Luther's Dangers--God saves Luther--The Pope sends a
Chamberlain--The Legate's Journey--Briefs of
Rome--Circumstances favourable to the Reformation--Miltitz
with Spalatin--Tezel's Terror--Caresses of Miltitz--A
Recantation demanded--Luther refuses, but offers to be
silent--Agreement between Luther and the Nuncio--The
Legate's Embrace--Tezel overwhelmed by the Legate--Luther to
the Pope--Nature of the Reformation--Luther against
Separation--De Vie and Miltitz at Trèves--Luther's cause
extends in different countries--Luther's writings the
commencement of the Reformation.
Dangers had gathered round Luther and the Reformation. The doctor of
Wittemberg's appeal to a General Council was a new attack on papal
authority. By a bull of Pius II, the greater excommunication had been
denounced even against emperors who should dare to incur the guilt of
such a revolt. Frederick of Saxony, as yet imperfectly confirmed in
evangelical doctrine, was prepared to send Luther away from his
states;[1] and hence a new message from Leo might have thrown the
Reformer among strangers, who would be afraid to compromise themselves
by receiving a monk whom Rome had anathematised. And even should the
sword of some noble be drawn in his defence, mere knights, unable to
cope with the powerful princes of Germany, must soon have succumbed in
the perilous enterprise.
[1] Letter of the Elector to his envoy at Rome, (L. Op. (L.) xvii, p.
298.)
[Sidenote: GOD SAVES LUTHER. MILTITZ.]
But at the moment when all the courtiers of Leo X were urging him to
rigorous measures, and when one blow more might have placed his
adversary in his hands, the pope suddenly changed his course to one
of conciliation and apparent mildness.[2] It may be said, no doubt,
that he was under a delusion as to the Elector's feelings, and deemed
them more decided in Luther's favour than they really were. It may
also be admitted that the public voice and the spirit of the age,
powers which at this time were altogether new, seemed to throw an
impregnable barrier around the Reformer. It may even be supposed, with
one of Leo's biographers,[3] that he followed the promptings of his
mind and heart which inclined to gentleness and moderation. Still this
new mode of action on the part of Rome, at such a moment, is so
extraordinary that it is impossible not to recognise in it a higher
and mightier hand.
[2] "Rationem agendi prorsus oppositam inire statuit," (Pallavicini,
Hist. Conc. Trid. T. i, p. 51).
[3] Roscoe's Life of Leo X.
There was then at the Court of Rome a Saxon noble who was chamberlain
to the pope and canon of Mentz, Trèves, and Meissen. He had turned his
talents to advantage. As he boasted of being, in some degree, allied
to the Saxon princes, the Roman courtiers sometimes designated him by
the title of Duke of Saxony. In Italy he made an absurd display of his
German nobility, while in Germany he aped the manners and polish of
the Italians. He was given to wine[4]--a vice which his residence at
the Court of Rome had increased. Still the Roman courtiers hoped great
things from him. His German extraction--his insinuating address--and
his ability in negotiation--all led them to expect that Charles de
Miltitz (this was his name) would, by his prudence, succeed in
arresting the mighty revolution which was threatening to shake the
world.
[4] Nec ab usu immoderato vini abstinuit, (Pallavicini Hist. Conc.
Trid. i, p. 69).
It was of importance to conceal the true object of the chamberlain's
mission, and in this there was no difficulty. Four years before, the
pious Elector had applied to the pope for the golden rose. This rose,
the fairest of flowers, was emblematic of the body of Jesus Christ,
and being annually consecrated by the sovereign pontiff, was presented
to one of the first princes in Europe. On this occasion it was
resolved to send it to the Elector. Miltitz set out with a commission
to examine into the state of affairs, and to gain over the Elector's
counsellors, Spalatin and Pfeffinger, for whom he had special letters.
Rome hoped that, by securing the favour of the persons about the
prince, she would soon become mistress of her formidable adversary.
[Sidenote: MILTITZ. LUTHER'S DANGER.]
The new legate, who arrived in Germany in December 1518, was careful
as he came along to ascertain the state of public opinion. To his
great astonishment he observed, at every place where he stopped, that
the majority of the inhabitants were friendly to the Reformation,[5]
and spoke of Luther with enthusiasm. For one person favourable to the
pope, there were three favourable to the Reformer.[6] Luther has
preserved an anecdote of the journey--"What think you of the see
(seat) of Rome?" frequently asked the legate at the mistresses of the
inns and their maidservants. One day, one of these poor women, with
great simplicity, replied--"How can we know what kind of seats you
have at Rome, and whether they are of wood or stone?"[7]
[5] "Sciscitatus per viam Miltitxius quanam esset in æstimatione
Lutherus ... sensit de eo cum admiratione homines loqui."
(Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trid. Tom. i, p. 51.)
[6] "Ecce ubi unum pro papa stare inveni, tres pro te contra papam
stabant." (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)
[7] Quid nos scire possumus quales vos Romæ habeatis sellas, ligneasne
an lapideas (Ibid.)
The mere rumour of the new legate's arrival filled the Elector's
court, the university, the town of Wittemberg, and all Saxony, with
suspicion and distrust. "Thank God," wrote Melancthon, in alarm,[8]
"Martin still breathes." It was confidently stated that the Roman
chamberlain had received orders to possess himself of Luther's person,
by force or fraud; and the doctor was advised, on all hands, to be on
his guard against the stratagems of Miltitz. "His object in coming,"
said they, "is to seize you and give you up to the pope. Persons
worthy of credit have seen the briefs of which he is the bearer." "I
await the will of God," replied Luther.[9]
[8] "Martinus noster, Deo gratias, adhuc spirat." (Corpus
Reformatorum. Edidit Bretschneider, I,61.)
[9] Expecto consilium Dei. (L. Ep. i, p. 191.)
In fact, Miltitz brought letters addressed to the Elector and his
counsellors, to the bishops and to the burgomaster of Wittemberg. He
was also provided with seventy apostolic briefs. Should the flattery
and the favours of Rome attain their object, and Frederick deliver
Luther into her hands, these seventy briefs were to serve as a kind of
passports. He was to produce and post up one of them in each of the
towns through which he had to pass, and hoped he might thus succeed in
dragging his prisoner, without opposition, all the way to Rome.[10]
[10] Per singula oppida affigeret unum, et ita tutus me perduceret
Romam. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)
The pope seemed to have taken every precaution. The electoral court
knew not well what course to take. Violence would have been resisted,
but the difficulty was to oppose the chief of Christianity, when
speaking with so much mildness, and apparently with so much reason.
Would it not be the best plan, it was said, to place Luther somewhere
in concealment until the storm was over?... An unexpected event
relieved Luther, the Elector, and the Reformation, from this difficult
situation. The aspect of affairs suddenly changed.
[Sidenote: CIRCUMSTANCES FAVOURABLE TO THE REFORMATION.]
On the 12th of January, 1519, Maximilian, the Emperor of Germany,
died, and Frederick of Saxony, agreeably to the Germanic constitution,
became regent of the empire. From this time the Elector feared not the
schemes of nuncios, while new interests began to engross the court of
Rome--interests which, obliging her to be chary of giving offence to
Frederick, arrested the blow which Miltitz and De Vio were undoubtedly
meditating.
The pope earnestly desired to prevent Charles of Austria, already King
of Naples, from ascending the imperial throne. A neighbouring king
appeared to him more formidable than a German monk; and in his anxiety
to secure the Elector, who might be of essential service to him in the
matter, he resolved to give some respite to the monk that he might be
the better able to oppose the king. Both, however, advanced in spite
of him.
In addition to the change thus produced in Leo, there was another
circumstance which tended to avert the storm impending over the
Reformation. The death of the emperor was immediately followed by
political commotions. In the south of the empire the Swabian
confederation sought to punish Ulric of Wurtemberg, for his infidelity
to it, while in the south, the Bishop of Hildesheim proceeded, sword
in hand, to invade the bishopric of Minden, and the territories of the
Duke of Brunswick. How could men in power, amid such disturbances,
attach any importance to a dispute relating to the remission of sins?
But, above all, the reputation for wisdom enjoyed by the Elector, now
regent of the empire, and the protection which he gave to the new
teachers, were made subservient by Providence to the progress of the
Reformation. "The tempest," says Luther, "intermitted its fury, and
papal excommunication began to fall into contempt. The gospel, under
the shade of the Elector's regency, spread far and wide, and in this
way great damage was sustained by the papacy."[11]
[11] "Tunc desiit paululum sævire tempestas...." (L. Op. Lat. in
Præf.)
