CHAPTER II.

ETHNOGRAPHY. THE LAND OF PUNT. NATIONAL CHARACTER. POPULATION. LANGUAGE.

FORMS OF WRITING. DECIPHERMENT OF EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHICS. YOUNG AND

CHAMPOLLION. HIEROGLYPHIC ALPHABET AND WRITING. WRITING MATERIALS.

The =Egyptians=.—The evidence of the monuments and the literature of

Egypt proves that the Egyptians were of African origin, and that they

were akin to the light-skinned peoples who inhabited the north-east

portion of the African Continent. Further evidence of this fact is

supplied by the “table of nations” preserved in the tenth chapter of

Genesis, where it is stated that Cush and Mizraim were the sons of Ham.

Now this Cush, or Ethiopia, is not the country which we call Abyssinia,

but the Northern Sûdân, or Nubia; therefore the Nubians (Cush) and the

Egyptians (Mizraim) were brethren, and they were Hamites, or Africans.

The relationship between the Nubians and the Egyptians is also asserted

by Diodorus, who declared that the Egyptians were descended from a colony

of Ethiopians, _i.e._, Nubians, who had settled in Egypt. And there is

no doubt that from the earliest to the latest times a very close bond

existed between the Northern Nubians and the Egyptians, which manifested

itself in the religion and religious ceremonies of both peoples. The

Cushites were dark in colour, sometimes actually black, but there is no

evidence which proves they were negroes; and the Egyptians were red, or

brown-red, or reddish yellow in colour. On the west of the Nile Valley

lived the fair-skinned Libyans; on the east the remote ancestors of the

Blemmyes and the modern Bîshârî tribes, who were of a light brownish

colour, and on the south, near the Equator, were negro tribes, which

formed part of the great belt of black peoples that extended right across

Africa, from sea to sea.

The dynastic Egyptians appear to have regarded a country, or district,

called =Pun= 𓊪𓐰𓃹𓐰𓈖𓏏𓐰𓈉 as their original home, and they certainly

preserved down to the latest times some of the peculiarities in dress

of the primitive inhabitants of that region. That Punt was situated a

considerable distance to the south of Egypt is certain, and that it could

be reached by land, and also by water by way of the Red Sea, is clear

from the inscriptions, but there is no evidence available which enables

the exact limits of the country to be defined. The despatch of several

expeditions to Punt by the Egyptians is recorded, for the purpose of

bringing back _ānti_ spice, 𓂝𓐰𓈖𓅂𓏊𓐰𓏧, or myrrh, which was used freely for

embalming purposes. They started from some point on the Red Sea near

the modern town of Ḳuṣêr, and sailed southwards until they reached the

river of the port of Punt which was situated on the east coast of Africa,

probably in Somaliland. The expedition despatched by Queen Ḥātshepset

about B.C. 1550 brought back boomerangs, a huge pile of myrrh, logs

of ebony, elephants’ tusks, sweet-smelling woods, eye-paint, various

kinds of spices, dog-headed apes, monkeys, leopard (or panther) skins,

“green” (_i.e._, pale) gold, and gold rings which are to this day used

as currency in East Africa and are known as “ring money.” Now, all these

things are products of the region which lies between the southern end

of the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean, and the Valley of the Nile, and it

is impossible not to conclude that Punt was situated somewhere in it.

The Egyptian expeditions probably sailed up a river for a considerable

distance, to a point where the products of Punt were brought by trading

caravans for export, and there the Egyptians bartered for the myrrh,

etc., which they required. The market place must have been inland, for

the huts of the natives are represented in the bas-reliefs as standing

close to the river.

The =men of Punt= wore a =pointed beard= and a =loin cloth=, which was

kept in position by a kind of belt, from which hung down behind the

=tail of an animal=. The beard of the Egyptian was also pointed, and

gods, kings, and priestly officials on solemn, ceremonial occasions,

wore tails. Thus in the Papyrus of Ani (Judgment Scene) the gods Thoth

and Anubis wear tails, and the priestly official in the same scene wears

the leopard’s skin, the tail of which is supposed to be hanging behind

him. In two statues of Ȧmen-ḥetep III (Northern Egyptian Gallery, Nos.

412, 413), the tail is supposed to be brought forward under the body of

the king, and its end is carefully sculptured on the space between his

legs. The custom of wearing tails is common in Central Africa at the

present day, even the women, in some places, wearing long tails of bast

(Schweinfurth, _Heart of Africa_, I, p. 295); and a recent traveller

reports that the Gazum people wear tails, about six inches long, for

which they dig holes in the ground when they sit down (Boyd Alexander,

_From the Niger_, I, p. 78). Many other points of comparison between the

Egyptians and the peoples of Central Africa could be mentioned in proof

of the views that the indigenous dynastic Egyptians were connected with

the people of Punt, and that Punt was situated in the South-Eastern Sûdân.

As to the =succession of peoples= in the Nile Valley, or rather of that

portion of it which is called Egypt, many theories have been formulated

in recent years. Some of the most competent authorities think that the

earliest dwellers in Egypt were black folk, who were driven out or killed

off by a race of people who possessed many of the characteristics of the

Libyans, and who came from the west, or south-west, and took possession

of Egypt. It is thought that the next invasions of the country were made

by peoples who came from the east, or south-east, and, having settled

down on the Nile, mingled with the inhabitants. After these it seems

very probable that Egypt was invaded by tribes whose home was some part

of Western Asia, probably the country now called Southern Babylonia.

Some think that they entered Egypt by the Isthmus of Suez, and others

that they crossed from Arabia to Africa by the straits of Bâb al-Mandib

at the southern end of the Red Sea. Another view is that the invaders

entered Egypt by the Wâdî Ḥammâmât, and that they arrived on the Nile at

some place near the modern town of Ḳena. Little by little the invaders

conquered the country, and introduced into it the arts of agriculture,

brick-making, writing, working in metals, etc. Wheat, barley, and the

domestic sheep seem to have been brought into Egypt about this time. The

manners and customs of the new comers were very different from those

of the men they conquered, and their civilization was of a much higher

character than that of the primitive Egyptians; but, among the great

bulk of the population, the beliefs, religion, and habits continued to

preserve unchanged their characteristic African nature.

[Illustration: 1 2 3 4 5 6]

What the physical form of the primitive, pre-dynastic Egyptian was cannot

be said, but it is probable that he resembled the dynastic Egyptians

whose pictures are seen by hundreds in the tombs. If this be so, he was

tall, slender of body, with long thin legs, small hands, and long feet.

His hair was black and curly, but must not be confounded with the “wool”

of the negro, his eyes black and slightly almond-shaped, his cheek-bones

high and often prominent, his nose straight—sometimes aquiline—and

inclined to be fleshy; his mouth wide, with somewhat full lips, his teeth

small and regular and his chin prominent, because his under jaw was

thrust slightly forward. The women were yellowish in colour, probably

because their bodies were not so much exposed to the rays of the sun as

those of the men. The general character of the physique of the Egyptian

has remained practically unchanged to the present day, and no admixture

of foreign elements has affected it permanently.

[Illustration: 7

Ivory figure of a king.

1st dynasty (?)

[No. 197, Table-case L, Third Egyptian Room.]]

[Illustration: 8

Bone figure of a dwarf.

Archaïc Period.

[No. 42, Table-case L, Third Egyptian Room.]]

[Illustration: 9

Bone figure of a woman carrying a child on her shoulder.

Archaïc Period.

[No. 41, Table-case L, Third Egyptian Room.]]

[Illustration: 10

Bone figure of a woman, with inlaid lapis-lazuli eyes.

Archaïc Period.

[No. 40, Table-case L, Third Egyptian Room.]]

The physical features and dress of the primitive dynastic Egyptians are

well illustrated by the accompanying drawings and photographs. From Nos.

