The turbulent weather which forced us from Tinian did not abate till

three days after, and then we swayed up the fore-yard, and began to

heave up the main-yard, but the jeers broke again and killed one of our

people, and prevented us at that time from proceeding. The next day,

being the 26th of September, was a day of most severe fatigue to us

all, for it must be remembered that in these exigences no rank or

office exempted any person from the manual application and bodily

labour of a common sailor. The business of this day was no less than

an endeavour to heave up the sheet-anchor, which we had hitherto

dragged at our bows with two cables an end. This was a work of great

importance to our future preservation: for not to mention the

impediment it would be to our navigation, and hazard to our ship, {305}

if we attempted to make sail with the anchor in its present situation,

we had this most interesting consideration to animate us, that it was

the only anchor we had left, and without securing it we should be under

the utmost difficulties and hazards whenever we fell in with the land

again; and therefore, being all of us fully apprized of the consequence

of this enterprize, we laboured at it with the severest application for

twelve hours, when we had indeed made a considerable progress, having

brought the anchor in sight; but it growing dark, and we being

excessively fatigued, we were obliged to desist, and to leave our work

unfinished till the next morning, and then, refreshed by the benefit of

a night's rest, we compleated it, and hung the anchor at our bow.

It was the 27th of September, that is, five days after our departure,

before we had thus secured our anchor. However, we the same day got up

our main-yard, so that having now conquered, in some degree, the

distress and disorder which we were necessarily involved in at our

first driving out to sea, and being enabled to make use of our canvass,

we set our courses, and for the first time stood to the eastward in

hopes of regaining the island of Tinian, and joining our commodore in a

few days, since, by our accounts, we were only forty-seven leagues

distant to the south-west. Hence, on the first day of October, having

then run the distance necessary for making the island according to our

reckoning, we were in full expectation of seeing it: but here we were

unhappily disappointed, and were thereby convinced that a current had

driven us considerably to the westward. This discovery threw us into a

new perplexity; for as we could not judge how much we might hereby have

deviated, and consequently how long we might still expect to be at sea,

we had great apprehensions that our stock of water would prove

deficient, since we were doubtful about the quantity we had on board,

finding many of our casks so decayed as to be half leaked out.

However, we were delivered from our uncertainty the next day, having

then a sight of the island of Guam, and hence we computed that the

currents had driven us forty-four leagues to the westward of our

accounts. Being now satisfied of our situation by this sight of land,

we kept plying to the eastward, though with excessive labour; for the

wind continuing fixed in the eastern board, we were obliged to tack

often, and our crew {306} was so weak that, without the assistance of

every man on board, it was not in our power to put the ship about.

This severe employment lasted till the 11th of October, being the

nineteenth day from our departure, when arriving in the offing of

Tinian, we were reinforced from the shore, as hath been already

related; and on the evening of the same day we, to our inexpressible

joy, came to an anchor in the road, thereby procuring to our shipmates

on shore, as well as to ourselves, a cessation from the fatigues and

apprehensions which this disastrous incident had given rise to.

{307}

CHAPTER V

EMPLOYMENT AT TINIAN TILL THE FINAL DEPARTURE OF THE "CENTURION" FROM

THENCE; WITH A DESCRIPTION OF THE LADRONES

When the commodore came on board the _Centurion_ after her return to

Tinian, he resolved to stay no longer at the island than was absolutely

necessary to compleat our stock of water, a work which we immediately

set ourselves about. But the loss of our long-boat, which was staved

against our poop before we were driven out to sea, put us to great

inconveniences in getting our water on board, for we were obliged to

raft off all our cask, and the tide ran so strong, that besides the

frequent delays and difficulties it occasioned, we more than once lost

the whole raft. Nor was this our only misfortune; for on the 14th of

October, being but the third day after our arrival, a sudden gust of

wind brought home our anchor, forced us off the bank, and drove the

ship out to sea a second time. The commodore, it is true, and the

principal officers were now on board; but we had near seventy men on

shore, who had been employed in filling our water and procuring

provisions. These had with them our two cutters: but as they were too

many for the cutters to bring off at once, we sent the eighteen-oared

barge to assist them, and at the same time made a signal for all that

could to embark. The two cutters soon came off to us full of men; but

forty of the company, who were busied in killing cattle in the woods,

and in bringing them down to the landing-place, remained behind; and

though the eighteen-oared barge was left for their conveyance, yet as

the ship soon drove to a considerable distance, it was not in their

power to join us. However, as the weather was favourable, and our crew

was now stronger than when we were first driven out, we in about five

days' time returned again to an anchor at Tinian, and relieved those we

had left behind us from their second fears of being deserted by their

ship.

{308}

On our arrival, we found that the Spanish bark, the old object of their

hopes, had undergone a new metamorphosis: for those on shore despairing

of our return, and conceiving that the lengthening the bark, as

formerly proposed, was both a toilsome and unnecessary measure,

considering the small number they consisted of, they had resolved to

join her again and to restore her to her first state; and in this

scheme they had made some progress, for they had brought the two parts

together, and would have soon compleated her, had not our coming back

put a period to their labours and disquietudes.

These people we had left behind informed us that just before we were

seen in the offing two proas had stood in very near the shore, and had

continued there for some time; but on the appearance of our ship they

crowded away, and were presently out of sight. And on this occasion I

must mention an incident, which though it happened during the first

absence of the ship, was then omitted, to avoid interrupting the course

of the narration.

It hath been already observed that a part of the detachment sent to

this island under the command of the Spanish Serjeant lay concealed in

the woods. Indeed we were the less solicitous to find them out, as our

prisoners all assured us that it was impossible for them to get off,

and consequently that it was impossible for them to send any

intelligence about us to Guam. But when the _Centurion_ drove out to

sea and left the commodore on shore, he one day, attended by some of

his officers, endeavoured to make the tour of the island. In this

expedition, being on a rising ground, they observed in the valley

beneath them the appearance of a small thicket, which by attending to

more nicely they found had a progressive motion. This at first

surprized them; but they soon perceived that it was no more than

several large coco bushes, which were dragged along the ground by

persons concealed beneath them. They immediately concluded that these

were some of the Serjeant's party, which was indeed true; and therefore

the commodore and his people made after them, in hopes of tracing out

their retreat. The Indians, remarking that they were discovered,

hurried away with precipitation; but Mr. Anson was so near them that he

did not lose sight of them till they arrived at their cell, which he

and his officers entering, found to be {309} abandoned, there being a

passage from it which had been contrived for the conveniency of flight,

and which led down a precipice. They here met with an old firelock or

two, but no other arms. However, there was a great quantity of

provisions, particularly salted sparibs of pork, which were excellent;

and from what our people saw, they concluded that the extraordinary

appetite which they had acquired at this island was not confined to

themselves alone; for it being about noon, the Indians laid out a very

plentiful repast, considering their numbers, and had their bread-fruit

and coconuts prepared ready for eating, in a manner too which plainly

evinced that with them a good meal was neither an uncommon nor an

unheeded article. The commodore having in vain searched after the path

by which the Indians had escaped, he and his officers contented

themselves with sitting down to the dinner which was thus luckily

fitted to their present hunger; after which they returned back to their

old habitation, displeased at missing the Indians, as they hoped to

have engaged them in our service, if they could have had any conference

with them. I must add, that notwithstanding what our prisoners had

asserted, we were afterwards assured that these Indians were carried

off to Guam long before we left the place. But to return to our

history.

On our coming to an anchor again, after our second driving off to sea,

we laboured indefatigably at getting in our water; and having, by the

20th of October, compleated it to fifty tun, which we supposed would be

sufficient during our passage to Macao, we on the next day sent one of

each mess on shore to gather as large a quantity of oranges, lemons,

coconuts, and other fruits of the island as they possibly could, for

the use of themselves and their messmates when at sea. And these

purveyors returning on the evening of the same day, we then set fire to

the bark and proa, hoisted in our boats and got under sail, steering

away towards the south end of the island of Formosa, and taking our

leaves, for the third and last time, of the island of Tinian: an island

which, whether we consider the excellence of its productions, the

beauty of its appearance, the elegance of its woods and lawns, the

healthiness of its air, or the adventures it gave rise to, may in all

these views be justly stiled romantic.

And now, postponing for a short time our run to Formosa, {310} and

thence to Canton, I shall interrupt the narration with a description of

that range of islands usually called the Ladrones, or Marian Islands,

of which this of Tinian is one.

These islands were discovered by Magellan in the year 1521; and from

the account given of the two he first fell in with, it should seem that

they were those of Saypan and Tinian, for they are described as very

beautiful islands, and as lying between 15 and 16 degrees of north

latitude. These characteristics are particularly applicable to the two

above-mentioned places; for the pleasing appearance of Tinian hath

occasioned the Spaniards to give it the additional name of Buenavista;

and Saypan, which is in the latitude of 15° 22' north, affords no

contemptible prospect when seen at sea, as is sufficiently evident from

a view of its north-west side.

There are usually reckoned twelve of these islands; but it will appear

that if the small islets and rocks are counted, that their whole number

will amount to above twenty. They were formerly most of them well

inhabited; and even not sixty years ago, the three principal islands,

Guam, Rota, and Tinian together, are asserted to have contained above

fifty thousand people: but since that time Tinian had been entirely

depopulated; and no more than two or three hundred Indians have been

left at Rota to cultivate rice for the island of Guam; so that now Guam

alone can properly be said to be inhabited. This island of Guam is the

only settlement of the Spaniards; here they keep a governor and

garrison, and here the Manila ship generally touches for refreshment in

her passage from Acapulco to the Philippines. It is esteemed to be

about thirty leagues in circumference, and contains, by the Spanish

accounts, near four thousand inhabitants, of which a thousand are

supposed to live in the city of San Ignatio de Agana, where the

governor generally resides, and where the houses are represented as

considerable, being built with stone and timber, and covered with

tiles, a very uncommon fabric for these warm climates and savage

countries. Besides this city, there are upon the island thirteen or

fourteen villages. As Guam is a post of some consequence, on account

of the refreshment it yields to the Manila ship, there are two castles

on the seashore; one is the castle of St. Angelo, which lies near the

road where the Manila ship usually anchors, and is but an insignificant

fortress, mounting only five guns, {311} eight-pounders; the other is

the castle of St. Lewis, which is N.E. from St. Angelo, and four

leagues distant, and is intended to protect a road where a small vessel

anchors which arrives here every other year from Manila. This fort

mounts the same number of guns as the former: and besides these forts,

there is a battery of five pieces of cannon on an eminence near the

seashore. The Spanish troops employed at this island consist of three

companies of foot, betwixt forty and fifty men each, and this is the

principal strength the governor has to depend on; for he cannot rely on

any assistance from the Indian inhabitants, being generally upon ill

terms with them, and so apprehensive of them that he has debarred them

the use both of firearms and lances.