Moreover, the severest prohibitions were naturally mitigated during an
interregnum. In every thing there was more freedom and greater
facility of action. Liberty which began to shed its rays on the infant
Reformation, rapidly developed the still tender plant, and any one
might have been able to predict how favourable political freedom would
prove to the progress of evangelical Christianity.
[Sidenote: MILTITZ WITH SPALATIN. TEZEL'S TERROR.]
Miltitz, having arrived in Saxony before the death of Maximilian, lost
no time in visiting his old friend Spalatin; but no sooner did he
begin his complaint against Luther than the chaplain made an attack
upon Tezel, acquainting the nuncio with the lies and blasphemies of
the vender of indulgences, and assuring him that all Germany blamed
the Dominican for the division which was rending the Church.
Miltitz was taken by surprise. Instead of accuser he had become the
accused. Turning all his wrath upon Tezel, he summoned him to appear
at Altenburg and give an account of his conduct.
The Dominican, as great a coward as a bully, and afraid of the people
whom he had provoked by his impostures, had ceased his peregrinations
over town and country, and was living in retirement in the college of
St. Paul. He grew pale on receiving the letter of Miltitz. Even Rome
is abandoning, threatening, and condemning him--is insisting on
dragging him from the only asylum in which he feels himself in safety,
and exposing him to the fury of his enemies.... Tezel refused to obey
the nuncio's summons. "Assuredly," wrote he to Miltitz, on the 31st of
December, 1518, "I would not regard the fatigues of the journey if I
could leave Leipsic without endangering my life; but the Augustin,
Martin Luther, has so stirred up men in power, and incensed them
against me that I am not in safety any where. A great number of
Luther's partizans have conspired my death, and therefore I cannot
possibly come to you."[12] There was a striking contrast between the
two men, the one of whom was then living in the college of St. Paul at
Leipsic, and the other in the cloister of the Augustins at Wittemberg.
In presence of danger the servant of God displayed intrepid
courage--the servant of men despicable cowardice.
[12] Löscher, ii, 567.
Miltitz had orders, in the first instance, to employ the arms of
persuasion; and it was only in the event of failure that he was to
produce his seventy briefs, and at the same time endeavour, by all the
favours of Rome, to induce the Elector to put down Luther. He
accordingly expressed a desire to have an interview with the Reformer.
Their common friend, Spalatin, offered his house for this purpose, and
Luther left Wittemberg on the 2nd or 3rd of January to repair to
Altenburg.
At this interview Miltitz exhausted all the address of a diplomatist
and a Roman courtier. The moment Luther arrived the nuncio approached
him with great demonstrations of friendship. "O," thought Luther, "how
completely his violence is turned into gentleness! This new Saul came
into Germany provided with more than seventy apostolic briefs to carry
me alive and in chains to murderous Rome, but the Lord has cast him
down on the way."[13]
[13] Sed per viam a Domino prostratus ... mutavit violentiam in
benevolentiam fallacissime simulatam. (L. Ep. i, p. 206.)
[Sidenote: MILTITZ'S CARESSES.]
"Dear Martin," said the pope's chamberlain to him in a coaxing tone,
"I thought you were an old theologian sitting quietly behind your
stove, and stuffed with theological crotchets; but I see that you are
still young, and in the full vigour of life.[14] Do you know,"
continued he in a more serious tone, "that you have stirred up the
whole world against the pope and attached it to yourself?"[15] Miltitz
was aware that to flatter men's pride is the most effectual mode of
seducing them; but he knew not the man with whom he had to do. "Had I
an army of twenty-five thousand men," added he, "assuredly I would not
undertake to seize you and carry you off to Rome."[16] Rome,
notwithstanding of her power, felt herself feeble in presence of a
poor monk, and the monk felt strong in presence of Rome. "God," said
Luther, "arrests the billows of the ocean at the shore, and arrests
them ... by the sand."[17]
[14] O Martine, ego credebam et esse senem aliquem theologum, qui post
fornacem sedens.... (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)
[15] Quod orbem totum mihi conjunxerim et papæ abstraxerim. (L. Ep. i,
p. 231.)
[16] Si haberem 25 millia armatorum, non confiderem te posse a me
Romam perduci. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)
[17] L. Op. (W.) xxii.