1-6 (page 23) we see that their hair was short and curly, their noses

long and pointed, their eyes almond-shaped, their beards pointed, their

arms and legs long, their hands large, and their feet long and flat. They

wear in their hair feathers, probably red feathers from the tails of

parrots, such as are worn at the present day, and their loin cloths are

fastened round their bodies by belts, from which hang short, bushy tails

of jackals(?). No. 1 bears a hawk-standard, the symbol of the god of the

tribe, and is armed with a mace having a diamond-shaped head. No. 2 bears

a hawk-standard and wields a double-headed stone axe. No. 3 is armed with

a mace and a bow. No. 4 is shooting a flint-tipped arrow from a bow. No.

5 is armed with a boomerang and a spear, and No. 6 with a mace and a

boomerang. The above illustrations are drawn from the green slate shield

exhibited in Table-case L in the Third Egyptian Room.

To about the same period belongs the ivory figure of a king here

reproduced (No. 7). He wears the Crown of the South, and a garment

worked with an elaborate diamond pattern. The nose is flatter and more

fleshy than in the drawings from the slate shield, and the lips are

fuller and firmer. In figures 8-10 we have representations of the women

of the Archaïc Period, about B.C. 4200. No. 8 is a female dwarf, or

perhaps a woman who belonged to one of the pygmy tribes that lived near

the Equator. No. 9 is a most interesting figure, for it illustrates the

hair-dressing and dress of the period. The features of the child, who is

carried partly on the back and partly on the left shoulder, as at the

present day, are well preserved. No. 10 represents a woman of slim build,

with blue eyes, and wearing an elaborate head-dress, which falls over her

shoulders.

PORTRAIT FIGURES OF OFFICIALS OF THE IIIRD OR IVTH DYNASTY. ABOUT B.C.

3700.

[Illustration: Figure of Betchmes, a royal kinsman.

[Vestibule, South Wall, No. 3.]]

[Illustration: Painted limestone figure of Nefer-hi.

[No. 150, Wall-case 99, Third Egyptian Room.]]

=National Character.=—Herodotus, who was an acute observer of the manners

and customs of the Egyptians, states (ii, 64) that the Egyptians were

“beyond measure scrupulous in all matters appertaining to =religion=,”

and the monuments prove him to be absolutely correct. The Egyptian

worshipped his God, whose chief symbol to him was the sun, daily and

regularly, and prayed to him morning and evening. His attitude towards

his Maker was one of absolute =resignation=. The power of God, as

displayed by the Sun, and the River Nile, and other forces of nature

filled him with awe, and made him to realize his helplessness. His

views as to the dependence of men on the sun are well illustrated by

the following extract from a hymn to Ȧten, the god of the Solar Disk:

“When thou settest in the western horizon of heaven, the earth becometh

dark with the darkness of the dead. Men sleep in their houses, their

heads are covered up, their nostrils are closed, and no man can see his

neighbour; everything which they possess could be stolen from under their

heads without their knowing it. All the lions come forth from their dens,

every creeping thing biteth, the smithy is in blackness, and all the

earth is silent because he who made them (_i.e._, all creatures) resteth

in his horizon. When the dawn cometh, and thou risest and shinest from

the Disk, darkness flieth away, thou givest forth thy rays, and the Two

Lands (_i.e._, Egypt) are in festival. Men rise up, they stand upon their

feet—it is thou who hast raised them—they wash their bodies, and dress

themselves in their clothes, and they [stretch out] their hands to thee

in thanksgiving for thy rising.” To the god of the city, or local deity,

he also paid due reverence. He worshipped Osiris, the type and symbol

of the resurrection, most truly, for on his help and succour depended

his =hope of eternal life=. The Egyptians, who were men of means, spent

largely during their lifetime in making preparations for their death, and

they spared neither money nor pains in their endeavours to secure for

themselves life in the Other World. They observed the =Religious= and

=Civil Laws= most carefully, and any breach they might make in either

they thought could be amply atoned for by making offerings or payment.

[Illustration: The fox playing the double pipes for a flock of goats to

march to.

[From a papyrus in the British Museum, No. 10,016.]]

[Illustration: A mouse seated on a chair, with a table of food before it.

A cat is presenting to it a palm branch, and behind it is a mouse bearing

a fan, etc.

[From a papyrus in the British Museum, No. 10,016.]]

The Egyptian was easy and simple in disposition, and fond of pleasure and

of the good things of this world. He loved eating and drinking, and he

lost no opportunity of enjoying himself. The literature of all periods is

filled with passages in which the living are exhorted to be happy; and

we may note that in the famous Dialogue between a man who is weary of

life and his soul, the latter tells the man that to remember the grave

only brings sorrow to the heart and fills the eyes with tears. And after

several observations of the same import, the soul says: “Hearken unto

me, for, behold, it is good for men to hearken; follow after pleasure

and forget care.”[4] In the Song of the Harper we read: “Bodies (_i.e._,

men) have come into being in order to pass away since the time of Rā, and

young men come in their places. Rā placeth himself in the sky in the

morning, and Temu setteth in the Mountain of Sunset. Men beget children

and women bring forth, and every nostril snuffeth the wind of dawn from

the time of their birth to the day when they go to the place which is

assigned to them. Make [thy] day happy! Let there be perfumes and sweet

odours for thy nostrils, and let there be wreaths of flowers and lilies

for the neck and shoulders of thy beloved sister who shall be seated by

thy side. Let there be songs and the music of the harp before thee, and

setting behind thy back unpleasant things of every kind, remember only

pleasure, until the day cometh wherein thou must travel to the land which

loveth silence.”

[Illustration: A cat herding geese.

[From a papyrus in the British Museum, No. 10,016.]]

The advice to eat, drink, and be happy, is also given to a high-priest

of Memphis by his dead wife That-I-em-ḥetep on her sepulchral tablet

(Southern Egyptian Gallery, Bay 29, No. 1027). She says: “Hail, my

brother, husband, friend, ... let[5] not thy heart cease to drink water,

to eat bread, to drink wine, to love women, to make a happy day, and to

seek thy heart’s desire by day and by night. And set no care whatsoever

in thy heart: are the years which [we pass] upon the earth so many [that

we need do this]?”

[Illustration: The lion and the unicorn playing a game of draughts.

[From a papyrus in the British Museum, No. 10,016.]]

The =morality= of the Egyptians was of a high character, and certainly

higher than that of Oriental nations in general. Many of the Precepts

of Ptaḥ-ḥetep, Kaqemna, and Khensu-ḥetep bear comparison with the moral

maxims of the Books of Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus. The view of the

Egyptian as to his =duty towards his neighbour= is well summed up by

Pepi-Nekht, an old feudal lord of Elephantine, who flourished under

the VIth dynasty, and said: “I am one who spoke good and repeated what

was liked. Never did I say an evil word of any kind to a chief against

anyone, for I wished it to be well with me before the great god. I gave

bread to the hungry man, and clothes to the naked man. I never gave

judgment in a case between two brothers whereby a son was deprived of

his father’s goods. I was loved by my father, favoured by my mother, and

beloved by my brothers and sisters.” =Love of parents and home= was a

strong trait in the character of the Egyptian; and it was one cause of

his hatred of military service and of any occupation which would take him

away from his town or village. He prayed, too, that in the Other World

he might have his parents, wife, children, and relatives, with him on

his farm in the Fields of Peace, and that when his spirit was on the

way thither, the spirits of his kinsfolk would come to meet him, armed

with their staves and weapons, so that they might protect him from the

attack of hostile spirits. Like all African people he loved =music=,

=singing=, and =dancing=, and was attracted by ceremonials, processions,

and display of every kind; the =satirical papyri= (see the illustrations

on pages 27-30), and even the wall-paintings in the tombs, show that

he possessed a keen sense of =humour=. The peasant was then, as now,

a laborious toiler, and as he was literally the slave of Pharaoh for

thousands of years, the ideas of =freedom= and =national independence=,

as we understand them, were wholly unknown to him.