The rest of these islands, though not inhabited, do yet abound with

many kinds of refreshment and provision; but there is no good harbour

or road amongst them all. Of that of Tinian we have treated largely

already; nor is the road of Guam much better, since it is not uncommon

for the Manila ship, though she proposes to stay there but twenty-four

hours, to be forced to sea, and to leave her boat behind her. This is

an inconvenience so sensibly felt by the commerce at Manila, that it is

always recommended to the Governor of Guam to use his best endeavours

for the discovery of some secure port in the neighbouring ocean. How

industrious he may be to comply with his instructions I know not; but

this is certain, that notwithstanding the many islands already found

out between the coast of Mexico and the Philippines, there is not any

one safe port to be met with in that whole track, though in other parts

of the world it is not uncommon for very small islands to furnish most

excellent harbours.

From what has been said, it appears that the Spaniards on the island of

Guam are extremely few compared to the Indian inhabitants; and formerly

the disproportion was still greater, as may be easily conceived from

the account given in another chapter of the numbers heretofore on

Tinian alone. These Indians are a bold, strong, well-limbed people,

and, as it should seem from some of their practices, are no ways

defective in understanding, for their flying proas in particular, which

during ages past have been the only vessels employed by them, are so

singular and extraordinary an invention that it would do honour to any

nation, however dextrous and {312} acute. Since, if we consider the

aptitude of this proa to the navigation of these islands, which lying

all of them nearly under the same meridian, and within the limits of

the trade-wind, require the vessels made use of in passing from one to

the other to be peculiarly fitted for sailing with the wind upon the

beam; or if we examine the uncommon simplicity and ingenuity of its

fabric and contrivance, or the extraordinary velocity with which it

moves, we shall, in each of these articles, find it worthy of our

admiration, and deserving a place amongst the mechanical productions of

the most civilized nations where arts and sciences have most eminently

flourished. As former navigators, though they have mentioned these

vessels, have yet treated of them imperfectly, and, as I conceive that

besides their curiosity they may furnish both the shipwright and seaman

with no contemptible observations, I shall here insert a very exact

description of the build, rigging, and working of these vessels, which

I am the better enabled to perform, as one of them fell into our hands

on our first arrival at Tinian, and Mr. Brett took it to pieces that he

might delineate its fabric and dimensions with greater accuracy: so

that the following account may be relied on.

The name of flying proa, appropriated to these vessels, is owing to the

swiftness with which they sail. Of this the Spaniards assert such

stories as must appear altogether incredible to one who has never seen

these vessels move; nor are they the only people who recount these

extraordinary tales of their celerity, for those who shall have the

curiosity to enquire at Portsmouth dock about an experiment tried there

some years since with a very imperfect one built at that place, will

meet with accounts not less wonderful than any the Spaniards have

related. However, from some rude estimations made by us of the

velocity with which they crossed the horizon at a distance while we lay

at Tinian, I cannot help believing that with a brisk trade-wind they

will run near twenty miles an hour; which, though greatly short of what

the Spaniards report of them, is yet a prodigious degree of swiftness.

But let us give a distinct idea of its figure.

The construction of this proa is a direct contradiction to the practice

of all the rest of mankind: for as it is customary to make the head of

the vessel different from the stern, but {313} the two sides alike, the

proa, on the contrary, has her head and stern exactly alike, but her

two sides very different; the side intended to be always the lee side

being flat, whilst the windward side is built rounding, in the manner

of other vessels: and to prevent her oversetting, which from her small

breadth and the strait run of her leeward side, would, without this

precaution, infallibly happen, there is a frame laid out from her to

windward, to the end of which is fastened a log fashioned into the

shape of a small boat, and made hollow. The weight of the frame is

intended to balance the proa, and the small boat is by its buoyancy (as

it is always in the water) to prevent her oversetting to windward; and

this frame is usually called an outrigger. The body of the proa (at

least of that we took) is formed of two pieces joined endways and sewed

together with bark, for there is no iron used in her construction. She

is about two inches thick at the bottom, which at the gunwale is

reduced to less than one. The proa generally carries six or seven

Indians, two of which are placed in the head and stern, who steer the

vessel alternately with a paddle according to the tack she goes on, he

in the stern being the steersman; the other Indians are employed either

in baling out the water which she accidentally ships, or in setting and

trimming the sail. From the description of these vessels it is

sufficiently obvious how dexterously they are fitted for ranging this

collection of islands called the Ladrones: since as these islands bear

nearly N. and S. of each other, and are all within the limits of the

trade-wind, the proas, by sailing most excellently on a wind, and with

either end foremost, can run from one of these islands to the other and

back again only by shifting the sail, without ever putting about; and

by the flatness of their lee side, and their small breadth, they are

capable of lying much nearer the wind than any other vessel hitherto

known, and thereby have an advantage which no vessels that go large can

ever pretend to.

The advantage I mean is that of running with a velocity nearly as

great, and perhaps sometimes greater, than what the wind blows with.

This, however paradoxical it may appear, is evident enough in similar

instances on shore, since it is well known that the sails of a windmill

often move faster than the wind; and one great superiority of common

windmills over all others that ever were, or ever will be, contrived

{314} to move with an horizontal motion, is analogous to the case we

have mentioned of a vessel upon a wind and before the wind: for the

sails of an horizontal windmill, the faster they move the more they

detract from the impulse of the wind upon them; whereas the common

windmills, by moving perpendicular to the torrent of air, are nearly as

forcibly acted on by the wind when they are in motion as when they are

at rest.

Thus much may suffice as to the description and nature of these

singular embarkations. I must add that vessels bearing some obscure

resemblance to these are to be met with in various parts of the East

Indies, but none of them, that I can learn, to be compared with those

of the Ladrones, either for their construction or celerity; which

should induce one to believe that this was originally the invention of

some genius of these islands, and was afterwards imperfectly copied by

the neighbouring nations: for though the Ladrones have no immediate

intercourse with any other people, yet there lie to the S. and S.W. of

them a great number of islands, which are imagined to extend to the

coast of New Guinea. These islands are so near the Ladrones that

canoes from them have sometimes by distress been driven to Guam, and

the Spaniards did once dispatch a bark for their discovery, which left

two Jesuits amongst them, who were afterwards murthered. Whence it may

be presumed that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, with their proas, may

by storms or casualties have been driven amongst those islands.

Indeed, I should conceive that the same range of islands stretches to

the S.E. as well as the S.W., and to a prodigious distance, for

Schouten, who traversed the south part of the Pacific Ocean in the year

1615, met with a large double canoe full of people above a thousand

leagues from the Ladrones, towards the S.E. If that double canoe was

any distant imitation of the flying proa, which is no very improbable

conjecture, it must then be supposed that a range of islands, near

enough to each other to be capable of an accidental communication, is

continued thither from the Ladrones. This seems to be farther evinced

from hence, that all those who have crossed from America to the East

Indies in a southern latitude have never failed of discovering several

very small islands scattered over that immense ocean.

And as there may be hence some reason to conclude that {315} there is a

chain of islands spreading themselves southward towards the unknown

boundaries of the Pacific Ocean of which the Ladrones are only a part,

so it appears that the same chain is extended from the northward of the

Ladrones to Japan: whence in this light the Ladrones will be only one

small portion of a range of islands reaching from Japan perhaps to the

unknown southern continent. After this short account of these places,

I shall now return to the prosecution of our voyage.

{316}

CHAPTER VI

FROM TINIAN TO MACAO

On the 21st of October, in the evening, we took our leave of the Island

of Tinian, steering the proper course for Macao in China. The eastern

monsoon was now, we reckoned, fairly settled; and we had a constant

gale blowing right astern, so that we generally ran from forty to fifty

leagues a day. But we had a large hollow sea pursuing us, which

occasioned the ship to labour much; whence our leak was augmented, and

we received great damage in our rigging, which by this time was grown

very rotten. However, our people were now happily in full health, so

that there were no complaints of fatigue, but all went through their

attendance on the pumps, and every other duty of the ship, with ease

and chearfulness.

Before we left Tinian we swept for our best and small bower, and

employed the Indians to dive in search of them; but all to no purpose.

Hence, except our prize anchors, which were stowed in the hold, and

were too light to be depended on, we had only our sheet-anchor left:

and that being obviously much too heavy for a coasting-anchor, we were

under great concern how we should manage on the coast of China, where

we were entire strangers, and where we should doubtless be frequently

under the necessity of coming to an anchor. But we at length removed

the difficulty by fixing two of our largest prize anchors into one

stock and placing between their shanks two guns, four pounders. This

we intended to serve as a best bower: and a third prize anchor being in

like manner joined to our stream-anchor, with guns between them, made

us a small bower; so that, besides our sheet-anchor, we had again two

others at our bows, one of which weighed 3900, and the other 2900

pounds.

The 3d of November, about three in the afternoon, we saw an island,

which at first we imagined to be Botel Tobago {317} Xima, but on our

nearer approach we found it to be much smaller than that is usually

represented; and about an hour after we saw another island, five or six

miles farther to the westward. As no chart or journal we had seen took

notice of any island to the eastward of Formosa but Botel Tobago Xima,

and as we had no observation of our latitude at noon, we were in some

perplexity, apprehending that an extraordinary current had driven us

into the neighbourhood of the Bashee Islands. We therefore, when night

came on, brought to, and continued in that posture till the next

morning, which proving dark and cloudy, for some time prolonged our

uncertainty; but it clearing up about nine o'clock, we again discerned

the two islands abovementioned; and having now the day before us, we

pressed forwards to the westward, and by eleven got a sight of the

southern part of the island of Formosa. This satisfied us that the

second island we saw was Botel Tobago Xima, and the first a small islet

or rock, lying five or six miles due east of it, which, not being

mentioned in any of our books or charts, had been the occasion of all

our doubts.

When we had made the Island of Formosa we steered W. by S. in order to

double its extremity, and kept a good look-out for the rocks of Vele

Rete, which we did not discover till two in the afternoon. They then

bore from us W.N.W. three miles distant, the south end of Formosa at

the same time bearing N. by W.½W. about five leagues distant. To give

these rocks a good birth we immediately haled up S. by W. and so left

them between us and the land. Indeed we had reason to be careful of

them; for though they appeared as high out of the water as a ship's

hull, yet they are environed with breakers on all sides, and there is a

shoal stretching from them at least a mile and a half to the southward,

whence they may be truly called dangerous. The course from Botel

Tobago Xima to these rocks is S.W. by W. and the distance about twelve

or thirteen leagues: and the south end of Formosa, off which they lie,

is in the latitude of 21° 50' north, and according to our most approved

reckonings in 23° 50' west longitude from Tinian; though some of our

accounts made its longitude above a degree more.

