fenianism” in the
Dublin papers, in the year 1896, he said that when the Phœnix prisoners
were in the Cork Jail, word was sent to them by James Stephens not to
accept their release from jail on the terms of pleading “guilty.”
I know that the prisoners got no such word--for I was one of them.
The men of the organization who were in Cork City were somewhat
disaffected; they spoke to us as if the whole work was abandoned after
the arrests. There was general disorganization and demoralization.
After our release from prison Mr. Thomas Clarke Luby visited the south
of Ireland a few times. He was in communication with James Stephens in
Paris, and with John O’Mahony. A letter he wrote to John O’Mahony in
August, 1860, will give the reader an idea of the difficulties that
beset the organization that time. This is it:
DUBLIN, 25th August, 1860.
MY DEAR MR. O’MAHONY--I shall commence this letter by informing
you that when your agent James Butler arrived in P----, our
friend there decided on associating me with him in his Irish
mission. Accordingly, copies of your correspondence with
Chicago and St. Louis were placed in my hands; also, copies of
all the passages of your letter to James, embodying charges,
and, lastly, a long and able statement written by our friend.
I was instructed to accompany your agent through the country;
to make use of those papers; to place the charges contained
in them before the principal shareholders of our firm; to
explain the greater or less amount of truth existing in
those charges; to lay before our friends fairly and squarely
the question--whether our friend should withdraw from the
management of the firm, or remain at his post; to try to
produce a pressure from the members of the firm here on those
across the sea, and to cause such steps to be taken as would
give you satisfactory means of demonstrating, in the teeth of
all reports to the contrary effect, that the transactions of
the firm here were bona fide transactions. With this view, to
cause letters to be written by friends of ours, in various
localities through the country, to their friends in America,
calling on them to repose unlimited confidence in you, and to
sustain you in all your efforts; and, finally, I was to write
and sign a document expressing the most unbounded confidence in
you (as you will see, I have written one, expressing unlimited
confidence in both you and our friend;) and to procure as many
signatures to the document, of principal shareholders, as I
could.
I have carried out those instructions to the best of my
ability, and in fact, my success in the business has gone
beyond my warmest anticipations. I would have written to you
sooner, in order to relieve the anxiety which I know you
must feel, were it not that I still was hoping to send my
communication by Mr. C. Besides, as you will gather from the
ensuing portion of this letter, the work to be done was not
completed; and indeed, owing to unavoidable circumstances, it
is even yet incomplete. However, I can no longer withhold from
you the cheering intelligence I have to give you. Therefore, I
have at last decided on sending you a letter by post.
But, let me here, in the first place, assert emphatically that
never have more impudent and calumnious falsehoods been uttered
than the statements regarding our business madly hazarded by
that unfortunate rash man over there.
To dare deny that our firm was bona fide and solvent! Placing
out of view for a moment the result of my movements, Mr.
C.----, and Mr. B----, of St. Louis will, on their return,
furnish you with a triumphant refutation of the monstrous and
barefaced calumny. Nay, their letters must already, I should
think, have satisfied you about our solvency. Why, even your
friend Mr. K----, who saw comparatively little, learned enough,
I fancy, to enable him to convince you that our transactions
here are bona fide. I would almost venture to maintain that our
County Cork branch alone, even now, comes up to the full height
of what James originally engaged to do. What, then, shall we
say when we take Kilkenny and the other districts into our
calculation?
But, to give you a summary of the results of my mission:
Since I received our friend’s instructions I have seen twenty
principal shareholders, not to speak of numerous lesser ones
who called on me in various places. Of these twenty, no less
than nineteen signed the paper of confidence, and signed it
in a manner which quadrupled my delight at getting their
signatures. They listened to the tale of the calumnies of that
unhappy man, but also with unspeakable scorn and indignation.
I cannot give you any adequate idea of the warmth with which
I was received by some of the shareholders and their friends.
My only complaint was, that their ardor occasionally outran
discretion. Seeing those things with my bodily vision, and,
at the same time calling to mind the outrageously impudent
statements which had been made in certain quarters, I often
fancied myself in a sort of dream. I do not deny that in two or
three places I found apathy. But in spite of such drawbacks,
I derived more pleasure from this last trip than from all my
former ones put together. Almost everything satisfied me. In
some spots, where, up to this, was comparative coldness; for
the future expect enthusiasm. I got but one refusal, and even
that did not by any means amount to a withdrawal of confidence.
Indeed, the refusal was based on grounds simply childish. This
occurred in Waterford City; but I have discovered another
friend there who, without interfering with the former agent,
will act with youthful energy. Lest I should forget it, let me
add that shortly some new travelers will be added to the firm.
But, to return. I got three signatures by letter since I came
back to Dublin. The letters shall be sent as vouchers. As my
tour was unavoidably shortened, Mr. C---- procured me another
signature; while Dan, who recently received a remittance
will, in two or three days, send me not less than six more.
Altogether, I should have from 27 to 30. This is surely
wonderful, considering all things. Bear in mind, that two
places in North Tipperary (where things are more or less in
confusion) and three in Waterford County, (which I have reason
to believe more or less good), with three indifferently managed
places in other directions, must all remain unvisited. This,
for many reasons, which can be explained hereafter.
I had almost forgotten to add here, that I expect that numbers
of letters will be written by friends of ours in various
parts of Ireland, calling on their friends at the other side
to sustain you. In a word, the confidence of our shareholders
cannot be overturned. I may as well state now, that the
prospect of a visit from you delighted all. This visit will
produce the greatest results. Nothing should prevent it from
taking place.