The nuncio, thinking he had thus prepared the mind of his opponent,
continued as follows: "Do you yourself bind up the wound which you
have inflicted on the Church, and which you alone can cure." "Beware,"
added he, letting a few tears fall, "beware of raising a tempest,
which would bring ruin on Christendom."[18] He then began gradually to
insinuate that a recantation was the only remedy for the evil; but he
at the same time softened the offensiveness of the term by giving
Luther to understand that he had the highest esteem for him, and by
expressing his indignation at Tezel. The net was laid by a skilful
hand, and how was it possible to avoid being taken in it? "Had the
Archbishop of Mentz spoken thus to me at the outset," said the
Reformer afterwards, "this affair would not have made so much
noise."[19]
[18] Profusis lacrymis ipsum oravit, ne tam perniciosam Christiano
generi tempestatem cieret. (Pallavicini, i, 52.)
[19] Non evasisset res in tantum tumultum. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)
Luther then replied. With calmness, but also with dignity and force,
he stated the just grievances of the Church; expressed all the
indignation he felt at the Archbishop of Mentz, and nobly complained
of the unworthy treatment he had received from Rome, notwithstanding
of the purity of his intentions. Miltitz, though he had not expected
this firm language, was able, however, to conceal his wrath.
[Sidenote: LUTHER OFFERS TO BE SILENT.]
Luther resumed, "I offer to be silent in future as to these matters,
and let the affair die out of itself,[20] provided my opponents also
are silent; but if they continue to attack me, a petty quarrel will
soon beget a serious combat. My armour is quite ready. I will do still
more," added he, after a momentary pause, "I will write his Holiness,
acknowledging that I have been somewhat too violent, and declaring
that it was as a faithful child of the Church I combated harangues
which subjected her to mockery and insult from the people. I even
consent to publish a document in which I will request all who read my
books not to see any thing in them adverse to the Roman Church, but to
remain subject to her. Yes: I am disposed to do every thing and bear
every thing; but as to retractation never expect it from me."
[20] Und die Sache sich zu Tode bluten. (L. Ep. i, 207.)
Luther's decided tone convinced Miltitz that the wisest course was to
appear satisfied with the promise which the Reformer had just made,
and he merely proposed that an archbishop should be appointed arbiter
to decide certain points which might come under discussion. "Be it
so," said Luther, "but I am much afraid that the pope will not consent
to have a judge. In that case no more will I accept the judgment of
the pope, and then the strife will begin anew. The pope will give out
the text, and I will make the commentary."
Thus terminated the first interview between Luther and Miltitz. They
had a second, in which the truce, or rather peace, was signed. Luther
immediately informed the Elector of what had passed. "Most serene
prince and very gracious lord," wrote he, "I hasten very humbly to
inform your Electoral Highness, that Charles de Miltitz and I have at
length agreed, and have terminated the affair by means of the two
following articles:--
"1st, Both parties are forbidden to preach or write, or to
do any thing further in reference to the dispute which has
arisen.
"2ndly, Miltitz will immediately acquaint the holy father
with the state of matters. His holiness will order an
enlightened bishop to enquire into the affair, and specify
the erroneous articles which I am required to retract. If I
am found to be in error, I will retract willingly, and never
more do any thing that may be prejudicial to the honour or
the authority of the holy Roman Church."[21]
[21] L. Ep. i, 209.
The agreement being thus made, Miltitz appeared quite delighted. "For
a hundred years," exclaimed he, "no affair has given the cardinals and
Roman courtiers more anxiety than this. They would have given ten
thousand ducats sooner than consent to its longer continuance."[22]
[22] "Ab integro jam sæculo nullum negotium Ecclesiæ contigisse quod
majorem illi sollicitudinem incussisset." (Pallavicini, Tom. i, p.
52.)
[Sidenote: MILTITZ AND TEZEL.]
The chamberlain of the pope made a great show of feeling before the
monk of Wittemberg. Sometimes he expressed joy, at other times shed
tears. This display of sensibility made little impression on the
Reformer, but he refrained from showing what he thought of it. "I
looked as if I did not understand what was meant by these crocodile
tears,"[23] said he. The crocodile is said to weep when it cannot
seize its prey.
[23] "Ego dissimulabam has crocodili lacrymas a me intelligi." (L. Ep.
i, 216.)
Luther having accepted an invitation to supper from Miltitz, the host
laid aside the stiffness attributed to his office, while Luther gave
full scope to his natural gaiety. It was a joyous repast,[24] and when
the parting hour arrived, the legate took the heretical doctor in his
arms and kissed him.[25] "A Judas kiss," thought Luther, "I
pretended," wrote he to Staupitz, "not to comprehend all these Italian
manners."[26]
[24] "Atque vesperi, me accepto, convivio lætati sumus." (Ibid. 231.)