While we were passing by these rocks of Vele Rete there was an outcry

of fire on the forecastle; this occasioned a {318} general alarm, and

the whole crew instantly flocked together in the utmost confusion; so

that the officers found it difficult for some time to appease the

uproar: but having at last reduced the people to order, it was

perceived that the fire proceeded from the furnace, where the bricks

being overheated, had begun to communicate the fire to the adjacent

woodwork: hence by pulling down the brickwork it was extinguished with

great facility. In the evening we were surprized with a view of what

we at first sight conceived to have been breakers, but on a stricter

examination we discerned them to be only a great number of fires on the

Island of Formosa. These we imagined were intended by the inhabitants

of that island as signals to invite us to touch there, but that suited

not our views, we being impatient to reach the port of Macao as soon as

possible. From Formosa we steered W.N.W. and sometimes still more

northerly, proposing to fall in with the coast of China to the eastward

of Pedro Blanco, as the rock so called is usually esteemed an excellent

direction for ships bound to Macao. We continued this course till the

following night, and then frequently brought to, to try if we were in

soundings: but it was the 5th of November, at nine in the morning,

before we struck ground, and then we had forty-two fathom, and a bottom

of grey sand mixed with shells. When we had run about twenty miles

farther W.N.W. we had thirty-five fathom and the same bottom; then our

soundings gradually decreased from thirty-five to twenty-five fathom;

but soon after, to our great surprize, they jumped back again to thirty

fathom. This was an alteration we could not very well account for,

since all the charts laid down regular soundings everywhere to the

northward of Pedro Blanco. We for this reason kept a careful look out,

and altered our course to N.N.W., and having run thirty-five miles in

that direction, our soundings again gradually diminished to twenty-two

fathom, and we at last, about midnight, got sight of the main land of

China, bearing N. by W. four leagues distant. We then brought the ship

to, with her head to the sea, proposing to wait for the morning; and

before sunrise we were surprized to find ourselves in the midst of an

incredible number of fishing boats, which seemed to cover the surface

of the sea as far as the eye could reach. I may well style their

number incredible, since I cannot believe, upon the lowest estimate,

that there {319} were so few as six thousand, most of them manned with

five hands, and none of those we saw with less than three. Nor was

this swarm of fishing vessels peculiar to that spot: for, as we ran on

to the westward, we found them as abundant on every part of the coast.

We at first doubted not but we should procure a pilot from them to

carry us to Macao; but though many of them came close to the ship, and

we endeavoured to tempt them by showing them a number of dollars, a

most alluring bait for Chinese of all ranks and professions, yet we

could not entice them on board us, nor procure any directions from

them; though, I presume, the only difficulty was their not

comprehending what we wanted them to do, as we could have no

communication with them but by signs. Indeed we often pronounced the

word Macao; but this we had reason to suppose they understood in a

different sense, since in return they sometimes held up fish to us; and

we afterwards learnt that the Chinese name for fish is of a somewhat

similar sound. But what surprized us most was the inattention and want

of curiosity which we observed in this herd of fishermen. A ship like

ours had doubtless never been in these seas before; and perhaps there

might not be one amongst all the Chinese, employed in that fishery, who

had ever seen any European vessel; so that we might reasonably have

expected to have been considered by them as a very uncommon and

extraordinary object. But though many of their boats came close to the

ship, yet they did not appear to be at all interested about us, nor did

they deviate in the least from their course to regard us. Which

insensibility, especially of maritime persons, in a matter relating to

their own profession, is scarcely to be credited, did not the general

behaviour of the Chinese in other instances furnish us with continual

proofs of a similar turn of mind. It may perhaps be doubted whether

this cast of temper be the effect of nature or education; but, in

either case, it is an incontestable symptom of a mean and contemptible

disposition, and is alone a sufficient confutation of the extravagant

praises which many prejudiced writers have bestowed on the ingenuity

and capacity of this nation. But to return.

Not being able to procure any information from the Chinese fishermen

about our proper course to Macao, it was necessary for us to rely

entirely on our own judgment: and {320} concluding from our latitude,

which was 22° 42' north, and from our soundings, which were only

seventeen or eighteen fathoms, that we were yet to the eastward of

Pedro Blanco, we still stood on to the westward. And for the

assistance of future navigators, who may hereafter doubt what part of

the coast they are upon, I must observe that besides the latitude of

Pedro Blanco, which is 22° 18', and the depth of water, which to the

westward of that rock is almost everywhere twenty fathoms, there is

another circumstance which will be greatly assistant in judging of the

position of the ship: this is the kind of ground; for, till we came

within thirty miles of Pedro Blanco, we had constantly a sandy bottom;

but there the bottom changed to soft and muddy, and continued so quite

to the Island of Macao; only while we were in sight of Pedro Blanco,

and very near it, we had for a short space a bottom of greenish mud,

intermixed with sand.

It was on the 5th of November, at midnight, when we first made the

coast of China. The next day, about two o'clock, as we were standing

to the westward, within two leagues of the coast, still surrounded by

fishing vessels in as great numbers as at first, we perceived that a

boat ahead of us waved a red flag and blew a horn. This we considered

as a signal made to us either to warn us of some shoal, or to inform us

that they would supply us with a pilot. We therefore immediately sent

our cutter to the boat to know their intentions, when we were soon

convinced of our mistake, and found that this boat was the commodore of

the whole fishery, and that the signal she had made was to order them

all to leave off fishing and to return in shore, which we saw them

instantly obey. Being thus disappointed we kept on our course, and

shortly after passed by two very small rocks, which lay four or five

miles distant from the shore. We were now in hourly expectation of

descrying Pedro Blanco, but night came on before we got sight of it,

and we therefore brought to till the morning, when we had the

satisfaction to discover it. Pedro Blanco is a rock of a small

circumference, but of a moderate height, resembling a sugar-loaf, both

in shape and colour, and is about seven or eight miles distant from the

shore. We passed within a mile and an half of it, and left it between

us and the land, still keeping on to the westward; and the next day,

being the 7th, we were abreast {321} of a chain of islands which

stretched from east to west. These, as we afterwards found, were

called the islands of Lema; they are rocky and barren, and are, in all,

small and great, fifteen or sixteen; but there are, besides, many more

between them and the main land of China. We left these islands on the

starboard side, passing within four miles of them, where we had

twenty-four fathom water. Being still surrounded by fishing boats, we

once more sent the cutter on board some of them to endeavour to procure

a pilot, but we could not prevail; however, one of the Chinese directed

us by signs to sail round the westermost of the islands or rocks of

Lema, and then to hale up. We followed this direction, and in the

evening came to an anchor in eighteen fathom; at which time the rock

bore S.S.E. five miles distant, and the grand Ladrone W. by S. about

two leagues distant. The rock is a most excellent direction for ships

coming from the eastward: its latitude is 21° 52' north, and it bears

from Pedro Blanco S. 64° W. distant twenty-one leagues. You are to

leave it on the starboard side, and you may come within half a mile of

it in eighteen fathom water: and then you must steer N. by W.½W. for

the channel, between the island of Cabouce and Bamboo, which are to the

northward of the grand Ladrone.

After having continued at anchor all night, we, on the 9th, at four in

the morning, sent our cutter to sound the channel where we proposed to

pass; but before the return of the cutter, a Chinese pilot put on board

the _Centurion_, and told us, in broken Portuguese, he would carry the

ship to Macao for thirty dollars: these were immediately paid him, and

we then weighed and made sail. Soon after several other pilots came on

board, who, to recommend themselves, produced certificates from the

captains of many European ships they had pilotted in, but we still

continued under the management of the Chinese whom we at first engaged.

By this time we learnt that we were not far distant from Macao, and

that there were in the river of Canton, at the mouth of which Macao

lies, eleven European ships of which four were English. Our pilot

carried us between the islands of Bamboo and Cabouce; but the winds

hanging in the northern board, and the tides often setting strongly

against us, we were obliged to come frequently to an anchor; so that we

did not get through between the two islands till the 12th of November,

{322} at two in the morning. In passing through, our depth of water

was from twelve to fourteen fathom; and as we steered on N. by W.½W.

between a number of other islands, our soundings underwent little or no

variation till towards the evening, when they encreased to seventeen

fathom, in which depth, the wind dying away, we anchored not far from

the Island of Lantoon, the largest of all this range of islands. At

seven in the morning we weighed again, and steering W.S.W. and S.W. by

W. we at ten o'clock happily anchored in Macao road, in five fathom

water, the city of Macao bearing W. by N. three leagues distant; the

peak of Lantoon E. by N. and the grand Ladrone S. by E., each of them

about five leagues distant. Thus, after a fatiguing cruise of above

two years' continuance, we once more arrived at an amicable port and a

civilized country, where the conveniencies of life were in great

plenty; where the naval stores, which we now extremely wanted, could be

in some degree procured; where we expected the inexpressible

satisfaction of receiving letters from our relations and friends; and

where our countrymen, who were lately arrived from England, would be

capable of answering the numerous enquiries we were prepared to make,

both about public and private occurrences, and to relate to us many

particulars which, whether of importance or not, would be listened to

by us with the utmost attention, after the long suspension of our

correspondence with our country, to which the nature of our undertaking

had hitherto subjected us.

{323}

CHAPTER VII

PROCEEDINGS AT MACAO

The city of Macao, in the road of which we came to an anchor on the

12th of November, is a Portuguese settlement, situated in an island at

the entrance of the river of Canton. It was formerly very rich and

populous, and capable of defending itself against the power of the

adjacent Chinese governors: but at present it is much fallen from its

antient splendor; for though it is inhabited by Portuguese, and hath a

governor nominated by the King of Portugal, yet it subsists merely by

the sufferance of the Chinese, who can starve the place and dispossess

the Portuguese whenever they please. This obliges the Governor of

Macao to behave with great circumspection, and carefully to avoid every

circumstance that may give offence to the Chinese. The river of

Canton, off the mouth of which this city lies, is the only Chinese port

frequented by European ships; and is, on many accounts, a more

commodious harbour than Macao: but the peculiar customs of the Chinese,

solely adapted to the entertainment of trading ships, and the

apprehensions of the commodore, lest he should embroil the East India

Company with the Regency of Canton if he should insist on being treated

upon a different footing than the merchantmen, made him resolve rather

to go to Macao than to venture into the river of Canton. Indeed, had

not this reason prevailed with him, he himself had nothing to fear.