All classes were intensely =superstitious=, and they believed firmly

in the existence of =spirits=, good and bad, =witches=, and fiends and

devils, which they tried to cajole, or wheedle, or placate with gifts,

or to vanquish by means of =spells=, =magical names=, =words of power=,

=amulets= of all kinds, etc. The =magician= was the real priest, to the

lower classes at least, as he is to this day in Central Africa, for by

the use of =magical figures= he assured his clients that he could procure

for them the death, or sickness, of an enemy, riches, the love of women,

dreams wherein the future would be revealed to them, and above all,

the assistance of the gods. We find that about B.C. 312 a service was

regularly performed in the temple of Ȧmen-Rā at Thebes to make the sun

rise. In the course of it a figure of the monster Āpep, who was supposed

to be lying in wait to swallow the Sun-god, was made of wax, then wrapped

in new papyrus on which the “accursed name” of the fiend was written in

green ink, and solemnly burned in a fire fed by a special kind of herb,

whilst the priest spurned it with his left foot and poured out curses on

each of the thirty “accursed names” of the evil one. As the wax melted

and was consumed, together with the papyrus and the green ink with which

his name was written, so the body of Āpep was believed to be consumed in

the flames of the rising sun in the eastern sky.

[Illustration: The spearing of Āpep.]

From the evidence given at Thebes about B.C. 1200 against certain

officials who were implicated in a case of conspiracy against Rameses

III, it appeared that a certain man had stolen a book of magic from the

temple library. From this he obtained instructions how to make the wax

figures which caused the sickness, quakings of the limbs, and death of

those in whose forms they were made. An example of the wax figures which

were used in the Ptolemaïc period is exhibited in Table-case C in the

Third Egyptian Room, No. 198. The core is made of inscribed papyrus,

and in front, in the centre, is a piece of hair, presumably that of

the person on whom the magician who made the figure sought to exert

his influence. Every act of daily life had some magical or religious

observance associated with it, and every day, either in whole or in part,

was declared to be lucky or unlucky, in accordance with a series of

events which were represented by the =Calendar of lucky and unlucky days=.

Superstition played as prominent a part in =medicine= as in religion. The

practice of dismembering the dead in primitive times must have taught

the Egyptians some practical anatomy, and the operations connected with

mummification in the later period must have added largely to their

knowledge of the arrangement of the principal internal organs of the

body. The Egyptians were well acquainted with the importance of the

heart in the human economy, and they appear to have had some knowledge

of the functions of the arteries. A considerable number of =medical

prescriptions= have come down to us, _e.g._, those which are inscribed on

a papyrus in the British Museum (No. 10,059) and are said to be as old

as the time of Khufu (Cheops), a king of the IVth dynasty, and those of

the Ebers Papyrus, of the XVIIIth dynasty; from these it is easy to see

that they closely resemble in many particulars the prescriptions given in

English medical books printed two or three hundred years ago. Powders and

decoctions made from plants and seeds were largely used, and the piths of

certain trees, dates, sycamore-figs, and other fruits, salt, magnesia,

oil, honey, sweet beer, formed the principal ingredients of many

prescriptions. With these were often mixed substances of an unpleasant

nature, _e.g._, bone dust, rancid fat, the droppings of animals, etc. In

order that certain drugs might have the desired effect it was necessary

for the physician to recite a magical formula four times (Ebers Papyrus

CVIII). Other medicines again owed their efficacy to the belief that

they had been actually taken by one or other of the gods whilst they

reigned upon earth, and the authorship of certain prescriptions was

ascribed to Rā. Thus according to the Ebers Papyrus (XLVI) Rā suffered

from attacks of boils of a most malignant kind, and he made up a salve,

containing sixteen ingredients, which gave him instant relief, and which

was therefore certain to cure ordinary mortals. The following is a

characteristic example of a prescription which, as is evident, contains a

number of substances which are well known to be good for inflamed eyes,

and also some others the special value of which is not clear:—

𓎡𓐰𓏏𓐰𓈖𓐰𓏏𓂧𓐰𓂋𓐰𓂡𓇉𓄿𓍘𓏭𓻏𓅓𓁹𓐰𓏏𓐱𓏤

“Another [prescription] for driving inflammation from the eye.

𓂝𓐰𓈖𓅂𓈒𓐰𓏦

Myrrh 1

𓎃𓏤𓏜𓏪𓅨𓐰𓂋𓈒𓐰𓏦

‘Great Protectors’ seed 1

𓍱𓐰𓊃𓇌𓏏𓐰𓈒

Oxide of copper 1

𓍑𓄿𓂋𓐰𓏏𓐰𓈒𓐱𓏦

Citron pips 1

𓎼𓄿𓇌𓏏𓐰𓆰𓎖𓐰𓏲𓐱𓏰

Northern cypress flowers 1

𓇅𓏲𓐰𓈒𓏪

Antimony 1

𓈎𓄿𓇌𓏏𓐰𓐎𓏪𓈖𓐰𓏏𓎼𓎛𓋴𓄛

Gazelle droppings 1

𓏶𓅓𓏭𓈖𓐰𓈎𓄿𓂧𓇌𓏏𓐰𓄛

Oryx offal 1

𓌻𓐰𓂋𓎛𓏏𓐰𓏊𓏪𓌉𓆓𓐳𓏏𓇳

White oil 1

[_Directions for use._]

𓂞𓁷𓐰𓏤𓈗𓁀 𓂜𓻈𓔾𓐎𓐰𓂝 𓁷𓐰𓂋𓋴𓂋𓐰𓇳𓐱𓏽𓎡𓐰𓇌𓆓𓐳𓂧 𓎘𓎛𓏲𓐰𓂡𓐍𓐰𓂋𓐰𓎡𓋴𓏏𓅓 𓆄𓆃𓈖𓐰𓏏𓈖𓐰𓂋𓐰𓏏𓅬

“Place in water, let stand for one night, strain through a cloth,

and smear over [the eye] for four days; or, according to another

prescription, paint it on [the eye] with a goose-feather.”[6]

The Egyptian physician was called upon not only to heal his patients, but

to beautify them, and we find prescriptions for removing scurf from the

skin, for changing the colour of the skin, for making the skin smooth,

and the following for removing wrinkles from the face:—

𓎡𓐰𓏏𓐰𓈖𓐰𓏏𓂧𓐰𓂋𓐰𓂡𓈎𓐰𓂋𓐰𓆑𓏲𓐰𓏼𓏌𓐰𓏤𓁷𓐰𓏤

“Another [prescription] for driving away wrinkles of the face.”

𓅮𓇌𓏏𓐰𓈒𓐰𓏼𓈖𓐰𓏏𓊹𓌣𓏏𓐰𓂋𓐰𓈒𓐱𓏼

Ball of incense 1

𓏠𓐰𓈖𓎛𓈒𓐰𓏼

Wax 1

𓆮𓏊𓐰𓏼𓇅𓆓𓐳𓏛

Fresh oil 1

𓎼𓇋𓏲𓆰𓐰𓏥

Cypress berries 1

[_Directions for use._]

𔌗𓏌𓐰𓂡𓏟𓏜𓂋𓐰𓂞𓁷𓐰𓏤𓎛𓋴𓐠𓄿𓈗𓏊𓐰𓏼𓂋𓐰𓂞𓂋𓐰𓁷𓐱𓏤𓇳𓐰𓏤𓏿𓁹𓐰𓌴𓁹𓄿𓄿𓎡

“Crush, and rub down and put in new milk and apply it to the face for

six days. Take good heed [to this].”[7]

The =population= of Egypt was, in 1897, 9,734,405 persons, of whom

8,978,775 were Muḥammadans, 25,200 Jews, and 730,162 Christians. The last

census was taken on the 29th April, 1907, and the entire population of

the country consisted of 11,272,000 persons, or nearly 16 per cent. more

than in 1897.

=The Egyptian Language= is not Semitic, although it possesses many

characteristics which resemble those of the Semitic languages, but in

a less developed form. Of all the views on the subject which have been

held in recent years, the most plausible one is that which makes Egyptian

belong to the group of Proto-Semitic languages. The Egyptian and the

Semitic languages appear to have sprung from a common stock, from which

they separated before their grammars and vocabularies were consolidated.