[25] "Sic amice discessimus etiam cum osculo; (Judæ scilicet.)" (Ibid.
216.)
[26] Has Italitates. (L. Ep. i, 231.)
Was this then to be in truth the kiss of reconciliation between Rome
and the dawning Reformation? Miltitz hoped so, and rejoiced at it, for
he had a nearer view than the courtiers of Rome of the fearful results
which the Reformation might produce in regard to the papacy. If Luther
and his opponents are silent, said he to himself, the dispute will be
ended, and Rome by availing herself of favourable circumstances will
regain all her ancient influence. It thus seemed that the debate was
drawing to a close: Rome had stretched out her arms and Luther had
apparently thrown himself into them; but the Reformation was the work
not of man but of God. The error of Rome consisted in seeing the
quarrel of a monk where she ought to have seen an awakening of the
Church. The revival of Christendom was not to be arrested by the
kisses of a pope's chamberlain.
[Sidenote: LUTHER'S LETTER TO THE POPE.]
Miltitz, in fulfilment of the agreement which he had just concluded,
proceeded from Altenburg to Leipsic, where Tezel was residing. There
was no occasion to shut Tezel's mouth, for, sooner than speak, he
would, if it had been possible, have hidden himself in the bowels of
the earth; but the nuncio was determined to discharge his wrath upon
him. Immediately on his arrival at Leipsic Miltitz summoned the
unhappy Tezel before him, loaded him with reproaches, accused him of
being the author of the whole mischief, and threatened him with the
pope's displeasure.[27] Nor was this all: the agent of the house of
Fugger, who was then at Leipsic, was confronted with him. Miltitz laid
before the Dominican the accounts of that house, together with papers
which he himself had signed, and proved that he had squandered or
stolen considerable sums. The poor wretch, who had stickled at nothing
in his day of glory, was overwhelmed by the justice of these
accusations: despair seized him, his health gave way, and he knew not
where to hide his shame. Luther heard of the miserable condition of
his old enemy, and was the only person who felt for him. In a letter
to Spalatin he says, "I pity Tezel."[28] Nor did he confine himself to
such expressions. He had hated not the man but his misconduct, and, at
the moment when Rome was pouring out her wrath upon him, wrote him in
the most consolatory terms. But all was to no purpose. Tezel, stung by
remorse, alarmed at the reproaches of his best friends, and dreading
the anger of the pope, not long after died miserably, and as was
supposed of a broken heart.[29]
[27] Verbis minisque pontificiis ita fregit hominem, hactenus
terribilem cunctis et imperterritum stentorem. (L. Op. in Præf.)
[28] Doleo Tetzelium. (L. Ep. i, p. 223.)
[29] Sed conscientia indignitate Papæ forte occulruit. (L. Op. in
Præf.)
Luther, in fulfilment of his promises to Miltitz, on the 3rd of March
wrote the following letter to the pope:--
"Blessed Father! will your Blessedness deign to turn your
paternal ears, which are like those of Christ himself,
towards your poor sheep and kindly listen to its bleat. What
shall I do, Most Holy Father! I am unable to bear the
fierceness of your anger, and know not how to escape from
it. I am asked to retract, and would hasten to do so could
it lead to the end which is proposed by it. But, owing to
the persecutions of my enemies, my writings have been
circulated far and wide, and are too deeply engraven on
men's hearts to be effaced. A recantation would only add to
the dishonour of the Church of Rome, and raise an universal
cry of accusation against her. Most Holy Father! I declare
before God and all his creatures, that I have never wished,
and do not now wish, either by force or guile, to attack the
authority of the Roman Church or of your Holiness. I
acknowledge that there is nothing in heaven or on the earth
which ought to be put above this Church, unless it be Jesus
Christ the Lord of all."[30]
[30] Præter unum Jesum Christum Dominum omnium. (L. Ep. i, p. 234.)
These words might seem strange and even reprehensible in the mouth of
Luther, did we not reflect that the light did not break in upon him
all at once, but by slow and progressive steps. They show, and this is
very important, that the Reformation was not simply an opposition to
the papacy. Its accomplishment was not effected by warring against
this or that form, or by means of this or that negative tendency.