For it is certain that he might have entered the port of Canton, and

might have continued there as long as he pleased, and afterwards have

left it again, although the whole power of the Chinese empire had been

brought together to oppose him.

The commodore, not to depart from his usual prudence, no sooner came to

an anchor in Macao road than he dispatched an officer with his

compliments to the Portuguese Governor of Macao, requesting his

excellency, by the same officer, to advise him in what manner it would

be proper to act to avoid offending the Chinese, which, as there were

then {324} four of our ships in their power at Canton, was a matter

worthy of attention. The difficulty which the commodore principally

apprehended related to the duty usually paid by ships in the river of

Canton, according to their tunnage. For, as men-of-war are exempted in

every foreign harbour from all manner of port charges, the commodore

thought it would be derogatory to the honour of his country to submit

to this duty in China: and therefore he desired the advice of the

Governor of Macao, who, being an European, could not be ignorant of the

privileges claimed by a British man-of-war, and consequently might be

expected to give us the best lights for obviating this perplexity. Our

boat returned in the evening with two officers sent by the governor,

who informed the commodore that it was the governor's opinion that if

the _Centurion_ ventured into the river of Canton the duty would

certainly be expected; and therefore, if the commodore approved of it,

he would send him a pilot, who should conduct us into another safe

harbour, called the Typa, which was every way commodious for careening

the ship (an operation we were resolved to begin upon as soon as

possible) and where, in all probability, the above-mentioned duty would

never be demanded.

This proposal the commodore agreed to, and in the morning weighed

anchor, under the direction of the Portuguese pilot, and steered for

the intended harbour. As we entered between two islands, which form

the eastern passage to it, we found our soundings decreased to three

fathom and a half. However, the pilot assuring us that this was the

least depth we should meet with, we continued our course, till at

length the ship stuck fast in the mud, with only eighteen foot water

abaft; and, the tide of ebb making, the water sewed to sixteen feet,

but the ship remained perfectly upright; we then sounded all round us,

and discovering that the water deepened to the northward, we carried

out our small bower with two hawsers an end, and at the return of the

tide of flood hove the ship afloat, and a breeze springing up at the

same instant, we set the fore-top sail and, slipping the hawser, ran

into the harbour, where we moored in about five fathom water. This

harbour of the Typa is formed by a number of islands, and is about six

miles distant from Macao. Here we saluted the castle of Macao with

eleven guns, which were returned by an equal number.

{325}

The next day the commodore paid a visit in person to the governor, and

was saluted at his landing by eleven guns, which were returned by the

_Centurion_. Mr. Alison's business in this visit was to solicit the

governor to grant us a supply both of provisions and of such naval

stores as were necessary to refit the ship. The governor seemed really

inclined to do us all the service he could, and assured the commodore,

in a friendly manner, that he would privately give us all the

assistance in his power; but he at the same time frankly owned that he

dared not openly to furnish us with anything we demanded unless we

first produced an order for it from the Viceroy of Canton, since he

himself neither received provisions for his garrison nor any other

necessaries but by permission from the Chinese Government; and as they

took care only to victual him from day to day, he was indeed no other

than their vassal, whom they could at all times compel to submit to

their own terms by laying an embargo on his provisions.

On this declaration of the governor, Mr. Anson resolved himself to go

to Canton to procure a licence from the viceroy, and he accordingly

hired a Chinese boat for himself and his attendants; but just as he was

ready to embark, the hoppo, or Chinese custom-house officer of Macao,

refused to grant a permit to the boat, and ordered the watermen not to

proceed at their peril. The commodore at first endeavoured to prevail

with the hoppo to withdraw his injunction and to grant a permit; and

the governor of Macao employed his interest with the hoppo to the same

purpose. But the officer continuing inflexible, Mr. Anson told him the

next day that if the permit was any longer refused he would man and arm

the _Centurion's_ boats, asking the hoppo at the same time who he

imagined would dare to oppose them in their passage. This threat

immediately brought about what his intreaties had endeavoured at in

vain; the permit was granted, and Mr. Anson went to Canton. On his

arrival there, he consulted with the supercargoes and officers of the

English ships how to procure an order from the viceroy for the

necessaries he wanted: but in this he had reason to suppose that the

advice they gave him, though well intended, was yet not the most

prudent; for as it is the custom with these gentlemen never to apply to

the supreme magistrate himself, whatever difficulties they labour

under, but to {326} transact all matters relating to the government by

the mediation of the principal Chinese merchants, Mr. Anson was

persuaded to follow the same method upon this occasion, the English

promising, in which they were doubtless sincere, to exert all their

interest to engage the merchants in his favour. Indeed, when the

Chinese merchants were spoke to, they readily undertook the management

of this business, and promised to answer for its success; but after

near a month's delay, and reiterated excuses, during which interval

they pretended to be often upon the point of compleating it, they at

last, when they were pressed, and measures were taken for delivering a

letter to the viceroy, threw off the mask, and declared they neither

had made application to the viceroy, nor could they, as he was too

great a man, they said, for them to approach on any occasion: and not

contented with having themselves thus grossly deceived the commodore,

they now used all their persuasion with the English at Canton to

prevent them from intermeddling with anything that regarded him;

representing to them that it would in all probability embroil them with

the government, and occasion them a great deal of unnecessary trouble;

which groundless insinuations had unluckily but too much weight with

those they were intended to influence.

It may be difficult to assign a reason for this perfidious conduct of

the Chinese merchants. Interest indeed is known to exert a boundless

influence over the inhabitants of that empire; but how their interest

could be affected in the present case is not easy to discover, unless

they apprehended that the presence of a ship of force might damp their

Manila trade, and therefore acted in this manner with a view of forcing

the commodore to Batavia: though it might be as natural in this light

to suppose that they would have been eager to have got him dispatched.

I therefore rather impute their behaviour to the unparalleled

pusillanimity of the nation, and to the awe they are under of the

government, since such a ship as the _Centurion_, fitted for war only,

having never been seen in those parts before, she was the horror of

these dastards, and the merchants were in some degree terrified even

with the idea of her, and could not think of applying to the viceroy,

who is doubtless fond of all opportunities of fleecing them, without

representing to themselves the occasion which a hungry and tyrannical

magistrate {327} might possibly find for censuring their intermeddling

with so unusual a transaction, in which he might pretend the interest

of the state was immediately concerned. However, be this as it may,

the commodore was satisfied that nothing was to be done by the

interposition of the merchants, as it was on his pressing them to

deliver a letter to the viceroy that they had declared they durst not

interfere in the affair, and had confessed that, notwithstanding all

their pretences of serving him, they had not yet taken one step towards

it. Mr. Anson therefore told them that he would proceed to Batavia and

refit his ship there, but informed them at the same time that this was

impossible to be done unless he was supplied with a stock of provisions

sufficient for his passage. The merchants, on this, undertook to

procure him provisions, though they assured him that it was what they

durst not engage in openly, but they proposed to manage it in a

clandestine manner by putting a quantity of bread, flour, and other

provisions on board the English ships, which were now ready to sail,

and these were to stop at the mouth of the Typa, where the

_Centurion's_ boats were to receive it. This article, which the

merchants represented as a matter of great favour, being settled, the

commodore, on the 16th of December, came back from Canton to the ship,

seemingly resolved to proceed to Batavia to refit as soon as he should

get his supplies of provisions on board.

But Mr. Anson (who never intended going to Batavia) found on his return

to the _Centurion_ that her main-mast was sprung in two places and that

the leak was considerably increased; so that, upon the whole, he was

fully satisfied that though he should lay in a sufficient stock of

provisions, yet it would be impossible for him to put to sea without

refitting. Since, if he left the port with his ship in her present

condition she would be in the utmost danger of foundring; and

therefore, notwithstanding the difficulties he had met with, he

resolved at all events to have her hove down before he departed from

Macao. He was fully convinced, by what he had observed at Canton, that

his great caution not to injure the East India Company's affairs, and

the regard he had shown to the advice of their officers, had occasioned

all his perplexity. For he now saw clearly that if he had at first

carried his ship into the river of Canton, and had immediately

addressed himself to the mandarines, who {328} are the chief officers

of state, instead of employing the merchants to apply on his behalf, he

would, in all probability, have had all his requests granted and would

have been soon dispatched. He had already lost a month by the wrong

measures he had pursued, but he resolved to lose as little more time as

possible; and therefore, the 17th of December, being the next day after

his return from Canton, he wrote a letter to the viceroy of that place

acquainting him that he was commander-in-chief of a squadron of his

Britannick Majesty's ships of war, which had been cruising for two

years past in the South Seas against the Spaniards, who were at enmity

with the king his master; that on his way back to England he had put

into the port of Macao, having a considerable leak in his ship and

being in great want of provisions, so that it was impossible for him to

proceed on his voyage till his ship was repaired and he was supplied

with the necessaries he wanted; that he had been at Canton in hopes of

being admitted to a personal audience of his excellency; but being a

stranger to the customs of the country, he had not been able to inform

himself what steps were necessary to be taken to procure such an

audience, and therefore was obliged to apply in this manner, to desire

his excellency to give orders for his being permitted to employ

carpenters and proper workmen to refit his ship, and to furnish himself

with provisions and stores, that he might be enabled to pursue his

voyage to Great Britain. Hoping, at the same time, that these orders

would be issued with as little delay as possible lest it might occasion

his loss of the season, and he might be prevented from departing till

the next winter.

This letter was translated into the Chinese language, and the commodore

delivered it himself to the hoppo or chief officer of the emperor's

customs at Macao, desiring him to forward it to the Viceroy of Canton

with as much expedition as he could. The officer at first seemed

unwilling to take charge of it, and raised many difficulties about it;

so that Mr. Anson suspected him of being in league with the merchants

of Canton, who had always shewn a great apprehension of the commodore's

having any immediate intercourse with the viceroy or mandarines; and

therefore the commodore, not without some resentment, took back his

letter from the hoppo and told him he would immediately {329} send it

to Canton in his own boat, and would give his officer positive orders

not to return without an answer from the viceroy. The hoppo perceiving

the commodore to be in earnest, and fearing to be called to an account

for his refusal, begged to be entrusted with the letter, and promised

to deliver it, and to procure an answer as soon as possible. And now

it was presently seen how justly Mr. Anson had at last judged of the

proper manner of dealing with the Chinese; for this letter was written

but the 17th of December, as hath been already observed; and on the

19th in the morning a mandarine of the first rank, who was governor of

the city of Janson, together with two mandarines of an inferior class

and a considerable retinue of officers and servants, having with them

eighteen half gallies furnished with music, and decorated with a great

number of streamers, and full of men, came to grapnel ahead of the

_Centurion_; whence the mandarine sent a message to the commodore,

telling him that he (the mandarine) was ordered by the Viceroy of

Canton to examine the condition of the ship; therefore desiring the

ship's boat might be sent to fetch him on board. The _Centurion's_

boat was immediately dispatched, and preparations were made for

receiving him; in particular a hundred of the most sightly of the crew

were uniformly dressed in the regimentals of the marines, and were

drawn up under arms on the main-deck against his arrival. When he

entered the ship he was saluted by the drums and what other military

music there was on board, and passing by the new-formed guard, he was

met by the commodore on the quarter-deck, who conducted him to the

great cabin. Here the mandarine explained his commission, declaring

that he was directed to examine all the articles mentioned in the

commodore's letter to the viceroy, and to confront them with the

representation that had been given of them: that he was in the first

place instructed to inspect the leak, and had for that purpose brought

with him two Chinese carpenters; and that for the more regular dispatch

of his business he had every head of enquiry separately wrote down on a

sheet of paper, with a void space opposite to it, where he was to

insert such information and remarks thereon as he could procure by his

own observation.