The Egyptian language developed rapidly under circumstances of which

nothing is known, and then, apparently, became crystallized; the Semitic

language developed less rapidly, but continued to develope for centuries

after the growth of the Egyptian language was arrested. To the period

when Egyptian separated itself from the parent stock no date can be

assigned, but it must have taken place some thousands of years before

Christ. Later, under the XVIIIth and XIXth dynasties, B.C. 1550 to 1300,

a large number of Semitic words were introduced into the language, and in

such compositions as the “Travels of an Egyptian” (see page 70) a great

many are transcribed into Egyptian characters.

The Egyptian language as known to us appears in four divisions, viz.:—

1. The Egyptian of the Early Empire, which was studied and employed for

literary purposes from about B.C. 4400 to about A.D. 200.

2. The Egyptian used in the ordinary business of life and for

conversation, from about B.C. 2600 to 650.

3. The popular speech of the country, from about 600 or 500 B.C. to the

end of the Roman Period.

4. The ordinary language of the country, after Christianity was

introduced into it; this is called =Coptic=. It ceased to be used in

Egypt as a spoken language, probably about the twelfth century, but the

Holy Scriptures and the Services are in several places in Egypt read in

Coptic on Sundays and Festivals, although very few people understand

what is being read. Four dialects of Coptic are distinguished: (1)

That of Upper Egypt, called “Sahidic.” (2) That of Lower Egypt, called

“Boheiric.” (3) The dialect of Ṣûhâḳ and its neighbourhood. (4) The

dialect of the district of the Fayyûm. It is a noteworthy fact that,

from the beginning of the second century of our era to the twelfth, the

language of ancient Egypt was preserved, in a modified form, chiefly

through the translations of the Holy Scriptures, which were made from

Greek into Coptic.

[Illustration: A page of hieratic writing from the Great Harris Papyrus.]

=Egyptian Writing= was of three kinds, which are called “Hieroglyphic,”

“Hieratic,” and “Demotic.” The oldest form is the =hieroglyphic= (_i.e._,

sacred engraved writing), or purely pictorial, which was employed in

inscriptions upon temples, tombs, statues, sepulchral tablets, etc.,

and for monumental purposes generally. At a very early period it was

found that the hieroglyphic form of writing was cumbrous, and that in

cases where it was important to write quickly on papyrus, the pictorial

characters were inconvenient. The scribes, therefore, began first to

modify, and secondly to abbreviate the pictorial characters, and at

length the form of writing called =hieratic= (_i.e._, the priests’

writing) was developed. Hieratic was a style of cursive writing much

used by the priests in copying literary compositions on papyrus from

the IVth or Vth dynasty to the XXVIth dynasty. This form of writing is

well illustrated by the above reproduction of a page from the Great

Harris Papyrus in the British Museum (No. 9999), which was written about

B.C. 1200. The text is read from right to left, and the following is a

transcript into hieroglyphic characters of the first two lines:—

1. 𓆓𓐳𓂧𓇋𓐰𓈖𓇓𓏏𓐰𓈖𓀭𓍹𓐼𓇳𓄊𓌷𓐰𓏏𓆄𓌻𓇋𓏠𓐰𓈖𓀭𓐽𓍺𓀭𓋹𓍑𓋴

𓅮𓄿𓊹𓀭𓉻𓐰𓏛𓐍𓐰𓂋𓀙𓏲𓀀𓏪𓄂𓐰𓏏𓐱𓏲𓐰𓏭𓏴𓐰𓂻𓀀𓏪𓏌𓐰𓏤𓇾𓐰𓏤𓐱𓈇𓀎𓀀𓏪

𓈖𓐰𓏏𓎛𓏏𓐰𓂋𓇋𓆳𓄛𓐰𓏦𓆷𓄿𓏭𓐰𓂋𓐰𓂧𓏤𓄿𓈖𓐰𓄿𓌙𓀀𓏪𓌔𓐰𓏏𓐱𓏤𓀀𓏪𓆈𓐰𓏏𓐱𓏦

2. 𓋹𓈖𓐰𓐍𓐱𓏲𓀀𓏥𓐰𓎟𓏌𓐰𓏤𓇾𓐰𓏤𓐱𓈇𓈖𓇾𓐰𓏤𓐱𓈇𓌻𓇋𓆳𓊖𓐰𓊖𓄔𓅓𓏜𓏲𓐰𓈖𓐰𓏦𓂞𓐰𓏲𓀭

𓂝𓐰𓌴𓄿𓅓𓏲𓐰𓁻𓏏𓐰𓈖𓐰𓏦𓅓𓈖𓐰𓄿𓇌𓏪𓀭𓅜𓐍𓐰𓏲𓏜𓏪𓇋𓀁𓁹𓐰𓂋𓐰𓏲𓀭𓇋𓏲

𓀭𓅓𓇓𓏏𓐰𓈖𓀭𓈖𓂋𓐰𓐍𓇌𓅛𓀀𓁐𓏪𓃹𓐰𓈖𓅮𓄿𓇾𓐰𓏤𓐱𓈇𓈖

Between the end of the XXIInd and the beginning of the XXVIth dynasty the

scribes, wishing to simplify hieratic still further, constructed from it

a purely conventional system of signs from which most of the prominent

characteristics of the hieroglyphic, or pictures, that had been preserved

in the hieratic characters, disappeared. This new form of writing was

called =demotic= (_i.e._, the people’s writing), but it was known among

some of the early Egyptologists as =enchorial= (_i.e._, native writing,

or writing of the country). On the Rosetta Stone (Egyptian Gallery, No.

960) the visitor will see an example of the =hieroglyphic and demotic=

forms of writing placed one above the other, and in the text we find that

the hieroglyphic portion is called “the writing of the divine words,” or

letters, 𓏟𓈖𓊹𓌃𓏪, and the demotic “the writing of books,” _i.e._, rolls

of papyrus, 𓏟𓋔𓈚𓐰𓂝𓇌𓍽. The invention of the art of writing was assigned

to the god Thoth, who was the great scribe of the gods, and who is

frequently represented holding a writing palette and a reed pen, and the

hieroglyphics, or picture signs, were, therefore, called “divine, sacred,

or holy.” Hieroglyphics were used for monumental purposes until about the

end of the third century A.D., but it is tolerably certain that very few

people could read them or understand them.

[Illustration: Demotic Writing.]

During the Ptolemaïc Period, though =Greek= was the language of the

kings and the upper classes of the country, the temples were covered

with inscriptions in hieroglyphics, and the Ptolemies and the Romans

adopted old Egyptian titles, and had their names transcribed into

hieroglyphics and cut in cartouches like the Pharaohs. In the reigns

of Euergetes I (B.C. 267 to 222) and Epiphanes (B.C. 205 to 181) the

priests promulgated decrees in honour of their kings which were cut on

slabs of basalt in the hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek characters, but

on the sepulchral tablets of the period the inscriptions are usually in

hieroglyphics alone, because the natives throughout the country clung

to these characters, which had, from time immemorial, been associated

with their religious beliefs and ceremonies. In the Southern Egyptian

Gallery, however, are exhibited several tablets which are inscribed in

demotic as well as in hieroglyphics, and of these may be noted the tablet

of Tut-i-em-ḥetep (No. 1028, Bay 25), who died B.C. 118; the tablet of

Khā-em-ḥrȧ (No. 997, Bay 25); and the tablet of Peṭā Bast (No. 1030,

Bay 27). In the Roman Period we find that the use of demotic sometimes

superseded that of hieroglyphics in public documents, and as an example

of this may be mentioned the fine sandstone tablet inscribed, wholly in

demotic, with a decree recording the dedication of certain properties

to the gods who were worshipped at Karnak (Thebes) in the first century

of our era (No. 993, Bay 27). This tablet was found at Karnak, in the

Hall of Columns, where, no doubt, it was set up originally, and its

inscription was cut in demotic, because, at that period, that form of

writing was better understood than hieroglyphics. In the Roman Period

hieroglyphic inscriptions were sometimes accompanied by renderings into

Greek and Latin, _e.g._, No. 257, Third Egyptian Room, Wall-case No. 109.