Opposition to the pope was only one of its secondary features. Its
creating principle was a new life, a positive doctrine--"Jesus Christ,
the Lord of all and paramount to all--to Rome herself," as Luther says
in the conclusion of his letter. To this principle the revolution of
the 16th century is truly to be ascribed.
[Sidenote: LUTHER AGAINST SEPARATION.]
It is probable that at an earlier period a letter from the monk of
Wittemberg, positively refusing to retract, would not have been
allowed by the pope to pass without animadversion. But Maximilian was
dead, the topic of engrossing interest was the election of his
successor, and amid the political intrigues which then agitated the
pontifical city, Luther's letter was overlooked.
The Reformer was employing his time to better purpose than his
powerful antagonist. While Leo X, engrossed by his interests as a
temporal prince, was straining every nerve to prevent a dreaded
neighbour from reaching the Imperial throne, Luther was daily growing
in knowledge and in faith. He studied the Decretals of the popes, and
made discoveries which greatly modified his views. Writing Spalatin he
says, "I am reading the Decretals of the popes, and, let me say it in
your ear, I know not whether the pope is Antichrist himself or only
his apostle;[31] to such a degree in these Decretals is Christ
outraged and crucified."
[31] Nescio an Papa sit Antichristus ipse vel apostolus ejus. (L. Ep.
i, 239.)
Still he continued to respect the ancient Church of Rome, and had no
thought of separating from her. "Let the Roman Church," said he in the
explanation which he had promised Miltitz to publish, "be honoured of
God above all others. On this point there cannot be a doubt. St.
Peter, St. Paul, forty-six popes, and several hundred thousand
martyrs, have shed their blood in her bosom, and there vanquished hell
and the world, so that the eye of God specially rests upon her.
Although every thing about her is now in a very sad condition that is
no ground for separating from her. On the contrary the worse things
are, the more firmly we should cling to her. Our separation is not the
means by which she can be improved. We must not abandon God because
there is a devil; nor the children of God who are still at Rome,
because the majority are wicked. No sin, no wickedness, can justify us
in destroying charity or violating unity; for charity can do all
things, and nothing is difficult to unity."[32]
[32] L. Op. (L.) xvii, 224.
It was not Luther that separated from Rome, but Rome that separated
from Luther, and by so doing rejected the ancient catholic faith of
which he was then the representative. Nor was it Luther that deprived
Rome of her power and compelled her bishop to descend from an usurped
throne. The doctrines which he announced, the doctrine of the
Apostles, again divinely proclaimed throughout the Church with great
force and admirable purity, alone could prevail against a power by
which the Church had for ages been enslaved.
[Sidenote: SCHEME OF MILTITZ AND DE VIO.]
These declarations, which Luther published at the end of February, did
not fully satisfy Miltitz and De Vio. These two vultures, after both
missing their prey, had retired within the ancient walls of Trèves.
There, seconded by the Prince-archbishop, they hoped jointly to
accomplish the object in which they had failed individually. The two
nuncios were aware that nothing more was to be expected from
Frederick, now invested with supreme power in the empire. They saw
that Luther persisted in his refusal of retractation. The only plan,
therefore, was to withdraw the heretical monk from the protection of
the Elector, and entice him into their own neighbourhood. If the
Reformer were once in Trèves, in a state subject to a prince of the
Church, he would be dexterous indeed if he got away without giving
full satisfaction to the sovereign pontiff. The scheme was immediately
proceeded with. "Luther," said Miltitz to the Elector-archbishop of
Trèves, "has accepted your Grace as arbiter; call him therefore before
you." The Elector of Trèves accordingly (3rd May) wrote to the Elector
of Saxony, and requested him to send Luther. De Vio, and afterwards
Miltitz himself, also wrote, announcing that the rose of gold had
arrived at Augsburg, at the house of Fugger. Now, thought they, is the
moment to strike the decisive blow.
But things were changed, and neither Frederick nor Luther felt
alarmed. The Elector, understanding his new position, had no longer
any fear of the pope and far less of his servants. The Reformer,
seeing Miltitz and De Vio in concert, had some idea of the fate which
awaited him if he complied with their invitation. "Everywhere," says
he, "on all hands, and in all ways, they seek my life."[33] Besides,
he had requested the pope to decide; but the pope, engrossed with
crowns and intrigues, had given no answer. Luther thus wrote to
Miltitz: "How could I undertake the journey, without an order from
Rome, amid the troubles which shake the empire? How could I face so
many dangers and subject myself to so much expence, I who am the
poorest of men?"