This mandarine appeared to be a person of very considerable parts, and

endowed with more frankness and {330} honesty than is to be found in

the generality of the Chinese. After the necessary inspections had

been made, particularly about the leak, which the Chinese carpenters

reported to be to the full as dangerous as it had been described, and

consequently that it was impossible for the _Centurion_ to proceed to

sea without being refitted, the mandarine expressed himself satisfied

with the account given in the commodore's letter. And this magistrate,

as he was more intelligent than any other person of his nation that

came to our knowledge, so likewise was he more curious and inquisitive,

viewing each part of the ship with extraordinary attention, and

appearing greatly surprized at the largeness of the lower deck guns and

at the weight and size of the shot. The commodore, observing his

astonishment, thought this a proper opportunity to convince the Chinese

of the prudence of granting him all his demands in the most speedy and

ample manner: he therefore told the mandarine and those who were with

him that besides the request he made for a general licence to furnish

himself with whatever his present situation required, he had a

particular complaint to prefer against the proceedings of the

custom-house of Macao; that at his first arrival the Chinese boats had

brought on board him plenty of greens and variety of fresh provisions

for daily use: that though they had always been paid to their full

satisfaction, yet the custom-house officers at Macao had soon forbid

them; by which means he was deprived of those refreshments which were

of the utmost consequence to the health of his men after their long and

sickly voyage; that as they, the mandarines, had informed themselves of

his wants and were eye-witnesses of the force and strength of his ship,

they might be satisfied it was not because he had no power to supply

himself that he desired the permission of the government to purchase

what provisions he stood in need of, since he presumed they were

convinced that the _Centurion_ alone was capable of destroying the

whole navigation of the port of Canton, or of any other port in China,

without running the least risque from all the force the Chinese could

collect; that it was true this was not the manner of proceeding between

nations in friendship with each other; but it was likewise true that it

was not customary for any nation to permit the ships of their friends

to starve and sink in their ports, when those friends had {331} money

to purchase necessaries, and only desired liberty to lay it out; that

they must confess he and his people had hitherto behaved with great

modesty and reserve; but that, as his distresses were each day

increasing, famine would at last prove too strong for any restraint,

and necessity was acknowledged in all countries to be superior to every

other law; and therefore it could not be expected that his crew would

long continue to starve in the midst of that plenty to which their eyes

were every day witnesses. To this the commodore added (though perhaps

with a less serious air) that if, by the delay of supplying him with

provisions, his men should, from the impulses of hunger, be obliged to

turn cannibals, and to prey upon their own species, it was easy to be

foreseen that, independent of their friendship to their comrades, they

would in point of luxury prefer the plump well-fed Chinese to their own

emaciated ship-mates. The first mandarine acquiesced in the justness

of this reasoning, and told the commodore that he should that night

proceed for Canton; that on his arrival a council of mandarines would

be summoned, of which he was a member, and that, by being employed in

the present commission, he was of course the commodore's advocate; that

as he was himself fully convinced of the urgency of Mr. Anson's

necessity, he did not doubt but on the representation he should make of

what he had seen, the council would be of the same opinion, and that

all which was demanded would be amply and speedily granted; that with

regard to the commodore's complaint of the custom-house of Macao, this

he would undertake to rectify immediately by his own authority. And

then desiring a list to be given him of the quantity of provision

necessary for the expence of the ship during one day, he wrote a permit

under it, and delivered it to one of his attendants, directing him to

see that quantity sent on board early every morning; which order from

that time forwards was punctually complied with.

When this weighty affair was thus in some degree regulated, the

commodore invited him and his two attendant mandarines to dinner,

telling them at the same time that if his provision, either in kind or

quantity, was not what they might expect, they must thank themselves

for having confined him to so hard an allowance. One of his dishes was

beef, which the Chinese all dislike, tho' Mr. Anson was not {332}

apprized of it. This seems to be derived from the Indian superstition,

which for some ages past has made a great progress in China. However,

his guests did not entirely fast, for the three mandarines completely

finished the white part of four large fowls. They were indeed

extremely embarrassed with their knives and forks, and were quite

incapable of making use of them: so that after some fruitless attempts

to help themselves, which were sufficiently aukward, one of the

attendants was obliged to cut their meat in small pieces for them. But

whatever difficulty they might have in complying with the European

manner of eating, they seemed not to be novices at drinking. In this

part of the entertainment the commodore excused himself under the

pretence of illness; but there being another gentleman present, of a

florid and jovial complexion, the chief mandarine clapped him on the

shoulder and told him by the interpreter that certainly he could not

plead sickness, and therefore insisted on his bearing him company; and

that gentleman perceiving that after they had dispatched four or five

bottles of Frontiniac the mandarine still continued unruffled, he

ordered a bottle of citron-water to be brought up, which the Chinese

seemed much to relish; and this being near finished, they arose from

table in appearance cool and uninfluenced by what they had drank; and

the commodore having, according to custom, made the mandarine a

present, they all departed in the same vessels that brought them.

After their departure the commodore with great impatience expected the

resolution of the council, and the proper licences to enable him to

refit the ship. For it must be observed, as hath already appeared from

the preceding narration, that the Chinese were forbid to have any

dealings with him, so that he could neither purchase stores nor

necessaries, nor did any kind of workmen dare to engage themselves in

his service until the permission of the government was first obtained.

And in the execution of these particular injunctions the magistrates

never fail of exercising great severity, since, notwithstanding the

fustian elogiums bestowed upon them by the Romish missionaries residing

in the East, and their European copiers, they are composed of the same

fragil materials with the rest of mankind, and often make use of the

authority of the law, not to suppress crimes, but to enrich themselves

by the pillage of those who {333} commit them. This is the more easily

effected in China, because capital punishments are rare in that

country, the effeminate genius of the nation, and their strong

attachment to lucre, disposing them rather to make use of fines. And

as from these there arises no inconsiderable profit to those who

compose their tribunals, it is obvious enough that prohibitions of all

kinds, particularly such as the alluring prospect of great profit may

often tempt the subject to infringe, cannot but be favourite

institutions in such a government.

A short time before this, Captain Saunders took his passage to England

on board a Swedish ship, and was charged with dispatches from the

commodore; and in the month of December, Captain Mitchel, Colonel

Cracherode, and Mr. Taswel, one of the agent victuallers, with his

nephew Mr. Charles Herriot, embarked on board some of our company's

ships; and I, having obtained the commodore's leave to return home,

embarked with them. I must observe, too, having omitted it before,

that whilst we lay at Macao, we were informed by the officers of our

Indiamen that the _Severn_ and _Pearl_, the two ships of our squadron

which had separated from us off Cape Noir, were safely arrived at Rio

Janeiro on the coast of Brazil. I have formerly taken notice that at

the time of their separation we suspected them to be lost: and there

were many reasons which greatly favoured this suspicion, for we knew

that the _Severn_ in particular was extremely sickly; which was the

more obvious to the rest of the ships, as in the preceding part of the

voyage her commander, Captain Legg, had been remarkable for his

exemplary punctuality in keeping his station, and yet, during the last

ten days before his separation, his crew was so diminished and

enfeebled, that with his utmost efforts he could not possibly maintain

his proper position with his wonted exactness. The extraordinary

sickness on board him was by many imputed to the ship, which was new,

and on that account was believed to be the more unhealthy; but whatever

was the cause of it, the _Severn_ was by much the most sickly of the

squadron, since before her departure from St. Catherine's she buryed

more men than any of them, insomuch that the commodore was obliged to

recruit her with a number of fresh hands; and, the mortality still

continuing on board her, she was supplied with men a second {334} time

at sea, after our setting sail from St. Julians; yet, notwithstanding

these different reinforcements, she was at last reduced to the

distressed condition I have already mentioned. Hence the commodore

himself firmly believed she was lost, and therefore it was with great

joy we received the news of her and the _Pearl's_ safety, after the

strong persuasion, which had so long prevailed amongst us, of their

having both perished. But to proceed with the transactions between Mr.

Anson and the Chinese.

Notwithstanding the favourable disposition of the mandarine Governor of

Janson at his leaving Mr. Anson, several days were elapsed before there

was any advice from him; and Mr. Anson was privately informed there

were great debates in council upon his affair, partly perhaps owing to

its being so unusual a case, and in part to the influence, as I

suppose, of the intrigues of the French at Canton: for they had a

countryman and fast friend residing on the spot who spoke the language

well, and was not unacquainted with the venality of the government, nor

with the persons of several of the magistrates, and consequently could

not be at a loss for means of traversing the assistance desired by Mr.

Anson. Indeed this opposition of the French was not merely the effect

of national prejudice, or a contrariety of political interests; but was

in good measure owing to vanity, a motive of much more weight with the

generality of mankind than any attachment to the public service of the

community. For the French pretending their Indiamen to be men-of-war,

their officers were apprehensive that any distinction granted to Mr.

Anson on account of his bearing the king's commission would render them

less considerable in the eyes of the Chinese, and would establish a

prepossession at Canton in favour of ships of war, by which they, as

trading vessels, would suffer in their importance. And I wish the

affectation of endeavouring to pass for men-of-war, and the fear of

sinking in the estimation of the Chinese, if the _Centurion_ was

treated in a different manner from themselves, had been confined to the

officers of the French ships only. However, notwithstanding all these

obstacles, it should seem that the representation of the commodore to

the mandarines, of the facility with which he could right himself if

justice were denied him, had at last its effect, since, on the 6th of

January, in the morning, {335} the Governor of Janson, the commodore's

advocate, sent down the Viceroy of Canton's warrant for the refitment

of the _Centurion_, and for supplying her people with all they wanted.