This is a portion of a statue of a priest bearing a shrine of Osiris. On

the back of the plinth is an inscription in hieroglyphics containing an

address to Osiris by a priest of the “fourth order,” and on one side of

the plinth are cut in Latin and Greek “priest bearing Osiris.”

=Coptic= is written with the letters of the Greek alphabet, and seven

signs (ϣ, ϥ, ϧ, ϩ, ϫ, ϭ, ϯ), derived from demotic characters, the

phonetic values of which could not be expressed by Greek letters. A fine

collection of sepulchral tablets inscribed in Coptic is exhibited in the

Southern Egyptian Gallery (Bay 32), and a long and most instructive

series of drafts of documents on potsherds and slices of limestone will

be found in Table-case M in the Fourth Egyptian Room. In the copy of the

=Lord’s Prayer= (St. Matthew vi, 9) here appended the reader will find

all the signs which are peculiar to Coptic save one (ϭ). The dialect is

that of Lower Egypt. The two words marked by asterisks are Greek, not

Egyptian.

ⲡⲉⲛⲓⲱⲧ ⲉⲧϧⲉⲛ ⲛⲓⲫⲏⲟⲩⲓ ⲙⲁⲣⲉϥⲧⲟⲩⲃⲟ ⲛ̅ϫⲉⲡⲉⲕⲣⲁⲛ.

_Peniôt_ _etkhen_ _niphêoui_ _mareftoubo_ _entche pekran._

Our Father who art in the heavens, may be hallowed thy name.

ⲙⲁⲣⲉⲥⲓ ⲛ̀ϫⲉⲧⲉⲕⲙⲉⲧⲟⲩⲣⲟ. ⲡⲉⲧⲉϩⲛⲁⲕ ⲙⲁⲣⲉϥϣⲱⲡⲓ ⲙⲫⲣⲏϯ

_Maresi_ _entche tekmetouro._ _Peteḥnak_ _marefshôpi_ _emphrêti_

May come thy kingdom. Thy will let it be as

ϧⲉⲛ ⲧⲫⲉ ⲛⲉⲙ ϩⲓϫⲉⲛ ⲡⲓⲕⲁϩⲓ. ⲡⲉⲛⲱⲓⲕ ⲛ̅ⲧⲉ

_khen_ _tphe_ _nem_ _ḥitchen_ _pikaḥi._ _Penôik_ _ente_

in the heaven so upon the earth. Our bread of

ⲣⲁⲥϯ ⲙⲏⲓϥ ⲛⲁⲛ ⲙ̅ⲫⲟⲟⲩ. ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲭⲁ ⲛⲉⲧⲉⲣⲟⲛ

_rasti_ _mêif_ _nan_ _emphoou._ _Ouoḥ_ _kha_ _neteron_

to-morrow give it to us to-day. And forgive our debts

ⲛⲁⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲙ̅ⲫⲣⲏϯ ϩⲱⲛ ⲛ̀ⲧⲉⲛⲭⲱ ⲉⲃⲟⲗ ⲛ̅ⲛⲏ ⲉⲧⲉⲟⲩⲟⲛ

_nan_ _ebol_ _emphrêti_ _ḥôn_ _entenkhô ebol ennê_ _eteouon_

to us as we also forgive those who are

ⲛ̀ⲧⲁⲛ ⲉⲣⲱⲟⲩ. ⲟⲩⲟϩ ⲙ̅ⲡⲉⲣⲉⲛⲧⲉⲛ ⲉϧⲟⲩⲛ ⲉ ⲡⲓⲣⲁⲥⲙⲟⲥ.* ⲁⲗⲗⲁ*

_entan erôou._ _ouoḥ_ _emperenten_ _ekhoun_ _e_ _pirasmos,_ _alla_

our debtors. And bring us not into temptation; but

ⲛⲁϩⲙⲉⲛ ⲉⲃⲟⲗϩⲁ ⲡⲓⲡⲉⲧϩⲱⲟⲩ.

_naḥmen_ _ebolḥa_ _pipetḥôou._

deliver us from that which is evil.

[Illustration: Coptic inscription on a slice of limestone.

[No. 10, Table-case M, Third Egyptian Room.]]

=Decipherment of Egyptian Hieroglyphics.=—Before the close of the

period of Roman rule in Egypt, the hieroglyphic system of writing fell

into disuse, and its place was gradually taken by demotic, _i.e._, a

conventional form of the hieratic, or cursive writing. When the Egyptians

became converted to Christianity, they adopted the Greek alphabet,

adding to it seven signs derived from demotic, to express the sounds

peculiar to their language. The priests appear to have prosecuted some

study of hieroglyphics until the end of the fifth century A.D., but soon

after this the power to read and understand them was lost, and until

the beginning of the nineteenth century, no Oriental or European could

read or understand a hieroglyphic inscription. During the seventeenth

and eighteenth centuries many attempts were made by scholars to read and

translate the Egyptian inscriptions, but no real progress was made until

after the discovery of the =Rosetta Stone=. This “Stone” is a portion of

a large black basalt stele measuring 3 feet 9 inches by 2 feet 4½ inches,

and is inscribed with fourteen lines of =hieroglyphics=, thirty-two

lines of =demotic=, and fifty-four lines of =Greek=. (See Southern

Egyptian Gallery, No. 960.) It was found in 1798 by a French officer of

artillery named Boussard, among the ruins of Fort Saint Julien, near the

Rosetta mouth of the Nile, and was removed, in 1799, to the _Institut

National_ at Cairo, to be examined by the learned; and Napoleon ordered

the inscription to be engraved and copies of it to be submitted to the

scholars and learned societies of Europe. In 1801 it passed into the

possession of the British, and it was sent to England in February,

1802. It was exhibited for a few months in the rooms of the Society of

Antiquaries, and then was finally deposited in the British Museum.

[Illustration: The “Rosetta Stone.”

[Southern Egyptian Gallery, No. 960.]]

The =first translation of the Greek text= was made by Du Theil and

Weston, in 1801-02, and they rightly declared that the stone was set

up as the result of a Decree passed at the General Council of Egyptian

priests assembled at Memphis to celebrate the first commemoration of the

coronation of =Ptolemy V, Epiphanes=, king of all Egypt. The young king

had been crowned in the eighth year of his reign, therefore the first

commemoration took place in the ninth year, in the spring of the year,

B.C. 196. The Decree sets forth that, because the king had given corn and

money from his private resources to the temples, and had remitted taxes

and released prisoners, and had abolished the press-gang and restored the

worship of the gods, etc., the priests decreed that: Additional honours

be paid to the king and his ancestors; an image of the king be set up in

every temple; a statue and shrine be set up in every temple; a monthly

festival be established on the birthday and coronation day of the king;

this Decree be engraved upon a hard stone stele in the writing of the

priests (hieroglyphic), in the writing of books (demotic), and in the

writing of the Greeks (Greek), and set up in every temple of the first,

second, and third class, by the side of the image of the king.

In 1802 =Åkerblad= succeeded in making out the general meaning of

several lines of the demotic text, and in identifying the equivalents of

the names Alexander, Alexandria, Ptolemy, etc. In 1819 =Thomas Young=

published in the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_, vol. IV, the results of his

studies of the texts, and among them was a list of several alphabetic

Egyptian characters to which, in most cases, he had assigned correct

values. He was the first to grasp the idea of a =phonetic principle=

in the reading of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and he was the first to

apply it to their decipherment. Warburton, De Guignes, Barthélemy and

Zoëga all _suspected_ the existence of alphabetic hieroglyphics, and

the three last-named scholars believed that the oval, or _cartouche_ 𓍷,

contained a royal name; but it was Young who first proved both points

and successfully deciphered the name of =Ptolemy= on the Rosetta Stone,

and that of =Berenice= on another monument, and it was Bankes who first

identified the name of =Cleopatra=. The list of alphabetic characters was

much enlarged in 1822 by the eminent scholar =Champollion=, who not only

correctly deciphered the names and titles of most of the Roman Emperors,

but drew up classified lists of the hieroglyphics, and formulated a

system of grammar and general decipherment which is the foundation upon

which all subsequent Egyptologists have worked. The discovery of the

correct alphabetic values of Egyptian signs was most useful for reading

names, but, for translating the language, a competent knowledge of

Coptic was required. Now Coptic is only another name for Egyptian.