[33] Video ubique, undique, quocumque modo, animam meam quæri. (L. Ep.
i, p. 274, 16th May.)
The Elector of Trèves, a man of wisdom and moderation, and a friend of
Frederick, was willing to meet his views. He had no desire, moreover,
to involve himself in the affair without being positively called upon.
He therefore agreed with the Elector of Saxony to defer the
investigation till the next diet. Two years elapsed before this diet
assembled at Worms.
[Sidenote: PUBLICATION OF LUTHER'S WORKS.]
While the hand of Providence successfully warded off all the dangers
which threatened him, Luther was boldly advancing to a result of which
he was not himself aware. His reputation was extending, the cause of
truth was gaining strength, and the number of the students of
Wittemberg, among whom were the most distinguished young men in
Germany, rapidly increased. "Our town," wrote Luther, "can scarcely
contain all who come to it;" and on another occasion, "The number of
students increases out of measure, like a stream overflowing its
banks."[34]
[34] Sicut aqua inundans. (L. Epp. i. p. 278, 279.)
But Germany was no longer the only country in which the voice of the
Reformer was heard. It had passed the frontiers of the empire, and
begun to shake the foundations of the Roman power in the different
states of Christendom. Frobenius, the famous printer of Bâle, had
published the collected Works of Luther, which were rapidly disposed
of. At Bâle even the bishop applauded Luther; and the Cardinal of
Sion, after reading his work, exclaimed somewhat ironically, and
punning on his name, "O, Luther, thou art a true Luther!" (a true
purifier, Lauterer.)
Erasmus was at Louvain when Luther's works arrived in the Netherlands.
The prior of the Augustins of Antwerp, who had studied at Wittemberg,
and according to the testimony of Erasmus, held true primitive
Christianity, and many other Belgians besides, read them with avidity.
"But," says the scholar of Rotterdam, "those who sought only their own
interest, and entertained the people with old wives' fables, gave full
vent to their grovelling fanaticism." "It is not in my power," says
Erasmus, in a letter to Luther, "to describe the emotions, the truly
tragic scenes, which your writings have produced."[35]
[35] Nullo sermone consequi queam, quas tragœdias hic excitarint
tui libelli. (Erasm. Ep. vi, 4.) I am not able by any words to
describe the tragedies which your works have produced here.
Frobenius sent six hundred copies of the works into France and Spain.
They were publicly sold at Paris, and, as far as appears, the doctors
of Sorbonne then read them with approbation. "It was time," said
several of them, "that those engaged in the study of the Holy
Scriptures should speak thus freely." In England the Works were
received with still greater eagerness. Spanish merchants at Antwerp
caused them to be translated into their native tongue, and sent them
into Spain. "Assuredly," says Pallavicini, "these merchants were of
Moorish blood."[36]
[36] Maurorum stirpe prognatis. (Pallav. i, 91.)
[Sidenote: FROBENIUS. ECK.]
Calvi, a learned bookseller of Pavia, carried a great number of copies
of the works into Italy, and circulated them in all the transalpine
towns. This learned man was animated not by a love of gain but a
desire to contribute to the revival of piety. The vigour with which
Luther maintained the cause of godliness, filled him with joy. "All
the learned of Italy," exclaimed he, "will concur with me, and we will
see you celebrated in stanzas composed by our most distinguished
poets."
Frobenius, in transmitting a copy of the publication to Luther, told
him all these gladdening news, and added, "I have disposed of all the
copies except ten, and never had so good a return." Other letters also
informed Luther of the joy produced by his works. "I am glad," says
he, "that the truth gives so much pleasure, although she speaks with
little learning, and in a style so barbarous."[37]
[37] "In his id gaudeo, quod veritas tam barbare et indocte loquens,
adeo placet." (L. Ep. i, 255.)
Such was the commencement of the revival in the different countries of
Europe. In all countries, if we except Switzerland, and even France
where the gospel had previously been heard, the arrival of Luther's
writings forms the first page in the history of the Reformation. A
printer of Bâle diffused these first germs of the truth. At the moment
when the Roman pontiff entertained hopes of suppressing the work in
Germany, it began in France, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, England,
and Switzerland; and now, even should Rome hew down the original
trunk, what would it avail? The seeds are already diffused over every
soil.