Having now the necessary licences, a number of Chinese smiths and

carpenters went on board the next day to treat about the work they were

to do, all which they proposed to undertake by the great. They

demanded at first to the amount of a thousand pounds sterling for the

repairs of the ship, the boats, and the masts. This the commodore

seemed to think an unreasonable sum, and endeavoured to persuade them

to work by the day; but that was a method they would not hearken to; so

it was at last agreed that the carpenters should have to the amount of

about six hundred pounds for their work, and that the smiths should be

paid for their iron-work by weight, allowing them at the rate of three

pounds a hundred nearly for the small work, and forty-six shillings for

the large.

This being regulated, the commodore next exerted himself to get the

most important business of the whole compleated; I mean the heaving

down the _Centurion_ and examining the state of her bottom. The first

lieutenant therefore was dispatched to Canton to hire two country

vessels, called in their language junks, one of them being intended to

heave down by, and the other to serve as a magazine for the powder and

ammunition: whilst at the same time the ground was smoothed on one of

the neighbouring islands, and a large tent was pitched for lodging the

lumber and provisions, and near a hundred Chinese caulkers were soon

set to work on the decks and sides of the ship. But all these

preparations, and the getting ready the careening gear, took up a great

deal of time, for the Chinese caulkers, though they worked very well,

were far from being expeditious. Besides, it was the 26th of January

before the junks arrived, and the necessary materials, which were to be

purchased at Canton, came down very slowly, partly from the distance of

the place, and partly from the delays and backwardness of the Chinese

merchants. And in this interval Mr. Anson had the additional

perplexity to discover that his fore-mast was broken asunder above the

upper-deck partners, and was only kept together by the fishes which had

been formerly clapt upon it.

However, the _Centurion's_ people made the most of their time, and

exerted themselves the best they could; and as {336} by clearing the

ship the carpenters were enabled to come at the leak, they took care to

secure that effectually whilst the other preparations were going

forwards. The leak was found to be below the fifteen-foot mark, and

was principally occasioned by one of the bolts being wore away and

loose in the joining of the stern, where it was scarfed.

At last, all things being prepared, they, on the 22d of February, in

the morning, hove out the first course of the _Centurion's_

starboard-side, and had the satisfaction to find that her bottom

appeared sound and good; and the next day (having by that time

compleated the new sheathing of the first course) they righted her

again, to set up anew the careening gear, which had stretched much.

Thus they continued heaving down and often righting the ship, from a

suspicion of their careening tackle, till the 3d of March, when, having

compleated the paying and sheathing the bottom, which proved to be

everywhere very sound, they for the last time righted the ship, to

their great joy, since not only the fatigue of careening had been

considerable, but they had been apprehensive of being attacked by the

Spaniards whilst the ship was thus incapacitated for defence. Nor were

their fears altogether groundless, for they learnt afterwards, by a

Portuguese vessel, that the Spaniards at Manila had been informed that

the _Centurion_ was in the Typa, and intended to careen there, and that

thereupon the governor had summoned his council, and had proposed to

them to endeavour to burn her whilst she was careening, which was an

enterprize which, if properly conducted, might have put them in great

danger. It was farther reported that this scheme was not only

proposed, but resolved on, and that a captain of a vessel had actually

undertaken to perform the business for forty thousand dollars, which he

was not to receive unless he succeeded; but the governor pretending

that there was no treasure in the royal chest, and insisting that the

merchants should advance the money, and they refusing to comply with

the demand, the affair was dropped. Perhaps the merchants suspected

that the whole was only a pretext to get forty thousand dollars from

them, and indeed this was affirmed by some who bore the governor no

good-will, but with what truth it is difficult to ascertain.

As soon as the _Centurion_ was righted, they took on board her powder

and gunners' stores, and proceeded with getting {337} in their guns as

fast as possible, and then used their utmost expedition in repairing

the fore-mast, and in compleating the other articles of her refitment.

But whilst they were thus employed, they were alarmed on the 10th of

March by a Chinese fisherman, who brought them intelligence that he had

been on board a large Spanish ship off the Grand Ladrone, and that

there were two more in company with her. He added several particulars

to his relation, as that he had brought one of their officers to Macao,

and that, on this, boats went off early in the morning from Macao to

them: and the better to establish the belief of his veracity, he said

he desired no money if his information should not prove true. This was

presently believed to be the fore-mentioned expedition from Manila, and

the commodore immediately fitted his cannon and small arms in the best

manner he could for defence; and having then his pinnace and cutter in

the offing, who had been ordered to examine a Portuguese vessel which

was getting under sail, he sent them the advice he had received, and

directed them to look out strictly. Indeed, no Spanish ships ever

appeared, and they were soon satisfied the whole of the story was a

fiction, though it was difficult to conceive what reason could induce

the fellow to be at such extraordinary pains to impose on them.

It was the beginning of April when they had new rigged the ship, stowed

their provisions and water on board, and had fitted her for the sea;

and before this time the Chinese grew very uneasy, and extremely

desirous that she should be gone, either not knowing, or pretending not

to believe, that this was a point the commodore was as eagerly set on

as they could be. At length, about the 3d of April, two mandarine

boats came on board from Macao to press him to leave their port, and

this having been often urged before, though there had been no pretence

to suspect Mr. Anson of any affected delays, he at this last message

answered them in a determined tone, desiring them to give him no

further trouble, for he would go when he thought proper, and not

sooner. After this rebuke the Chinese (though it was not in their

power to compel him to depart) immediately prohibited all provisions

from being carried on board him, and took such care their injunctions

should be complied with, that from thence forwards nothing could be

purchased at any rate whatever.

{338}

The 6th of April the _Centurion_ weighed from the Typa, and warped to

the southward; and by the 15th she was got into Macao road, compleating

her water as she past along, so that there remained now very few

articles more to attend to, and her whole business being finished by

the 19th, she, at three in the afternoon of that day, weighed and made

sail, and stood to sea.

{339}

CHAPTER VIII

FROM MACAO TO CAPE ESPIRITU SANTO--THE TAKING OF THE MANILA GALEON, AND

RETURNING BACK AGAIN

The commodore was now got to sea, with his ship well refitted, his

stores replenished, and an additional stock of provisions on board.

His crew too was somewhat reinforced, for he had entered twenty-three

men during his stay at Macao, the greatest part of them Lascars or

Indian sailors, and the rest Dutch. He gave out at Macao that he was

bound to Batavia, and thence to England, and though the westerly

monsoon was now set in, when that passage is considered as

impracticable, yet, by the confidence he had expressed in the strength

of his ship, and the dexterity of his hands, he had persuaded not only

his own crew, but the people at Macao likewise, that he proposed to try

this unusual experiment, so that there were many letters sent on board

him by the inhabitants of Canton and Macao for their friends at Batavia.

But his real design was of a very different nature: for he supposed

that instead of one annual ship from Acapulco to Manila, there would be

this year, in all probability, two, since, by being before Acapulco, he

had prevented one of them from putting to sea the preceding season. He

therefore, not discouraged by his former disasters, resolved again to

risque the casualties of the Pacific Ocean, and to cruise for these

returning vessels off Cape Espiritu Santo on the island of Samal, which

is the first land they always make at the Philippine Islands: and as

June is generally the month in which they arrive there, he doubted not

but he should get to his intended station time enough to intercept

them. It is true they were said to be stout vessels, mounting

forty-four guns apiece, and carrying above five hundred hands, and

might be expected to return in company, and he himself had but two

hundred and twenty-seven hands on board, of which near thirty were

boys. But this disproportion of strength did not deter him, as he knew

his ship to be much {340} better fitted for a sea engagement than

theirs, and as he had reason to expect that his men would exert

themselves after a most extraordinary manner when they had in view the

immense wealth of these Manila galeons.

This project the commodore had resolved on in his own thoughts ever

since his leaving the coast of Mexico, and the greatest mortification

which he received from the various delays he had met with in China, was

his apprehension lest he might be thereby so long retarded as to let

the galeons escape him. Indeed, at Macao it was incumbent on him to

keep these views extremely secret, for there being a great intercourse

and a mutual connection of interests between that port and Manila, he

had reason to fear that if his designs were discovered, intelligence

would be immediately sent to Manila, and measures would be taken to

prevent the galeons from falling into his hands. But being now at sea,

and entirely clear of the coast, he summoned all his people on the

quarter-deck and informed them of his resolution to cruise for the two

Manila ships, of whose wealth they were not ignorant. He told them he

should chuse a station where he could not fail of meeting with them,

and though they were stout ships, and full manned, yet, if his own

people behaved with their accustomed spirit, he was certain he should

prove too hard for them both, and that one of them at least could not

fail of becoming his prize. He further added that many ridiculous

tales had been propagated about the strength of the sides of these

ships, and their being impenetrable to cannon shot; that these fictions

had been principally invented to palliate the cowardice of those who

had formerly engaged them, but he hoped there were none of those

present weak enough to give credit to so absurd a story. For his own

part, he did assure them upon his word that, whenever he fell in with

them, he would fight them so near that they should find his bullets,

instead of being stopped by one of their sides, should go through them

both.

This speech of the commodore was received by his people with great joy,

since no sooner had he ended than they expressed their approbation,

according to naval custom, by three strenuous cheers, and declared

their determination to succeed, or perish, whenever the opportunity

presented itself. Immediately too their hopes, which on their

departure from the coast of Mexico had entirely subsided, were again

{341} revived, and they persuaded themselves that notwithstanding the

various casualties and disappointments they had hitherto met with, they

should yet be repaid the price of their fatigues, and should at last

return home enriched with the spoils of the enemy. For, firmly relying

on the assurances of the commodore, that they should certainly meet

with the galeons, they were all of them too sanguine to doubt a moment

of mastering them, so that they considered themselves as having them

already in their possession. And this confidence was so universally

spread through the whole ship's company, that the commodore, who had

taken some Chinese sheep to sea with him for his own provision,

enquiring one day of his butcher why he had lately seen no mutton at

his table, and asking him if all the sheep were killed, the fellow very

seriously replied that there were indeed two sheep left, but that if

his honour would give him leave, he proposed to keep those for the

entertainment of the general of the galeons.

When the _Centurion_ left the port of Macao, she stood for some days to

the westward, and, on the 1st of May, they saw part of the island of

Formosa; and steering thence to the southward, they, on the 4th of May,

were in the latitude of the Bashee Islands, as laid down by Dampier;

but they suspected his account of inaccuracy, as they knew that he had

been considerably mistaken in the latitude of the south end of Formosa,

and therefore they kept a good look-out, and about seven in the evening

discovered from the mast-head five small islands, which were judged to

be the Bashees. As they afterwards saw Botel Tobago Xima, they by this

means found an opportunity of correcting the position of the Bashee

Islands, which had been hitherto laid down twenty-five leagues too far

to the westward: for by their observations they esteemed the middle of

these islands to be in 21° 4' north, and to bear from Botel Tobago Xima

S.S.E. twenty leagues distant, that island itself being in 21° 57'

north.