The Egyptian Christians are called “Copts,” and the Holy Scriptures,

Liturgies, etc., which they translated from Greek soon after their

conversion to Christianity, are said to be written in “Coptic.” The

knowledge of Coptic has never been lost, and a comparatively large sacred

literature has always been available for study by scholars. Champollion,

quite early in the nineteenth century, realized the great importance of

Coptic for the purpose of Egyptian decipherment, and he made himself the

greatest Coptic scholar of his time. His knowledge of Coptic was deep and

wide, and to this important qualification much of his success is due.

Having once obtained a correct value of many alphabetic and syllabic

characters, his knowledge of Coptic helped him to deduce the values of

others, and to assign meanings to Egyptian words with marvellous accuracy.

The method by which the greater part of the Egyptian alphabet was

recovered is this: It was assumed correctly that the _cartouche_ always

contained a royal name. The only _cartouche_ on the Rosetta Stone was

assumed to contain the name Ptolemy. An obelisk brought from Philae about

that time contained a hieroglyphic inscription, and a translation of

it in Greek, which mentioned two names, Ptolemy and Cleopatra, and one

of the _cartouches_ was filled with hieroglyphic characters which were

identical with those in the cartouche on the Rosetta Stone. Thus there

was good reason to believe that the _cartouche_ on the Rosetta Stone

contained the name of Ptolemy written in hieroglyphic characters. Here is

the _cartouche_ which was assumed to represent the name =Ptolemaios=, or

=Ptolemy=, the hieroglyphics being numbered (A)—

=A= 𓍹𓐼𓊪𓐰𓏏𓍯𓃭𓐰𓐝𓇌𓋴𓐽𓍺

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

and here is the _cartouche_ which was assumed to represent the name

=Cleopatra= (B)—

=B= 𓍹𓐼𓈎𓐰𓃭𓇋𓍯𓊪𓄿𓂧𓐰𓂋𓄿𓏏𓐰𓆇𓐽𓍺

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Now in B, the first sign, 𓈎, must represent =K=; it is not found in A.

No. 2 sign, 𓃭, is identical with No. 4 sign in A. This was assumed to be

=L=. No. 3 sign, 𓇋, represents a vowel, and doubled, 𓇌, is found in A,

No. 6. No. 4 sign, 𓍯, is identical with No. 3 in A, and it must have the

value of =O= in both A and B. No. 5 sign, 𓊪, is identical with No. 1 in

A, and as A contains the name Ptolemy, the first sign, 𓊪, must be =P=.

No. 6 sign, 𓄿, is wanting in A, but its value must be =A=, because it is

the same sign as No. 9, which ends the name Kleopatra. No. 7, 𓂧, does not

occur in A, but we see it in other _cartouches_ taking the place of 𓏏 the

second letter in the name of Ptolemaios, and it must therefore be some

kind of =T=. No. 8, 𓂋, we assume is =R=, because it is the last letter

but one in the name of Kleopatra. Nos. 10 and 11 signs, 𓏏𓐰𓆇, we find

after the names of goddesses; the first of them is =T=; and the second

is a “determinative.” We now insert the alphabetic values in the two

_cartouches_ and obtain the following results:

=A= 𓍹𓐼P𓐰TOL𓐰𓐝𓇌𓋴𓐽𓍺

=B= 𓍹𓐼K𓐰L(?) OPATR(?)A𓏏𓐰𓆇𓐽𓍺

In the case of =A= it is quite clear that PTOL is the first part of the

name of Ptolemaios, therefore 𓐝𓇌𓋴 must represent the second part of the

name, or MAIOS. We may then say that 𓐝 is =M=, and the last sign 𓋴 is

=S=, and that 𓇌 represents some _i_-sound, or _e_-sound; in the case of

~B~ we are certain of the values of all the signs except 𓈎, 𓂋 and 𓆇, but

it is clear from their positions in the name that the first two must

represent ~K~ and ~R~. We have seen that the signs 𓏏𓐰𓆇 are added to the

names of goddesses, and as Kleopatra was regarded as a goddess, they are

added to her name. They do not affect the name itself. The two royal

names may now be taken out of the _cartouches_, and the values written

under the characters thus:

=A= 𓊪 𓏏 𓍯 𓃭 𓐝 𓇌 𓋴

P T O L M (I or E) S

=B= 𓈎 𓃭 𓇋 𓍯 𓊪 𓄿 𓂧 𓂋 𓄿 𓏏𓐰𓆇

K L E(?) O P A T R A ...

Taking another _cartouche_ 𓍹𓐼𓄿𓃭𓐰𓎡𓋴𓇋𓈖𓐰𓂧𓂋𓐰𓊃𓐽𓍺 we already know the signs,

𓄿𓃭𓋴𓇋𓂧𓂋, which represent ~A~, ~L~, ~S~, ~E~(?), ~T~, and ~R~. The only

Greek name which contains these letters in this order is =Alexandros=, or

Alexander, and we therefore conclude that the last sign, 𓊃, is ~S~, that

𓎡 is ~K~, that 𓇋 is ~A~, and that 𓈖 is ~N~.

A common title of the Roman Emperors was 𓎡𓇌𓋴𓂋𓊃, and as we know all the

signs but one (𓇌) with certainty we write down ~K~-𓇌-~S~-~R~-~S~, which

can only be “Kaisaros,” or “Caesar.” From this we again see that 𓇌

represents the αι in Καισαρος and Πτολεμαιος, or _ae_ in Caesar.

In this way the Egyptian alphabet was recovered.

Now if we look at the last line of the Egyptian text on the Rosetta

Stone we shall find that in the _cartouche_ 𓍹𓐼𓊪𓐰𓏏𓍯𓃭𓐰𓐝𓇌𓋴𓋹𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛𓌻𓇌𓐽𓍺

there are several signs which have not been explained above, viz.,

𓋹𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛𓌻𓇌. These signs, it is clear, form no part of the name of

Ptolemy, and the position in which they are found suggests that they

represent _titles_. A reference to the Greek version (line 49) shows

that Ptolemy is there called “everliving, beloved of Phtha,” and it now

remains to see if the hieroglyphics mean anything like these words.

The sound and meaning of the first sign, 𓋹, were well known from the

statements of Greek writers who said that it was pronounced _anch_,

and that it meant “living,” or “life.” Two of the three characters in

the group, 𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛, we know to be ~P~ and ~T~, and we are justified in

assuming that 𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛 represents the name of the god Phtha, or as it is now

read _Ptaḥ_. Now, if 𓋹 means “living” or “life,” and 𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛 means “Ptaḥ,”

𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸 must mean “for ever,” and 𓌻𓇌 must mean “beloved.” Of the first

group, 𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸, we already know the value of the second sign 𓏏, ~T~,

and of the second group we know that 𓇌 has the value of ~I~. Recourse

must now be had to Coptic, so that the Coptic (_i.e._, Egyptian) words

for “for ever” and “beloved” may be compared with the hieroglyphic

originals. The common word for “for ever,” “eternity,” etc., is _eneḥ_,

but there is no _n_ in 𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸, so this will not suit. We do, however,

find the word ϭⲉⲧ, _djet_, which means “an age,” “a long undefined period

of time,” and this agrees well with the sound of 𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸, and shows

that the sound of 𓆓 was something like ~DJ~, and that 𓇾 must have a ~T~

sound. The common word in Coptic for “to love” is ⲙⲉⲣ, _mer_, and we may

therefore transcribe 𓌻𓇌 by _meri_, and assume that it means something

like “beloved.” As the meanings here deduced for 𓋹𓆓𓐳𓐷𓏏𓐰𓇾𓐸𓊪𓐰𓏏𓎛𓌻𓇌 make good

sense in every text in which they occur we are justified in assuming them

to be correct.