I might for a moment speak my own mind. When our concern
began, I was not over-sanguine. But now, supposing I were not
already a shareholder and yet could know everything I do know,
I would at once become a shareholder, aye, without a moment’s
hesitation or loss of time. I say it emphatically; we have
to-day a better starting point than any we have had up to this.
This belief of mine is shared by most of our friends. Even
J. P. Leonard of Paris, (coldly as he is wont to look on our
prospects, and little prone as he is to indulge in sanguine
anticipations)--agreed with me so far, two or three days
ago. But, when I speak thus confidently, recollect that my
confidence is based on the hope that we shall now act on
the minds of our friends across the sea in such wise as to
make them react on us in a regular go-ahead style. We bear,
recollect, a certain brunt, which as yet they have not to
bear. It is little enough, then for them to attend chiefly and
efficiently to the financial department. Besides, have not our
friends here sunk large sums, too?
But, if the two battledores, so to speak, cannot keep the
shuttlecock flying, backward and forward, without stop or
fall, things must go wrong. In short, there must be incessant
activity, alike with you, and with us; and intercommunication
and enterprise, too.
In fact, some few of our shareholders in the South are
beginning to lose faith in your branch, and to think more and
more every day of self-reliance. They are in sooth, a little
disgusted with the great promises and little performance of
some men at the other side who, let me add, seem so ready to
censure shortcomings, for which in reality, they have only
themselves to blame, and to believe the vilest slanders, backed
by testimony insufficient to convict, the basest of mankind.
I remain, dear Mr. O’Mahony,
Very truly yours,
THOMAS CLARK.
Then, on the American side of the water, there were rumors going around
to the prejudice of John O’Mahony, and of his efforts to spread the
movement. Parties were saying that everything in Ireland was dead; that
there was no organization there; that what was there, died out with the
arrest and imprisonment of the men there.
To contradict those reports it was deemed necessary by James Stephens
to get to a document the signatures of the centres who were again
working actively in different counties of Ireland, and to send that
document to John O’Mahony. Mr. Luby exerted himself to get those
signatures. Here is what he says to Mr. O’Mahony, sending him the paper:
DUBLIN, Sept. 9, 1860.
MY DEAR MR. O’MAHONY--I send you the document of confidence
with the signature of twenty-five officers of the “A” class or,
as our American friends I believe, call them, head-centres.
Considering that circumstances compelled us to leave many good
men unvisited, this is far from being a bad result. We are all
in good spirits at home here. Many circumstances combine to
enliven us now; among other exhilarating causes, the prospect
of a speedy visit from you is an exhilarating one.
And here is a copy of the paper:
We, the undersigned local representatives, in Ireland, of the
Irish Firm--over the American branch of which John O’Mahony
has been appointed Supreme Director--hereby express our
unlimited confidence in the ability and integrity with which
that gentleman has conducted our affairs in America; and, also,
our admiration of the noble constancy which has enabled him to
sustain our interests unflinchingly amidst the severest trials,
and in the face of the most shameful and unmerited calumny.
We also testify, in the strongest manner, our approval of
the conduct and devotion of James Stephens, in the general
arrangement of the firm, under similar trying circumstances,
and, finally, we confirm both these gentlemen in the authority
originally conferred upon them; and express our unalterable
determination to stand by them while they represent us, against
all their enemies, whether open or disguised--their enemies
being ours, also!
1. Peter Langan, Dublin.
2. Thomas Clarke Luby, Dublin.
3. Joseph Dennieffe, Dublin.
4. Charles Beggs, Dublin.
5. James W. Dillon, Wicklow.
6. Thomas Purcell, Bray.
7. William Butler, Waterford City.
8. John Haltigan, Kilkenny.
9. John O’Cavanagh, Carrickon Suir.
10. Edward Coyne, Callan.
11. Thos. Hickey, Coolnamuck Co., Waterford.
12. Dennis D. Mulcahy, Jr., Redmondstone Co., Tipperary.
13. Brian Dillon, Cork City.
14. William O’Carroll, Cork City.
15. Jer. O’Donovan-Rossa, Skibbereen, Cork.
16. Daniel McCartie, Skibbereen, Cork.
17. James O’Mahony, Bandon Co., Cork.
18. Thomas P. O’Connor, Laffana, Tipperary Co.
19. James O’Connell, Clonmel.
20. William O’Connor, Grange, Clonmel.
21. Michael Commerford, Newtown, Carrickon Suir.
22. Mortimer Moynahan, Skibbereen Co., Cork.
23. Eugene McSwiney, Toames, Macroom.
24. Denis O’Shea, Kenmare.
25. Martin Hawe, Kilkenny.
The following two letters from Michael Commerford, of Carrick-on-Suir,
and Martin Hawe, of Kilkenny (still living, 1898) bear testimony as to
the truth and time of my story.
HIGH STREET, KILKENNY, Sept. 7th, 1860.
In compliance with yours it is with much pleasure I state that
I place the greatest confidence in the honor and integrity of
the two gentlemen who have labored so hard to reëstablish the
true Irish manufactory, which goods are just now in very great
demand. Should either of those two gentlemen withdraw, I will
never deal with the firm after.
Yours fraternally,
MARTIN HAWE.
* * * * *
NEWTOWN, CARRICK-ON-SUIR, 8 August, ’60.
DEAR MR. LUBY--I authorize you to sign my name to the papers
expressing confidence in the devotion and wisdom of our
leaders, James and John.
MICHAEL COMMERFORD.
Keep up your spirits. We are all well and determined. Your
friend T. O’C. waited on me.
M. C.
Mr. Thomas Clark.