After getting a sight of the Bashee Islands, they stood between the S.

and S.W. for Cape Espiritu Santo, and the 20th of May at noon they

first discovered that cape, which about four o'clock they brought to

bear S.S.W. near eleven leagues distant. It appeared to be of a

moderate height, with several round hummocks on it. As it was known

that there were centinels placed upon this cape to make signals to the

Acapulco ship when she first falls in with the land, {342} the

commodore immediately tacked, and ordered the top-gallant sails to be

taken in, to prevent being discovered. And this being the station

where it was resolved to cruise for the galeons, they kept the cape

between the south and the west, and endeavoured to confine themselves

between the latitude of 12° 50' and 13° 5', the cape itself lying, by

their observations, in 12° 40' north, and in 4° of east longitude from

Botel Tobago Xima.

It was the last of May, by the foreign stile, when they arrived off

this cape, and the month of June, by the same stile, being that in

which the Manila ships are usually expected, the _Centurion's_ people

were now waiting each hour with the utmost impatience for the happy

crisis which was to balance the account of all their past calamities.

As from this time there was but small employment for the crew, the

commodore ordered them almost every day to be exercised in the working

of the great guns, and in the use of their small arms. This had been

his practice, more or less, at every convenient season during the whole

course of his voyage, and the advantages which he received from it in

his engagement with the galeon were an ample recompence for all his

care and attention. Indeed, it should seem that there are few

particulars of a commander's duty of more importance, how much soever

it may have been sometimes overlooked or misunderstood: since it will,

I suppose, be confessed that in two ships of war equal in the number of

their men and guns, the disproportion of strength arising from a

greater or less dexterity in the use of their great guns and small arms

is what can scarcely be ballanced by any other circumstances whatever.

For, as these are the weapons with which they are to engage, what

greater inequality can there be betwixt two contending parties than

that one side should perfectly understand the management of them, and

should have the skill to employ them in the most effectual manner for

the annoyance of their enemy; while the other side should, by their

awkward handling of their arms, render them rather terrible to

themselves than mischievous to their antagonist? This seems so obvious

and natural a conclusion, that a person unacquainted with these matters

would suppose the first care of a commander to be the training his

people to the ready use of their arms.

But human affairs are not always conducted by the plain {343} dictates

of common sense. There are many other principles which influence our

transactions, and there is one in particular, which tho' of a very

erroneous complexion, is scarcely ever excluded from our most serious

deliberations; I mean custom, or the practice of those who have

preceded us. This is usually a power too mighty for reason to grapple

with, and is often extremely troublesome to those who oppose it, since

it has much of superstition in its nature, and pursues all those who

question its authority with unrelenting vehemence. However, in these

latter ages of the world, some lucky encroachments have been made upon

its prerogative, and it may surely be expected that the gentlemen of

the navy, whose particular profession hath within a few years been

considerably improved by a number of new inventions, will of all others

be the readiest to give up any usage which has nothing to plead in its

behalf but prescription, and will not suppose that every branch of

their business hath already received all the perfection of which it is

capable. Indeed, it must be owned that if a dexterity in the use of

small arms, for instance, hath been sometimes less attended to on board

our ships of war than might have been wished for, it hath been rather

owing to unskilful methods of teaching it than to negligence: since the

common sailors, how strongly soever attached to their own prejudices,

are very quick-sighted in finding out the defects of others, and have

ever shewn a great contempt for the formalities practised in the

training of land troops to the use of their arms. But when those who

have undertaken to instruct the seamen have contented themselves with

inculcating only what was useful, in the simplest manner, they have

constantly found their people sufficiently docile, and the success hath

even exceeded their expectation. Thus on board Mr. Anson's ship, where

they were taught no more of the manual exercise than the shortest

method of loading with cartridges, and were constantly trained to fire

at a mark, which was usually hung at the yard-arm, and where some

little reward was given to the most expert, the whole crew, by this

management, were rendered extremely skilful, for besides an uncommon

readiness in loading, they were all of them good marksmen, and some of

them most extraordinary ones. Whence I doubt not but, in the use of

small arms, they were more than a match for double their number who had

not been habituated to the same kind of exercise. But to return.

{344}

It was the last of May, N.S., as hath been already said, when the

_Centurion_ arrived off Cape Espiritu Santo, and consequently the next

day the month began in which the galeons were to be expected. The

commodore therefore made all necessary preparations for receiving them,

hoisting out his long-boat and lashing her alongside, that the ship

might be ready for engaging if they fell in with the galeons during the

night. All this time too he was very solicitous to keep at such a

distance from the cape as not to be discovered. But it hath been since

learnt, that notwithstanding his care, he was seen from the land, and

advice of him was sent to Manila, where, tho' it was at first

disbelieved, yet, on reiterated intelligence (for it seems he was seen

more than once), the merchants were alarmed, and the governor was

applied to, who undertook (the commerce supplying the necessary sums)

to fit out a force consisting of two ships of thirty-two guns, one of

twenty guns, and two sloops of ten guns each, to attack the _Centurion_

on her station. With this view some of these vessels actually weighed,

but the principal ship not being ready, and the monsoon being against

them, the commerce and the governor disagreed, so that the enterprize

was laid aside. This frequent discovery of the _Centurion_ from the

shore was somewhat extraordinary, since the pitch of the cape is not

high, and she usually kept from ten to fifteen leagues distant, though

once indeed, by an indraught of the tide, as was supposed, they found

themselves in the morning within seven leagues of the land.

As the month of June advanced, the expectancy and impatience of the

commodore's people each day increased. And I think no better idea can

be given of their great eagerness on this occasion than by copying a

few paragraphs from the journal of an officer who was then on board, as

it will, I presume, be a more natural picture of the full attachment of

their thoughts to the business of their cruise than can be given by any

other means. The paragraphs I have selected, as they occur in order of

time, are as follow:--

"May 31. Exercising our men at their quarters, in great expectation of

meeting with the galeons very soon, this being the eleventh of June,

their stile."

"June 3. Keeping in our stations, and looking out for the galeons."

"June 5. Begin now to be in great expectation, this being the middle

of June, their stile."

{345}

"June 11. Begin to grow impatient at not seeing the galeons."

"June 13. The wind having blown fresh easterly for the forty-eight

hours past, gives us great expectations of seeing the galeons soon."

"June 15. Cruising on and off, and looking out strictly."

"June 19. This being the last day of June, N.S., the galeons, if they

arrive at all, must appear soon."

From these samples it is sufficiently evident how compleatly the

treasure of the galeons had engrossed their imagination, and how

anxiously they passed the latter part of their cruise, when the

certainty of the arrival of those vessels was dwindled down to

probability only, and that probability became each hour more and more

doubtful. However, on the 20th of June, O.S., being just a month after

their gaining their station, they were relieved out of this state of

uncertainty, for at sunrise they discovered a sail from the mast-head,

in the S.E. quarter. On this, a general joy spread through the whole

ship, for they had no doubt but this was one of the galeons, and they

expected soon to descry the other. The commodore instantly stood

towards her, and at half an hour after seven they were near enough to

see her from the _Centurion's_ deck, at which time the galeon fired a

gun, and took in her top-gallant sails. This was supposed to be a

signal to her consort to hasten her up, and therefore the _Centurion_

fired a gun to leeward to amuse her. The commodore was surprized to

find that during all this interval the galeon did not change her

course, but continued to bear down upon him; for he hardly believed,

what afterwards appeared to be the case, that she knew his ship to be

the _Centurion_, and resolved to fight him.

About noon the commodore was little more than a league distant from the

galeon, and could fetch her wake, so that she could not now escape;

and, no second ship appearing, it was concluded that she had been

separated from her consort. Soon after, the galeon haled up her

fore-sail and brought to under top-sails, with her head to the

northward, hoisting Spanish colours, and having the standard of Spain

flying at the top-gallant mast-head. Mr. Anson in the meantime had

prepared all things for an engagement on board the _Centurion_, and had

taken every possible measure, both for the most effectual exertion of

his small strength, and for the {346} avoiding the confusion and tumult

too frequent in actions of this kind. He picked out about thirty of

his choicest hands and best marksmen, whom he distributed into his

tops, and who fully answered his expectation by the signal services

they performed. As he had not hands enough remaining to quarter a

sufficient number to each great gun in the customary manner, he

therefore, on his lower tire, fixed only two men to each gun, who were

to be solely employed in loading it, whilst the rest of his people were

divided into different gangs of ten or twelve men each, who were

continually moving about the decks to run out and fire such guns as

were loaded. By this management he was enabled to make use of all his

guns, and instead of whole broadsides, with intervals between them, he

kept up a constant fire without intermission, whence he doubted not to

procure very signal advantages. For it is common with the Spaniards to

fall down upon the decks when they see a broadside preparing, and to

continue in that posture till it is given, after which they rise again,

and, presuming the danger to be for some time over, work their guns,

and fire with great briskness, till another broadside is ready. But

the firing gun by gun, in the manner directed by the commodore,

rendered this practice of theirs impossible.