The Egyptian =alphabetic characters= are as follow:—

𓄿 A The Hebrew _aleph_ ‎‏א‏‎.

𓇋 Ȧ

𓂝 Ā Pronounced like the Hebrew ‎‏ע‏‎.

𓇌 or 𓏭 I The Hebrew _yodh_ ‎‏י‏‎.

𓅱 or 𓏲 U or W The Hebrew ‎‏וּ‏‎ and ‎‏ו‏‎. It had sometimes

an _o_-sound, like the Hebrew ‎‏וֺ‏‎.

𓃀 B Hebrew ‎‏ב‏‎.

𓊪 P ” ‎‏פ‏‎.

𓆑 F

𓅓 ⎫ M ” ‎‏מ‏‎.

𓐝 ⎭

𓈖 ⎫ N ” ‎‏נ‏‎.

𓋔 ⎭

𓂋 ⎫ R and L ” ‎‏ר‏‎ and ‎‏ל‏‎.

𓃭 ⎭

𓉔 H ” ‎‏ה‏‎.

𓎛 Ḥ ” ‎‏ח‏‎.

𓐍 χ (KH) ” ‎‏כ‏‎, without the Dagesh.

𓊃 ⎫ S ” ‎‏ס‏‎ or ‎‏שׂ‏‎.

𓋴 ⎭

𓈚 SH ” ‎‏שׁ‏‎.

𓎡 K ” ‎‏כּ‏‎.

𓈎 Q ” ‎‏ק‏‎.

𓎼 Ḳ ” ‎‏ג‏‎.

𓏏 T ” תּ.

𓍿 ⎫ TH(?) ” ‎‏ת‏‎ (?).

𓍘 ⎭

𓂧 Ṭ ” ‎‏ט‏‎.

𓆓 TCH or Ṣ (?) ” ‎‏צ‏‎.

=Hieroglyphic writing.=—The hieroglyph is a =picture= of an object,

animate or inanimate, _e.g._, 𓁹 an eye, 𓃝 a ram, 𓃹 a hare, 𓅐 a vulture,

𓅧 a duck, 𓇼 a star, 𓉶 an obelisk, 𓁷 a face, 𓂾 a leg.

Now pictures may also represent =ideas=, _e.g._, 𓊊, a wall leaning on

one side represents “falling”; 𓄤, a musical instrument, symbolizes “joy,

happiness, pleasure,” etc.; 𓋩, a seal, represents something of which

great care is taken, _i.e._, “treasure”; 𓀋, a man holding a vessel placed

on his head, symbolizes “to bear, to carry”; 𓻊, the sky with a star

hanging from it, suggests “night”; and so on. Hieroglyphs used in this

way are called =ideographs=. Every object had a name, therefore each

picture, or hieroglyph, was a word-sign, and a list of these would have

made a dictionary in the earliest times. At one time all hieroglyphs were

syllabic, and the Egyptians had no alphabetic hieroglyphs; and if scribes

had needed to write down letter by letter the name of some foreign

product, or the name of a foreign king, supposing they did not possess

syllables suitable in sound, they would have been unable to do so. In

fact the Egyptians needed an =alphabet=, and the oldest inscriptions of

any length show that they already possessed one.

About the origin of =alphabetic hieroglyphs= opinions differ. They

probably arose in this way. The sounds of the first letters of the names

of certain objects were given to the pictures of such objects, and

henceforward the pictures, or hieroglyphs, bore those phonetic values,

and so became the letters of an alphabet. Each name chosen for this

purpose appears to have consisted of a syllable containing an initial

consonant, and one or more vowels. The vowel, or vowels, was dropped, and

the name of the object, or the syllable, passed into a purely alphabetic

value. Thus 𓃀 is an alphabetic hieroglyph with the phonetic value of B,

and it may well represent the consonant of some word like _Bu_ “a place,”

or _Bȧa_ “iron.” Similarly 𓂋, which has the phonetic value of R, probably

represents the consonant of some word like _Ru_ “mouth,” in Coptic _Rô_;

and 𓆑 with the phonetic value of F probably represents the consonant

of some word like _fa_ “to carry.” Thus we have a series of alphabetic

characters or letters. Signs having alphabetic values are used to form

words without any reference to their pictorial or ideographic meanings.

One of the words for “knife” is _sfnṭ_, which is thus spelt 𓋴𓆑𓐰𓈖𓐰𓂧. Now

𓋴 _s_ is a picture of a chair-back; 𓆑 _f_ is a picture of a snail(?); 𓈖

_n_ is a picture of the wavy surface of water; and 𓂧 _ṭ_ is a picture of

a human hand stretched out flat; in the word _sfnṭ_ the picture meanings

of the characters play no part, and the signs are used to express

alphabetic sounds only.

As long as the Egyptians used picture writing pure and simple its meaning

was easily understood, but, when they began to spell their words with

alphabetic signs and syllabic values of picture signs which had no

reference whatever to the original meaning of the signs, it was found

necessary to indicate in some way the meaning and even the sounds of many

of the words so written. This they did by adding to them signs which are

called =determinatives=. Thus the word _āḥa_ 𓊢𓂝 means both “to stand”

and “boat,” but when the writer wished the reader to give it the former

meaning he added to the word a pair of legs 𓂻, thus 𓊢𓂝𓐰𓂻, and when the

latter he added the picture of a boat 𓊛, thus 𓊢𓂝𓐰𓊛. Similarly _men_ 𓏠𓐰𓈖

means “to abide, be stable,” and also “to be ill,” and the meanings

are distinguished by the use of the determinatives 𓏛 and 𓅪, the former

signifying “an abstract idea,” and the latter “discomfort,” or “evil.”

The following words show the use of the determinatives; 𓀭 a god, 𓀁

actions performed with the mouth, 𓁐 a woman, 𓈉 a country, 𓄛 the skin

of an animal, 𓈗 water, 𓌪 actions performed with a knife, and 𓏊 a pot of

unguent or liquid.

The god Khnemu 𓎸𓅓𓅱𓀭

_Meṭu_ “to speak” 𓌃𓂧𓅱𓀁

_Sat_ “daughter” 𓅭𓐴𓏏𓁐

_Kesh_ “Nubia” 𓎡𓐰𓈚𓈉

_Pennu_ “mouse” 𓊪𓐰𓈖𓏌𓅱𓄛

_Mȧu_ “cat” 𓏇𓇋𓅱𓄛 or 𓏇𓇋𓅱𓃠

_Qebḥ_ “libation” 𓈎𓃀𓎛𓈗

_Sma_ “to slay” 𓋴𓌳𓌪

_Merḥet_ “oil” 𓌻𓐰𓂋𓎛𓏏𓏊

_Ḥeqt_ “beer” 𓎛𓈎𓐰𓏏𓏊

Hieroglyphs are written in perpendicular or horizontal lines as in A and

B. In these examples the words are to be read in the direction in which

the birds face, _i.e._, from left to right.