The _Centurion_ being thus prepared, and nearing the galeon apace,

there happened, a little after noon, several squalls of wind and rain,

which often obscured the galeon from their sight; but whenever it

cleared up they observed her resolutely lying to. Towards one o'clock,

the _Centurion_ hoisted her broad pendant and colours, she being then

within gun-shot of the enemy, and the commodore perceiving the

Spaniards to have neglected clearing their ship till that time, as he

saw them throwing overboard cattle and lumber, he gave orders to fire

upon them with the chace guns, to disturb them in their work, and

prevent them from compleating it, though his general directions had

been not to engage before they were within pistol-shot. The galeon

returned the fire with two of her stern chace; and the _Centurion_

getting her sprit-sail yard fore and aft, that, if necessary, she might

be ready for boarding, the Spaniards, in a bravado, rigged their

sprit-sail yard fore and aft likewise. Soon after, the _Centurion_

came abreast of the enemy within pistol-shot, keeping to the leeward of

them, with a view of preventing their putting {347} before the wind and

gaining the port of Jalapay, from which they were about seven leagues

distant. And now the engagement began in earnest, and for the first

half-hour Mr. Anson over-reached the galeon and lay on her bow, where,

by the great wideness of his ports, he could traverse almost all his

guns upon the enemy, whilst the galeon could only bring a part of hers

to bear. Immediately on the commencement of the action, the mats with

which the galeon had stuffed her netting took fire and burnt violently,

blazing up half as high as the mizen-top. This accident, supposed to

be caused by the _Centurion's_ wads, threw the enemy into the utmost

terror, and also alarmed the commodore, for he feared lest the galeon

should be burnt, and lest he himself too might suffer by her driving on

board him. However, the Spaniards at last freed themselves from the

fire, by cutting away the netting and tumbling the whole mass, which

was in flames, into the sea. All this interval the _Centurion_ kept

her first advantageous position, firing her cannon with great

regularity and briskness, whilst at the same time the galeon's decks

lay open to her top-men, who having at their first volley driven the

Spaniards from their tops, made prodigious havock with their small

arms, killing or wounding every officer but one that appeared on the

quarter-deck, and wounding in particular the general of the galeon

himself. Thus the action proceeded for at least half an hour; but then

the _Centurion_ lost the superiority arising from her original

situation, and was close alongside the galeon, and the enemy continued

to fire briskly for near an hour longer; yet even in this posture the

commodore's grape-shot swept their decks so effectually, and the number

of their slain and wounded became so considerable, that they began to

fall into great disorder, especially as the general, who was the life

of the action, was no longer capable of exerting himself. Their

confusion was visible from on board the commodore, for the ships were

so near that some of the Spanish officers were seen running about with

much assiduity, to prevent the desertion of their men from their

quarters. But all their endeavours were in vain, for after having, as

a last effort, fired five or six guns with more judgment than usual,

they yielded up the contest, and, the galeon's colours being singed off

the ensign staff in the beginning of the engagement, she struck the

standard at her main top-gallant mast-head; the person who was {348}

employed to perform this office having been in imminent peril of being

killed, had not the commodore, who perceived what he was about, given

express orders to his people to desist from firing.

Thus was the _Centurion_ possessed of this rich prize, amounting in

value to near a million and a half of dollars. She was called the

_Nostra Signora de Cabadonga_, and was commanded by General Don

Jeronimo de Mentero, a Portuguese, who was the most approved officer

for skill and courage of any employed in that service. The galeon was

much larger than the _Centurion_, and had five hundred and fifty men,

and thirty-six guns mounted for action, besides twenty-eight pedreroes

in her gunwale, quarters, and tops, each of which carried a four-pound

ball. She was very well furnished with small arms, and was

particularly provided against boarding, both by her close quarters, and

by a strong network of two-inch rope which was laced over her waist,

and was defended by half-pikes. She had sixty-seven killed in the

action, and eighty-four wounded, whilst the _Centurion_ had only two

killed, and a lieutenant and sixteen wounded, all of whom but one

recovered: of so little consequence are the most destructive arms in

untutored and unpractised hands.

The treasure thus taken by the _Centurion_ having been, for at least

eighteen months, the great object of their hopes, it is impossible to

describe the transport on board when, after all their reiterated

disappointments, they at last saw their wishes accomplished. But their

joy was near being suddenly damped by a most tremendous incident, for

no sooner had the galeon struck, than one of the lieutenants coming to

Mr. Anson to congratulate him on his prize, whispered him at the same

time that the _Centurion_ was dangerously on fire near the powder-room.

The commodore received this dreadful news without any apparent emotion,

and taking care not to alarm his people, gave the necessary orders for

extinguishing the fire, which was happily done in a short time, though

its appearance at first was extremely terrible. It seems some

cartridges had been blown up by accident between decks, and the blast

had communicated its flame to a quantity of oakum in the after

hatchway, near the after powder-room, where the great smother and smoke

of the oakum occasioned the apprehension of a more extended and

mischievous conflagration. All hopes too of avoiding {349} its fury by

escaping on board the prize had instantly vanished, for at the same

moment the galeon fell on board the _Centurion_ on the starboard

quarter, though she was fortunately cleared without doing or receiving

any considerable damage.

The commodore appointed the Manila vessel to be a post ship in his

Majesty's service, and gave the command of her to Mr. Saumarez, his

first lieutenant, who before night sent on board the _Centurion_ all

the Spanish prisoners, except such as were thought the most proper to

be retained to assist in navigating the galeon. And now the commodore

learnt from some of these prisoners that the other ship, which he had

kept in the port of Acapulco the preceding year, instead of returning

in company with the present prize, as was expected, had set sail from

Acapulco alone much sooner than usual, and had, in all probability, got

into the port of Manila long before the _Centurion_ arrived off Cape

Espiritu Santo, so that Mr. Anson, notwithstanding his present success,

had great reason to regret his loss of time at Macao, which prevented

him from taking two rich prizes instead of one.

The commodore, when the action was ended, resolved to make the best of

his way with his prize for the river of Canton, being the meantime

fully employed in securing his prisoners, and in removing the treasure

from on board the galeon into the _Centurion_. The last of these

operations was too important to be postponed, for as the navigation to

Canton was thro' seas but little known, and where, from the season of

the year, very tempestuous weather might be expected, it was of great

consequence that the treasure should be sent on board the _Centurion_,

which ship, by the presence of the commander-in-chief, the larger

number of her hands, and her other advantages, was doubtless better

provided against all the casualties of winds and seas than the galeon.

And the securing the prisoners was a matter of still more consequence,

as not only the possession of the treasure but the lives of the captors

depended thereon. This was indeed an article which gave the commodore

much trouble and disquietude, for they were above double the number of

his own people, and some of them, when they were brought on board the

_Centurion_, and had observed how slenderly she was manned, and the

large proportion which the striplings bore to the rest, could not help

expressing themselves with great indignation to be thus beaten by a

handful of boys. The method which was taken {350} to hinder them from

rising was by placing all but the officers and the wounded in the hold,

where, to give them as much air as possible, two hatchways were left

open; but then (to avoid any danger that might happen whilst the

_Centurion's_ people should be employed upon deck) there was a square

partition of thick planks, made in the shape of a funnel, which

enclosed each hatchway on the lower deck, and reached to that directly

over it on the upper deck. These funnels served to communicate the air

to the hold better than could have been done without them, and, at the

same time, added greatly to the security of the ship, for they being

seven or eight feet high, it would have been extremely difficult for

the Spaniards to have clambered up; and still to augment that

difficulty, four swivel guns, loaded with musquet-bullets, were planted

at the mouth of each funnel, and a centinel with a lighted match was

posted there ready to fire into the hold amongst them, in case of any

disturbance. Their officers, who amounted to seventeen or eighteen,

were all lodged in the first lieutenant's cabin, under a guard of six

men; and the general, as he was wounded, lay in the commodore's cabin

with a centinel always with him; every prisoner, too, was sufficiently

apprised that any violence or disturbance would be punished with

instant death. And, that the _Centurion's_ people might be at all

times prepared, if, notwithstanding these regulations, any tumult

should arise, the small arms were constantly kept loaded in a proper

place, whilst all the men went armed with cutlasses and pistols; and no

officer ever pulled off his cloaths when he slept, or, when he lay

down, omitted to have his arms always ready by him.

These measures were obviously necessary, considering the hazards to

which the commodore and his people would have been exposed had they

been less careful. Indeed, the sufferings of the poor prisoners,

though impossible to be alleviated, were much to be commiserated; for

the weather was extremely hot, the stench of the hold loathsome beyond

all conception, and their allowance of water but just sufficient to

keep them alive, it not being practicable to spare them more than at

the rate of a pint a day for each, the crew themselves having only an

allowance of a pint and a half. All this considered, it was wonderful

that not a man of them died during their long confinement, except three

of the {351} wounded, who expired the same night they were taken,

though it must be confessed that the greatest part of them were

strangely metamorphosed by the heat of the hold; for when they were

first brought on board, they were sightly robust fellows, but when,

after above a month's imprisonment, they were discharged in the river

Canton, they were reduced to mere skeletons, and their air and looks

corresponded much more to the conception formed of ghosts and spectres

than to the figure and appearance of real men.

Thus employed in securing the treasure and the prisoners, the

commodore, as hath been said, stood for the river of Canton, and on the

30th of June, at six in the evening, got sight of Cape Delangano, which

then bore west ten leagues distant. The next day he made the Bashee

Islands, and the wind being so far to the northward that it was

difficult to weather them, it was resolved to stand through between

Grafton and Monmouth Islands, where the passage seemed to be clear,

though in getting thro' the sea had a very dangerous aspect, for it

ripled and foamed with all the appearances of being full of breakers,

which was still more terrible as it was then night. But the ships got

thro' very safe, the prize keeping ahead; and it was found that the

agitation of the sea which had alarmed them, had been occasioned only

by a strong tide. I must here observe that tho' the Bashee Islands are

usually reckoned to be no more than five, yet there are many more lying

about them to the westward, which, seeing the channels amongst them are

not at all known, makes it adviseable for ships rather to pass to the

northward or southward than thro' them; as indeed the commodore

proposed to have gone to the northward between them and Formosa, had it

been possible for him to have weathered them. From hence the

_Centurion_ steering the proper course for the river of Canton, she, on

the 8th of July, discovered the island of Supata, the wester-most of

the Lema Islands, being the double-peaked rock in the islands of Lema,

formerly referred to. This island of Supata they made to be a hundred

and thirty-nine leagues distant from Grafton's Island, and to bear from

it north 82° 37' west. And on the 11th, having taken on board two

Chinese pilots, one for the _Centurion_, and the other for the prize,

they came to an anchor off the city of Macao.

By this time the particulars of the cargoe of the galeon {352} were

well ascertained, and it was found that she had on board 1,313,843

pieces of eight, and 35,682 oz. of virgin silver, besides some

cochineal and a few other commodities, which, however, were but of

small account in comparison of the specie. And this being the

commodore's last prize, it hence appears that all the treasure taken by

the _Centurion_ was not much short of £400,000 independent of the ships

and merchandize, which she either burnt or destroyed, and which, by the

most reasonable estimation, could not amount to so little as £600,000

more: so that the whole damage done the enemy by our squadron did

doubtless exceed a million sterling. To which, if there be added the

great expence of the court of Spain, in fitting out Pizarro, and in

paying the additional charges in America, incurred on our account,

together with the loss of their men-of-war, the total of all these

articles will be a most exorbitant sum, and is the strongest conviction

of the utility of this expedition, which, with all its numerous

disadvantages, did yet prove so extremely prejudicial to the enemy. I

shall only add that there was taken on board the galeon several

draughts and journals, from some of which many of the particulars

recited in the tenth chapter of the second book are collected. Among

the rest there was found a chart of all the ocean between the

Philippines and the coast of Mexico, which was what was made use of by

the galeon in her own navigation. With this digression I shall end

this chapter, and leave the _Centurion_ and her prize at anchor off

Macao, preparing to enter the river of Canton.

{353}

CHAPTER IX