=A.=

[Illustration: 𓇋𓂋𓃹𓈖𓈖𓎡𓅓𓊃𓏤𓐱𓀀

𓇋𓐱𓐷𓈎𓐰𓂋𓐸𓏛𓁹𓎡𓅭𓀀𓈖

𓋴𓌳𓄿𓅓𓆭𓐱𓏜𓊹[8]]

=B.=

[Illustration: 𓅱𓂋𓐰𓂞𓈖𓐰𓀀𓏏𓐱𓏐𓐰𔏇𓏥𓐰𓈖𓎛𓈎𓐰𓏏𓅪𓐰𓏥𓈗𓋔𓇋𓃀𓃚𓏭𓐰𓈗𓀁𓀀𓎛𓃀

𓋴𓅱𓋳𓏥𓐰𓈖𓇉𓄿𓐴𓏭𓅱𓋳𓀀𓅖𓄚𓐰𓈖𓊛𓃛𓐰𓏲𓐱𓏭𓊛𓀀[9]]

The =writing materials= consisted of papyrus, palette, reed-pens, ink

and ink-pot. =Papyrus= was made from the stem of the papyrus plant

(_Cyperus Papyrus_), which grew in the marshes and pools near the Nile;

it is no longer cultivated in Egypt, but is found in the Sûdân, where

it grows to a height of from 20 to 25 ft., and has very thick stems.

The exact meaning and derivation of “papyrus” are unknown, but the word

is probably of Egyptian origin.[10] A sheet of papyrus was made in the

following way: The stem was cut into thin strips, which were laid side by

side perpendicularly, and upon these another series of strips was laid

horizontally; a thin solution of gum, or paste, was run in between them,

after which the sheet was pressed and dried. By joining a number of such

sheets together rolls of almost any length could be made. The longest

papyrus in the Egyptian Collection in the British Museum, No. 9999, is

135 ft. long and 1 ft. 5 in. wide; the Papyrus of Ani measures 78 ft. by

1 ft. 3 in.; the Papyrus of Nebseni, 76 ft. by 8¾ in.; the Papyrus of Nu,

65 ft. 6 in. by 1 ft. 1½ in.; the Papyrus of Nekht, 46 ft. 7 in. by 1 ft.

1½ in.

[Illustration: Wooden palette inscribed with the name of Ȧāḥmes I, B.C.

1600.

[No. 2, Table-case C, Third Egyptian Room.]

Wooden palette of Rāmeri, an official of Thothmes IV, B.C. 1470.

[No. 3, Table-case C, Third Egyptian Room.]]

The =palette=, in Egyptian _mesthȧ_ 𓐝𓐰𓊃𓍘𓇋𓆱, usually consisted of a

rectangular piece of wood, from eight to sixteen inches long, and from

two to three broad, at one end of which were sunk a number of oval or

circular hollows to hold ink or paint. Down the middle was cut a groove,

sloping at one end, in which the writing reeds were placed; these were

kept in position by a piece of wood glued across the middle of the

palette, or by a sliding cover, which also served to protect the reeds

from injury. A very good collection of palettes is exhibited in the Third

Egyptian Room, Table-case C. Of special interest are the palettes of

Ba-nefer, of the reign of Pepi II, B.C. 3200 (No. 12,782); the palette

of Ȧāḥmes I, the first king of the XVIIIth dynasty, about B.C. 1600 (No.

12,784); the palette of the scribe Pa-mer-ȧḥau, who lived in the reign of

Ȧmen-ḥetep III, about B.C. 1450 (No. 5513); and the palettes of Ȧmen-mes

(No. 12,778) and a scribe (No. 5514), who lived in the reign of Seti I

and Rameses II respectively. The hollows for the ink, or paint, generally

black and red, are usually two in number, but some palettes have a dozen.

The inscriptions on palettes usually contain prayers to the great gods

of the Other World for sepulchral offerings; but sometimes they are

dedications to the god Teḥuti, or Thoth 𓅝𓐰𓏏𓐱𓏭𓀭, to whom the invention of

the art of writing is attributed. The =writing reed=, in Egyptian _qesh_

𓈎𓐰𓈚𓌟𓆭, which served as a pen, was about 10 inches long, and from ⅟₁₆th

to ⅛th of an inch in diameter; the end used for writing was bruised and

not cut. After the XXVIth dynasty, an ordinary reed, similar to that used

in the East at the present day, was employed, and the end was cut like

a quill, or steel pen. The ordinary palette will hold about ten writing

reeds easily. The =ink= was made of mineral or vegetable substances mixed

with gum and water. The earths, or ochres, or preparations of copper,

were rubbed down on slabs with little mullers, several of which may be

seen in the Third Egyptian Room, Table-case C. The =ink-pot= was called

_pes_ 𓊪𓐰𓊃𓎺, and was usually made of faïence or porcelain. The hieroglyph

𓏟 represents the palette, an ink pot, and a reed, united by a cord; the

whole stands for “scribe” and “writing.”

[Illustration: Slab of limestone inscribed with a draft of a deed. Dated

in the reign of Ḥeru-em-ḥeb, about B.C. 1400.

[No. 22, Table-case C, Third Egyptian Room.]]

Besides papyrus, scribes frequently used =slices of white limestone= of

a fine texture, or boards plastered with lime, for writing purposes.

On these they wrote drafts of literary compositions, hymns, school

exercises, and sketches in outline of the figures of kings, gods, etc.,

made to scale. As examples may be mentioned No. 22, inscribed with the

draft of a legal document which was drawn up in connection with a robbery

of weapons from the Royal Arsenal by the Chief of the Treasury, about

B.C. 1100, and No. 41, inscribed in the hieratic character with a draft

of a part of a famous work called the “Instructions of Ȧmen-em-ḥāt I,”

king of Egypt, about B.C. 2500 (Third Egyptian Room, Table-case C). In

the Ptolemaïc Period pieces of broken earthenware vessels, or potsherds,

commonly known as =ostraka=, were much used for writing purposes. The

inscriptions on these are chiefly of a business character, receipts or

acquittances, etc.; but certain of them contain extracts from literary

works, _e.g._, a school exercise consisting of lines 105-117 and 128-139

of the _Phoenissae_ of Euripides (No. 88, Third Egyptian Room, Table-case

C). After the introduction of Christianity into Egypt, the Copts, or

Christian Egyptians, imitated their pagan ancestors, and wrote letters,

lists of objects, prayers, extracts from the Scriptures, etc., on slices

of white limestone. A fine collection of such =Coptic inscriptions= is

exhibited in the Fourth Egyptian Room, Table-case M; and of special

interest are: No. 3. Liturgical fragment. No. 5. An undertaking by

Abraham to take charge of a camel. No. 8. Religious exercise, Coptic

and Greek hymns. No. 17. Extract from Psalm xcviii, “Sing unto the Lord

a new Song,” etc. No. 19. Part of the Alexandrian Canon of the Mass,

written in corrupt Greek by Apa Eiḥannes. No. 20. Fragment containing

part of a Greek hymn and a letter in Coptic, conveying the salutations of

Dioskoros to his brother Ounaref and his mother Tnouba. No. 26. Letter

from the priest Victor and Matthaios, to Germanos and Isak (Isaac),

authorizing them to sow their share of a field, and specifying the rent.

No. 28. Document referring to the sale of a camel. It is dated on the

second of the month Pashans, and witnessed by three persons:—Dioskle

and Ouanafre[11] of Pallas, and Gergorios of Remmosh. No. 41. Part of

a letter requesting some monks to bless the writers, and to send holy

water to them that they might sprinkle their sick beasts with it. No.

53. List of measurements of land, in which Greek arithmetical signs,

etc., are employed. No. 57. Receipt for a ḥolokotinos (solidus) paid as

tax or rent by Zaêl for the “camels’ field” for the ninth year. No. 60.

School exercise in Greek and Coptic grammar; on the obverse is a portion

of a letter addressed to the authorities of a monastery. No. 61. Reading

exercise. No. 62. Fragment of a school exercise, with rough drawings

of animals. No. 65. Acquittance of Mizael Konstantinos for the first

instalment of taxes for the year, signed by Severus. No. 66. Writing

exercise for the formation of letters. The Copts sometimes covered the

outside of an unbroken jar with lists, etc., _e.g._, the amphora, No.

166F, Fourth Egyptian Room, Wall-case No. 163. On this are written six

lists of names of men, with those of their fathers and mothers, and it

is probable that the inscriptions were written not later than the eighth

century.

A guide to the Egyptian collections in the British Museum · 第 2 / 11 章